1 



AN INTRODUCTION TO 

POLITICAL PARTIES AND 

PRACTICAL POLITICS 



BY 

P. ORMAN RAY 

Professor of Political Science, Northwestern University, Author of 
"The Repeal of the Missouri Compromise: Its Origin and Authorship " 



NEW AND REVISED EDITION 



CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 

NEW YORK CHICAGO BOSTON 






Copyright, 1913, 1917, 1922, by 
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 



PRINTED AT 

THE SCRIBNER PRESS 

NEW YORK, U. S. A. 



m 10 1922 

'A6546;>8 



HZ* 
MY FATHER 



PREFACE 

This book has a very modest purpose. As the title 
states, it is designed as an Introduction to the study 
of political parties and practical politics. It is pri- 
marily intended to serve as a text-book. Therefore, no 
attempt has been made to make it encyclopaedic in 
scope or exhaustive in its treatment of topics. Sug- 
gestiveness and condensation have been kept con- 
stantly in mind during its preparation. A fuller 
treatment of a few topics has seemed wise on account 
of their importance or the nature of the materials 
available for student use. Somewhat extended lists 
of references are to be found at the ends of chapters, 
together with suggested questions and topics. These 
may be used in different ways: as the basis for col- 
lateral reading, for reports before the class; or, where 
a large library is not at hand, they may be made the 
basis of a series of lectures and informal discussions. 
It is believed that the plan of the work is sufficiently 
elastic to be adaptable to both large and small classes 
in both large and small institutions. The plan is the 
outgrowth of several years' experience in conducting 
large classes having access to a comparatively small 
library. 



vi Preface 

One of the most hopeful signs in American politics 
is the increasing prominence which the study of 
political parties and practical, as distinguished from 
theoretical, politics has come to occupy in college and 
university curricula. If this text-book succeeds in 
introducing more college men and women to wider 
knowledge of politics and political parties, both past 
and present, resulting in greater interest and more 
intelligent activity in the political life of their own 
communities, its chief purpose will be accomplished. 

I desire to express appreciation for courtesies ex- 
tended to me in the preparation of this book by Pro- 
fessor John C. Kennedy of the University of Chicago; 
Mr. J. Mahlon Barnes, National Secretary of the 
Socialist Party; Mr. Elliot H. Goodwin, Secretary of 
the National Civil Service Reform League; Hon. 
John C. Black, Chairman of the United States Civil 
Service Commission; Cyrus D. Foss, Esq., Secretary 
of the Civil Service Reform Association of Pennsyl- 
vania; Miss Marion C. Nichols, Secretary of the 
Woman's Auxiliary of the Massachusetts Civil Ser- 
vice Reform Association; Hon. John T. Dooling, 
President of the New York Board of Elections; Mr. 
John Boyle, Jr., Secretary of the New York Republi- 
can County Committee; Mr. Charles F. Murphy, 
Head of the Tammany Organization in New York 
City; Mr. Harry Nittig, Chief Clerk of the Republi- 
can Central Campaign Committee of the City and 
County of Philadelphia; Roger Sherman Hoar, Esq., 



Preface vii 

Concord, Mass.; Charles J. Russell, Esq., County 
Clerk of Chittenden County, Vermont; Mr. Urey 
Woodson, Secretary of the Democratic National 
Committee; Mr. William Haywood, Secretary of 
the Republican National Committee; Hon. William 
B. McKinley, Chairman of the Republican Congres- 
sional Campaign Committee, 1910; Mr. Richard S. 
Childs, Secretary of the Short Ballot Organization; 
Hon. William M. Olin, Secretary of State, Massa- 
chusetts; Hon. C. F. Curry, Secretary of State, 
California; Hon. H. C. Crawford, Secretary of State, 
Florida; Hon. Frank H. Hitchcock, ex-Postmaster- 
General; and to the staff of the Carnegie Library of 
The Pennsylvania State College. 

To Dean Willard E. Hotchkiss, of Northwestern 
University; to my former colleagues, Mr. Edwin Angell 
Cottrell, now of Harvard University, and Mr. Theo- 
dore Calvin Pease, now of the University of Chicago, 
I am indebted for reading the manuscript in whole or 
in part and for many valuable criticisms and sug- 
gestions. To my wife I am under deep obligation 
for valuable assistance in proof-reading. 

P. Orman Ray, 

State College, Pa. 
April, 1913. 



PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION 

In the new and revised edition an effort has been 
made to eliminate the errors which appeared in the 
first edition and to bring the treatment of the vari- 
ous topics covered in the earlier edition down to date. 
New material has also been added relating to the 
defects of the national nominating convention, the 
presidential preference primary, the organization of 
women voters and woman suffrage, absent-voters 
laws, preferential voting, and other topics. The 
bibliographies have also been enlarged and brought 
down to date. 

I am especially indebted to Dr. Edwin P. Kilroe 
for calling my attention to misstatements of fact in 
the description of the Tammany organization ap- 
pearing in the first edition. Dr. Kilroe, who is chair- 
man of the Nineteenth Assembly District General 
Committee of the Tammany organization, has placed 
in my hands materials from which I have been able 
to write an entirely new and substantially correct de- 
scription of the Tammany machine as it exists at the 
present time. Dr. Kilroe has also been so kind as 
to read and revise this description in manuscript. 

P. Orman Ray. 

EVANSTON 

May, 191 7 



CONTENTS 



PART I— PRESENT-DAY NATIONAL PARTIES 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. Characteristics and Definition of a Po- 
litical Party 3 

II. The Party Platform. Democratic and Re- 
publican Platforms of 191 6 . . . 16 

III. " Third" Parties. The National Progres- 

sive Party and Its Platform of 191 2. 
The Socialist Party and Its Platform 
of 1916 65 

PART II— NOMINATING METHODS 

IV. Nominations for Local Offices. The Cau- 

cus or Primary 109 

V. Nominations for County and State Of- 
fices. The Convention System. Its 
Evils and the Remedies Proposed . 124 

VI. Nominations by Direct Primary Election . 140 

VII. Nomination of Representatives and Sena- 
tors in Congress. Popular Election 
of Senators. Presidential Electors 165 

VIII. Nomination of President and Vice-Pres- 
ident. The National Convention. 
The Presidential Preference Pri- 
mary 190 

ix 



x Contents 

PART III— CAMPAIGNS AND ELECTIONS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

IX. Party Machinery. National, State, and 
Local Committees. Organizations of 
Women Voters 230 

X. Campaign Methods 255 

XL Party Finance. Revenues. Legitimate 
and Illegitimate Expenditures. Cor- 
rupt Practices Acts and Other Re- 
medial Legislation. Publicity Laws 268 

XII. Suffrage Qualifications. " Grandfather " 

Clauses. Woman Suffrage . . . 298 

XIII. Election Laws. Different Types of Bal- 

lot. The Short Ballot Movement. 
Preferential Voting. Absent- Voters 
Laws 322 

PART IV— THE PARTY IN POWER 

XIV. The Spoils System. Its Origin and De- 

velopment. Evils of the System . 367 

XV. Civil Service Reform. History of the 
Movement. The Civil Service Act of 
1883. Economies and Political Bene- 
fits of the Competitive System . . 393 

XVI. Machines and Bosses. The Tammany Or- 
ganization. Conditions Producing and 
Perpetuating Machines and Bosses. 
The Two in Joint Operation. Rem- 
edies 433 

XVII. Responsibility of Public Officers. Their 
Removal by Impeachment and the 
Recall. The " Recall of Judicial 
Decisions" , e &2 






Contents xi 

CHAPTER • PAGE 

XVIII. Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies. 
The Character and Qualifications 
of Members. The Speakership and 
the Committee System. Special and 
"Ripper" Legislation. Methods of 
Procedure 511 

XIX. Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 
(concluded). Factors Influencing 
Legislation. The Speaker. Execu- 
tive Influence. Partisan Consider- 
ations. Gerrymanders. Lobbying. 
Log-Rolling and Bribery .... 537 

XX. Remedies for Legislative Evils. Immu- 
nity Laws. Anti-Lobbying Laws. 
Legislative Reference Libraries. 
Voters' Leagues. The Initiative and 
Referendum 570 

Appendix. Republican and Democratic 

Platforms of 1920 613 

Index 661 



KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS 

Acad. Pol. Sci., for Academy of Political Science. 

Am. Hist. Assn., for American Historical Association. 

Am. Hist. Rev., for American Historical Review. 

Am. Jour. Soc, for American Journal of Sociology. 

Am. Pol. Sci. Assn., for American Political Science Asso- 
ciation. 

Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., for American Political Science Review. 

Annals , for Annals of the American Academy of Political and 
Social Science. 

Beard, for C. A. Beard's American Government and Politics. 

Bryce, for James Bryce's The American Commonwealth. 

Cycl. Am. Govt., for McLaughlin and Hart's Cyclopedia of 
American Government. 3 vols. 

Jour. Pol. Econ., for Journal of Political Economy. 

Lalor, for J. J. Lalor's Cyclopaedia of Political Science, etc. 

Nat. Mun. Rev., for National Municipal Review. 

Nat. Mun. League, for National Municipal League. 

No. Am. Rev., for North American Review. 

Ostrogorski, for M. Ostrogorski's Democracy and the Party 
System. 

Ostrogorski II, for M. Ostrogorski's Democracy and the Or- 
ganization of Political Parties, vol. II. 

Pol. Sci. Quar., for Political Science Quarterly. 

Pop. Sci. Mo., for Popular Science Monthly. 

Reinsch, for P. S. Reinsch's American Legislatures and Leg- 
islative Methods. 

Rev. of Rev., for Review of Reviews. 

Rhodes, for J. F. Rhodes's History of the United States from 
the Compromise of iSjo. 



AN INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL 
PARTIES AND PRACTICAL POLITICS 



PART ONE 
PRESENT-DAY NATIONAL PARTIES 

CHAPTER I 

CHARACTERISTICS AND DEFINITION OF A 
POLITICAL PARTY 

A political party is more easily described than de- A political 
fined. A brief review of its essential characteristics ^^g 1 ^. 
will aid materially in reaching a satisfactory definition, zatioa 

(i) (A political party is an organization^ If every 
citizen acted upon political questions as a dissociated 
atom there could be no political parties. There must 
be co-operation, unification, and subordination of the 
different elements composing the party; and this 
means organization. " There must be drilling and 
training, hard work with the awkward squad, and an 
occasional dress parade. This work requires the labor 
of many men: there must be captains of hundreds 
and captains of tens, district chiefs and ward heel- 
ers. . . ." l The degree of organization and its char- 
acter vary with the circumstances which evoke the 
party and keep it in existence. At the present time, 
for party success a high degree of organization is in- 
dispensable in national, State, and municipal politics. 
The failure, or early subsidence, of many reform 

1 JZ. R. Fish, Civil Service and the Patronage, 156. 
3 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Degree 
of perma- 
nence 
necessary 
to party 



A party 
consists of 
varying 
groups of 
individuals 



movements in politics may be explained by the ab- 
sence of adequate organization. As a general rule, 
those parties are most successful in which the element 
of organization is most highly developed. 
( The main objects of party organization are to pro- 
mote harmony and prevent dissensions within the 
party; to enlist new voters, especially naturalized for- 
eigners and young men who have just reached the vot- 
ing age; to promote enthusiasm by speeches or liter- 
ature, by the sympathy of numbers and the sense of a 
common purpose; to impart instruction to the voters 
concerning political issues, the virtues of their own 
leaders, and the mistakes of their opponents; and, 
finally, to select the party candidates for public offices 
and to secure their election or appointment. 1 

(2) The organization must possess a degree of du- 
rability, or permanence, in order properly to perform 
its functions. The party doctrines or principles and 
policies have to be propagated; its candidates for 
office have to be selected and their election se- 
cured; its principles and policies must be incorpo- 
rated in the legislative or administrative policy of 
the country or State; these achievements must be 
guarded and defended until their utility is fully proved 
and accepted. All this requires an extended period of 
time; hence the element of durability is essential. 2 

(3) A party consists of individuals, or groups of 
individuals, fluctuating in personnel and numbers. 
With this characteristic is involved the opportunity 
for the development of sharp differences of opinion 

1 James Bryce, The American Commonwealth, II, 77 (4th edition). 

2 See F. J. Goodnow, Politics and Administration, 105-110. 



Characteristics and Importance of Parties 5 

between different groups over questions of party pol- 
icy and party management. The older the party, 
the larger its membership, the wider the area over 
which its organization extends, the greater becomes 
the possibility of serious consequences flowing from 
these differences. Geographical sections, rival lead- 
ers with strong personal followings, as well as oppos- 
ing economic interests, contend within every great 
party at one time or another for control of the party 
organization and the right to formulate its policies. 
Much of the time, energy, and resourcefulness of 
party managers is employed in smoothing out these 
differences within the party and establishing har- 
mony. When their efforts fail the differences often 
become acute and result in the formation of bitterly 
hostile groups. We then have what are called party 
" factions." It is also common to speak of this situa- 
tion as a "split" in the party. Serious factional dis- 
turbances are peculiarly liable to develop within a 
party which has long been in office, and when there 
is no formidable party to oppose it. 

The prolonged existence of irreconcilable factions 
is almost certain to lead to disruption of the party. 
The faction not in control of the party machinery se- 
cedes permanently, and either unites with some other 
party or seeks to establish a new party. At other 
times the secession of a faction is due to dissatisfac- 
tion over some specific policy indorsed or rejected by 
the dominant group in the party. Such a secession 
is intended only as a means of weakening the party 
temporarily, in the hope of thus punishing it for non- 
compliance with the behests of the seceding faction. 



6 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



A party is 
united by 
common 
principles 
or policies 



Having accomplished this, the seceders usually return 
to their party allegiance. Such seceders are frequently 
called " bolters," and they are said to have " bolted" 
the party convention or the party ticket. By way 
of distinction, the term " regular" is usually applied 
to the faction still in control of the party organization 
and using the party name. 

Recently the terms " insurgent" and " progressive" 
have entered our political vocabulary. They are ap- 
plied most frequently to a group within the Republican 
party seeking the overthrow of certain of the old party 
leaders who are regarded as ultra-conservative or re- 
actionary, the "stand-patters." Their deposition is 
desired in order to commit the party to certain more 
"progressive" or radical policies, which are opposed, 
or only half-heartedly indorsed, by the old leaders. 

(4) The members of a party are united by common 
principles or a common policy. The principles of a 
party are its durable convictions as to what the state 
should be and do. Party principles may be distin- 
guished from party policies. The policy of a party 
comprehends all that the party does in order to estab- 
lish its principles. "Principles are disclosed in the 
end which is sought; policy is the means employed 
for the attainment of that end." x Policy, therefore, 
includes the whole of a party's conduct. 

The principles of a party are apt to be most con- 
spicuous in its early or formative period. In its later 
history policies are likely to overshadow principles. 
Both the principles and the policies of a party are 
subject to change: to-day they may be quite differ- 

1 A. D. Morse, in Pol. Sci. Quar., XI, 68 (1896) 



Characteristics and Importance of Parties 7 

ent from what they were a generation ago. Of the 
two, policies are far more susceptible to changes than 
are the principles upon which the party organization 
has been erected. This is due to the varying exigen- 
cies of the party and the appearance of new problems 
respecting which the party must define its position. 
Not only may a party modify both its principles and 
its policies, but it may even cease to have either and 
yet continue to exist for a considerable period. Not 
infrequently the party organization and name en- 
dure after the principal purpose of the party has 
been accomplished or abandoned. " Parties, although 
formed to secure certain ends, get to be ends in and 
of themselves. Party allegiance gets to replace, as 
a primary motive of conduct, adherence to political 
principles. The perpetuation of the party often ap- 
pears more important than the ends for whose attain- 
ment the party itself originally was formed." 1 A 
party may hold together "long after its moral life 
is extinct. . . . Parties go on contending because 
their members have formed habits of joint action, 
and have contracted hatreds and prejudices, and 
also because the leaders find their advantage in using 
these habits and playing on these prejudices. The 
American parties now continue to exist because they 
have existed. The mill has been constructed and its 
machinery goes on turning even when there is no 
grist to grind/ ' 2 History proves, however, that par- 
ties in such condition are moribund and that their 
early demise may safely be predicted. 

1 Goodnow, Politics and Administration, 150. 

2 Bryce, II, 24 (4th edition). 



8 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

It is more or less tacitly assumed by political par- 
ties that the principles and policies which they re- 
spectively advocate would, if accepted by the elec- 
torate and put into operation, make for the greatest 
happiness of the greatest number. The adoption of 
the principles of my party and the rejection of the 
principles of your party, it is assumed, will inure to 
the greater welfare of the state. Principles and pol- 
icies are likely to receive more conscientious attention 
from the conspicuous national leaders of the party, 
its statesmen, and to be much more influential in 
determining their public conduct than is true in the 
case of the rank and file of party members and 
managers. 
Parties (5) The immediate end sought by a political party 

control* * s ^ e contr °l °f the government through the carry- 
thegov- ing of elections and the possession of office. This 
object of party activity is uppermost in the thought 
of the average party worker and manager; to achieve 
this is the ambition of every politician. In bend- 
ing his energies to the accomplishment of this re- 
sult, principles and policies are quite lost to sight or 
forgotten. For this the party worker should not be 
too severely condemned. Few, indeed, of the so- 
called intelligent citizens, who would not stoop to 
engage in "practical" politics, when asked to state 
the principles or policies of their party, are able to 
give a satisfactory reply. Party enthusiasm over 
principles is manifested occasionally, but as a rule 
the party organization, and especially the immediate 
circle of party managers, look upon the acquisition 
and control of offices as of prime importance. And 






Characteristics and Importance of Parties 9 

this is by no means to be wholly deplored or repro- 
bated; for the control of the government through 
elections and offices affords practically the only op- 
portunity by which a party may exemplify its prin- 
ciples and apply its policies in the administration of 
public affairs. It is, therefore, essential that a party 
should devote a large part of its energy to this too- 
often-despised work of " practical" politics. 

Having thus briefly reviewed the essential charac- Definition 
teristics of political parties, we are in a position to ° pary 
formulate the following working definition: a polit- 
ical party is a durable organization of individuals, or 
groups of individuals, fluctuating in personnel and 
numbers, united by common principles or a common 
policy, and having for its immediate end the control 
of the government through the carrying of elections 
and the possession of office. 1 

Political parties exist under all forms of popular Parties 
government. Wherever the people are endeavoring un derall 
to govern themselves, they divide according to their dex £°~ 
views on public measures, and out of these differences govem- 
of opinion political parties arise. " Those of the same 
opinion associate with others like-minded, and the ex- 
istence of political parties thus becomes the outgrowth 
of free speech and a free government." Political 
parties are in some degree an index of the political 
capacity and genius of a nation. Wherever an active 
life of the people and of the state has been developed, 

1 A. D. Morse, op. cit. The following is also a good definition of a 
political party: "A political party is an association of voters believ- 
ing in certain principles of government, formed to urge the adop- 
tion and execution of such principles in governmental affairs through 
officers of like belief s." See Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., X, 367 (1916). 



ments 



10 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

political parties have sprung into existence. The most 
gifted and freest nations politically are those that 
have the most sharply defined parties. 1 Nothing is 
greater proof of American political capacity than 
the organization of two competing parties to man- 
age a government strikingly ill-adapted to the party 
regime. 2 Wherever political parties are non-existent, 
one finds either a passive indifference to all public 
concerns, born of ignorance and incapacity, or else 
one finds the presence of a tyrannical and despotic 
form of government, suppressing the common mani- 
festations of opinion and aspiration on the part of the 
people. Organized, drilled, and disciplined parties 
are the only means we have yet discovered by which 
to secure responsible government and thus to execute 
the will of the people. Little glory will therefore 
accrue to the statesman who stands aloof from party, 
and condemnation should be meted out to that nupier- 
ous class of citizens who, for one reason or another, 
or for no reason at all, neglect to take an active part 
or to feel a deep interest in party politics, 
in the Political parties, while responsible for much evil, 

states are powerful forces for good in a democracy. They 
parties are educate and organize public opinion by keeping the 
sable people fully informed in regard to public matters; by 

discussing, freely and thoroughly, every public ques- 
tion in the presence of the people; by discussing these 
questions in the light of great principles of govern- 
ment; and by securing not only discussion before the 
people but discussion by the people. 3 In the United 

1 J. C. Bluntschli, in Lalor, III, 95. 

2 A. C. McLaughlin, in Atlantic Monthly, CI, 145 (1908). 

3 A. D. Morse, in Annals, II, 300 (1891-92). 



Characteristics and Importance of Parties 11 

States parties have become so indispensable that we 
cannot conceive of the possibility of getting along 
without them. They have breathed the breath of 
life into the inert governmental organism created in 
1787. They have furnished both the motive power 
and the lubricant for the continuous and successful 
operation of the governmental machine which the 
Constitution merely describes. 1 "It is easier to im- 
agine the demolition of any part of our constitu- 
tional organization, the submersion of a large part of 
what the Constitution describes, than to imagine our 
getting on without political combinations; they are 
our vital institutions; they abide in the innermost 
spirit of the people." 2 Indeed, the most complete 
revolution in our political system has not been brought 
about by amendments or by statutes, but by the cus- 
toms of political parties in operating the machinery 
of the government. 3 

Yet vital as political parties are to the successful until 
working of our system of government, they have 2cyh*v« 
grown up to maturity and power much as the English developed 
cabinet has developed — as extra-legal institutions legal { ns ^ c 
wholly unknown to or ignored by the law. Only tutions 
within the past few years have statutes distinctly 
recognized the existence of parties and attempted to 
regulate their activities. Such enactments constitute 
a tardy acceptance of the fact that parties and party 

1 " . . . Party association and organization are to the organs of 
government almost what the motor nerves are to the muscles, sinews, 
and bones of the human body. They transmit the motive power, 
they determine the directions in which the organs act." Bryce, II, 3 
(4th edition). See also Goodnow, Politics and Administration, 133- 
137, 145, 147. 

2 A. C. McLaughlin, op. cit. 3 Beard, 74. 



l w 2 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

mechanism have become institutions which perform 
very important functions in the conduct of govern- 
ment and are therefore to be taken seriously and re- 
garded as worthy of careful study. The problem of 
self-government now is the problem of controlling 
these institutions which, in fact, manage the govern- 
ment. 

QUESTIONS AXD TOPICS 

i. Collect, compare, and criticise the different definitions 
of a political party. 

2. How did the framers of the Constitution, especially 
Washington, regard political parties? (See The Federalist 
and Washington's " Farewell Address/') 

3. In what sense is the statement true that, in its actual 
operation, our Federal Government is "more democratic than 
the Constitution "? 

4. An account of any recent factional party struggle in 
your own State. (Consult newspaper files and indexes to 
current literature.) 

5. Give specific illustrations of how geographical sections, 
rival leaders, and conflicting economic interests have divided 
both the Republican and Democratic parties in the last 
decade. 

6. The Free Silver movement within the Democratic and 
Republican parties, 1890-96. 

7. The "Insurgent," or "Progressive," movement in the 
Republican party. 

8. The political party as a nationalizing influence. (See 
Johnson, Wilson.) 

9. Give a summary of the attempts to subject political 
parties to legal control. (See Beard.) 

10. Explain how the traditional political theory respecting 
the independence of the three departments of the Federal 
Government has been transformed in actual practice by the 
development of political parties. (See Beard, Bryce, Good- 
no w.) 

11. A brief description of political parties in each of the 



Characteristics and Importance of Parties 13 

following countries: England, France, the German Empire, 
Japan, Canada, and Australia. 

12. Is sectionalism disappearing from American politics? 
(See Robinson, Turner.) 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Abbott, E. H., "The New Era in Congress," in Outlook 
XCIV, 289 (iqio). On the Republican "Insurgents." 

Beard, C. A., American Government and Politics (1910), ch. 6. 

Readings in American Government and Politics, ch. 6. 

Bradford, Gamaliel, The Lesson of Popular Government, I, 
ch. 21. 

Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth (4th edition, 
1910), II, chs. 53-54. 

Clement, E. W., "Political Parties in Japan," in Pol. Set. 
Quar., XXVI, 669 (191 2). 

Croly, Herbert, "Democratic Factions and Insurgent Re- 
publicans," in No. Am. Rev., CXCI, 626 (1910). 

Dolliver, J. P., "The Forward Movement in the Republican 
Party," in Outlook, XCVI, 161 (1910). 

Eaton, D. B., "Political Parties and Independents," in No. 
Am. Rev., CXLIV, 549 (1887). 

Ford, H. J., The Rise and Growth of American Politics (1898). 

Goodnow, F. J., Politics and Administration (1900). 

Hollingsworth, C. M., "The So-Called Progressive Move- 
ment: Its Real Nature, Causes, and Significance," in 
Annals, XLIII, 32 (191 2). 

Johnson, Allen, "The Nationalizing Influence of Party," in 
Yale Review, XV, 283 (1906-7). 

Kirevan, J. W., "The Australian Labor Party," in Nineteenth 
Century, LVIII, 827 (1905). 

Lalor, J. J. (editor), Cyclopcedia of Political Science, etc., Ill, 
"Political Parties." 

Lecky, W. E. H., History of England in the Eighteenth Cen- 
tury, I, 513-5, quoted in Woodburn. 

Library of Congress, List of Works Relating to Political Parties 
in the United States (1907). 

Lowell, A. L., "The Influence of Party upon Legislation in 
England and America," in Am. Hist. Assn. Report, I, 319 
(1901). 



14 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Lowell, A. L., The Government of England, I, chs. 24-30; II, 

chs. 31-37- 

Government and Parties in Continental Europe, 2 vols. 

MacAdam, H., "The Insurgents," in Everybody's, XXVI, 

770 (1912). 
McLaughlin, A. C, "The Significance of Political Parties," 

in Atlantic Monthly, CI, 145 (1908). 
McLaughlin & Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government 

(1914), II, 626, "Party Government, Comparative"; 

628, "Party Government in Great Britain' '; 640, "Party, 

Place and Significance of"; 646, "Party System in 

Europe." 
Morse, A. D., "The Place of Party in the Political System," 

in Annals, II, 300 (1891-2). 

"What Is Party?" in Pol. Sci. Quar., XI, 68 (1896). 

Ogg, F. A., The Governments of Europe (1913). Contains 

chapters on European political parties. 
Outlook, The, XCVII, 243, 256, 346 (1911), "The Insurgent 

League." 

CI, 601 (191 2), "The Call for a New Party." 

CI, 608, " Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Party." 

CI, 852, "The New Party." 

CII, 51, 101, 154 (1912), "The Progressive Move- 
ment." 
Porritt, Edward, "Politics in Canada," in Independent, 

LXV, 653 (1908). 
" Party Conditions in England," in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXI, 

206 (1906). 
"The English Labor Party in 1910," in Pol. Sci. Quar., 

XXV, 297 (1910). 
Readers 1 Guide to Periodical Literature, The (issued monthly), 

and similar indexes to current periodicals are very use- 
ful on almost every topic treated in this book. 
Richardson, Charles, "Party Government," in Annals, II, 

518, 653 (1892). 
Ridge way, W., "The Liberal Unionist Party," in Nineteenth 

Century, LVIII, 182, 545 (1905). 
Robinson, E. E., "Recent Manifestations of Sectionalism," 

in Am. Jour. Soc, 446 (19 14). 
Roosevelt, Theodore, "Who Is a Progressive?" in Outlook, 

C, 809 (1912). 



Characteristics and Importance of Parties 15 

Roosevelt, Theodore, "The Progressives, Past and Present/* 

in Outlook, XCVI, 19 (1910). 
Smith, Goldwin, " Burke on Party," in Am. Hist. Rev., XI, 

36 (1905-6). 
Turner, F. J., "Is Sectionalism in America Dying Away?" 

in Am. Jour. Soc. y XIII, 661 (1908). 
Watson, R. S., The National Liberal Federation (1907). Gives 

the history of the English Liberal party. 
Wilson, Woodrow, Constitutional Government in the United 

States (191 1), ch. 8, "Party Government in the United 

States." 
Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems (1914), 

ch. 21. 



CHAPTER II 

THE PARTY PLATFORM. DEMOCRATIC AND 
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS OF 1916 



include the 

" great " 

parties 

and 

minor or 

"third" 

parties 



" Nation- It is comparatively easy to form a national party. 

mciude^e ^ny g rou P °f citizens who nominate candidates of 
their own for President and Vice-President may be 
called a national party. In the Presidential cam- 
paign of 1908 there were no less than seven national 
parties in the field appealing for the support of the 
American voter. There were the two great parties, 
the Republican and the Democratic, and five minor 
parties: the People's party, the Independence party, 
the Socialist party, the Socialist Labor party, and the 
Prohibition party. 1 The discrimination between the 
first two as " great parties" and the other five as 
" minor parties" is justified by the fact that the Re- 
publican and Democratic parties are absolutely co- 
extensive with the Union. They exist in every State 
and in every corner of every State; they exist even 
in the Territories. The minor parties, on the other 
hand, although they may have a permanent organi- 
zation in many States, do not attempt to maintain it 
in all States; neither do they contest every election 

1 In 191 2 there were six national parties, the Democratic, Republi- 
can, Progressive, Socialist, Socialist Labor, and Prohibition. In 
1916 there were six, Democratic, Republican, Socialist, Socialist 
Labor, American, and Prohibition. 

16 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 17 

even in the States where their organization is perma- 
nent. 

Each national party, at the beginning of a Presi- The party 
dential campaign, issues a manifesto or appeal to the p a orm 
public called a platform. This platform contains a some of 
statement in more or less detail of the principles or J^*® a " 
policies for which the party stands. It is usually 
accompanied by an arraignment of the character, pro- 
fessions, or party record of the principal rival party. 
This has been an especially prominent feature of 
the platform of the Democratic party, owing to the 
fact that, with the exception of very brief periods, this 
party since the Civil War has been a party of the 
opposition, not in control of the government. It is 
natural, therefore, that Democrats should seek to 
magnify the weaknesses and mistakes of the Republi- 
can party, which has had almost uninterrupted control 
of the government during that period. An equally 
prominent feature of the platforms of the Republican 
party has been the vigorous defense of the record of 
the party while in control of the government and the 
degree of self-laudation to which its platform gives 
expression. 

In addition to these conspicuous characteristics of Platforms 
the Democratic and Republican platforms, they, and ma ^. ^ d 
the platforms of the minor parties as well, contain positive or 
sometimes clear and explicit, at other times ambigu- us and 
ous or evasive declarations called " planks," which evasive 
relate to specific public questions. If the party is 
united upon a certain policy, the " plank" of the plat- 
form which relates to it will be clearly and positively 
phrased. If, on the other hand, there is a sharp differ- 



18 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



" Strad- 
dling " 
planks 



National 
platform 
framed by 
commit- 
tee and 
adopted 
by na- 
tional 
conven- 
tion 



ence of opinion within the party, especially between 
geographical sections of the party, the framers of the 
platform often adopt an ambiguous or non-committal 
plank upon that particular subject. This is some- 
times so worded as to meet the approval of one sec- 
tion if construed or emphasized in one way; while, at 
the same time, it may be susceptible to an entirely 
different emphasis or interpretation rendering it sat- 
isfactory to the opposing section. This device is 
commonly called " straddling." A notable instance 
occurred in the declarations of both the Democratic 
and Republican platforms in 1892 concerning the free- 
silver issue: one part of the currency plank placated 
the silver men of the West, while another part reas- 
sured the gold men of the East. 1 

The platform of a national party is framed by the 
committee on resolutions at the national conven- 
tion of the party at which candidates are nominated 
for President and Vice-President and is formally 
adopted by the convention before it adjourns. This 
committee on resolutions consists of one member 
from each State represented in the convention. Thus 
all shades of opinion are likely to be represented. 
The platform is rarely, if ever, left to be drafted on 
the spur of the moment amid the extraordinary excite- 
ment which usually attends a national convention. 
It is customary for some one designated by those 
most concerned to bring to the convention a pre- 
liminary draft of a platform carefully prepared be- 
forehand and inspected as to its more important 
planks by those best entitled to express an opinion. 

1 Stanwood, History of the Presidency, 495, 501. 



It 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 19 

This draft, as a rule, forms the basis of discussion in 
the meetings of the subcommittee on resolutions 
and afterward of the full committee. In 1908, for 
example, the draft of the Republican platform was 
prepared and brought to the convention by Mr. 
Wade Ellis, assistant attorney-general of the United 
States. 1 

The meetings of the committee on resolutions 
sometimes develop into bitter and prolonged contests 
between different factions or interests within the 
party favoring or opposing declarations upon certain 
subjects. A case in point occurred at the Democratic 
convention in 1904 over the currency question and 
again at both the Republican and Democratic con- 
ventions in 1908 over the labor and injunction planks. 

The personal views and preferences of candidates 
whose nomination has become practically a certainty 
are usually known to the committee on resolutions 
and frequently exert a decisive influence on the final 
shape of the platform. The original draft of the Re- 
publican platform in 1908 and of the Democratic 
platform in 191 6, for example, w r as submitted to 
Mr. Taft and to President Wilson and received ap- 
proval in advance of the action of the convention. 

Not infrequently the committee on resolutions "Major- 
finds that it is impossible to agree upon a platform. u^^. 
In such an event it is customary for those in the ma- to " P lat - 

i • i form 

jonty m the committee to present what is called the drafts 
" majority report," while the minority of the com- 
mittee present their views at the same time in a " mi- 
nority report.' ' This virtually transfers the contest 
1 Review of Reviews, XXXVIII, 8 (1908). 



20 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

from the committee room to the floor of the conven- 
tion. Many an exciting scene has followed the pres- 
entation of majority and minority reports, especially 
where the division of opinion is acute and very close, 
notably in the Democratic convention of i860. A 
less conspicuous instance occurred in 1908 when a 
minority report, written by Senator La Follette, was 
presented to the Republican convention by Congress- 
man Cooper, of Wisconsin. This report went into 
much greater detail respecting railroad regulation, 
trusts, and some other economic and political ques- 
tions than the platform of the majority. Several of 
the proposals were made the subject of separate bal- 
lots. One of these was the demand for publicity for 
campaign contributions; another was for the physical 
valuation of railroad properties; and a third was for 
the election of United States senators by popular 
vote. 1 A defeat sustained by a powerful faction under 
such circumstances has at times produced a serious 
split in a party and jeopardized, if not destroyed, its 
chances of success in the ensuing election; e. g., the 
Democratic party in i860 and the Republican and 
Democratic parties in 1896. 

The subjects touched upon in the Democratic and 
Republican platforms of 1916 and the attitude of 
the two parties upon different issues may easily be 
seen from a study of the parallel arrangement which 
follows : 2 

1 Ibid. A minority report embodying Mr. La Follette's views was 
also submitted to the Republican convention in igi 2. 

2 The Republican and Democratic platforms of 1920 will be found 
in the Appendix to this volume. 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



21 



DEMOCRATIC 

The Democratic Party, in na- 
tional convention assembled, 
adopts the following declaration 
to the end that the people of the 
United States may both realize 
the achievements wrought by 
four years of Democratic admin- 
istration and be apprised of the 
policies to which the party is 
committed for the further con- 
duct of national affairs. 



REPUBLICAN 

In 1 86 1 the Republican Party 
stood for the Union. As it stood 
for the Union of States, it now 
stands for a united people, true 
to American ideals, loyal to 
American traditions, knowing no 
allegiance except to the Consti- 
tution, to the Government and 
to the flag of the United States. 
We believe in American policies 
at home and abroad. 



RECORD OF ACHIEVE- 
MENT 

We endorse the administration 
of Woodrow Wilson. It speaks 
for itself. It is the best exposi- 
tion of sound Democratic policy 
at home and abroad. 

We challenge comparison of 
our record, our keeping of 
pledges and our constructive leg- 
islation, with those of any party 
of any time. 

We found our country ham- 
pered by special privilege, a 
vicious tariff, obsolete banking 
laws and an inelastic currency. 
Our foreign affairs were domi- 
nated by commercial interests for 
their selfish ends. The Repub- 
lican Party, despite repeated 
pledges, was impotent to correct 
abuses which it had fostered. 
Under our administration, under 
a leadership which has never fal- 
tered, these abuses have been 
corrected, and our people have 
been freed therefrom. 



AN END OF PANICS 

Our archaic banking and cur- 
rency system, prolific of panic 
and disaster under Republican 



22 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN 

administrations — long the refuge 
of the Money Trust — has been 
supplanted by the Federal Re- 
serve Act, a true democracy of 
credit under Government con- 
trol, already proved a financial 
bulwark in a world crisis, mobil- 
izing our resources, placing abun- 
dant credit at the disposal of le- 
gitimate industry and making a 
currency panic impossible. 

THE TRADE COMMISSION 

We have created a Federal 
Trade Commission to accom- 
modate the perplexing questions 
arising under the antitrust laws 
so that monopoly may be stran- 
gled at its birth and legitimate 
industry encouraged. Fair com- 
petition in business is now as- 
sured. 

TARIFF REVISION DOWN- 
WARD 

We have effected an adjust- 
ment of the tariff, adequate for 
revenue under peace conditions, 
and fair to the consumer and to 
the producer. We have adjusted 
the burdens of taxation so that 
swollen incomes bear their equi- 
table share. Our revenues have 
been sufficient in times of world 
stress, and will largely exceed the 
expenditures for the current fis- 
cal year. 

JUSTICE FOR LABOR 

We have lifted human labor 
from the category of commodi- 
ties, and have secured to the 
workingman the right of volun- 
tary association for his protection 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



23 



DEMOCRATIC 

and welfare. We have protected 
the rights of the laborer against 
the unwarranted issuance of 
writs of injunction, and have 
guaranteed to him the right of 
trial by jury in cases of alleged 
contempt committed outside the 
presence of the court. 

THE POSTAL SERVICE 

We have advanced the parcels 
post to genuine efficiency, en- 
larged the Postal Savings Sys- 
tem, added 10,000 rural-delivery 
routes and extensions, thus reach- 
ing 2,500,000 additional people, 
improved the Postal Service in 
every branch, and for the first 
time in our history placed the 
post-office system on a self-sup- 
porting basis, with actual surplus 
in 1913, 1914 and 1916. 

ECONOMIC FREEDOM 

The reforms which were most 
obviously needed to clear away 
special privilege, prevent unfair 
discrimination and release the 
energies of men of all ranks and 
advantages have been effected 
by recent legislation. We must 
now remove, as far as possible, 
every remaining element of un- 
rest and uncertainty from the 
path of the business men of 
America, and secure for them a 
continued period of quiet, as- 
sured and confident prosperity. 



REPUBLICAN 



RURAL FREE DELIVERY 

We favor the extension of the 
rural free delivery system and 
condemn the Democratic admin- 
istration for curtailing and crip- 
pling it. 



THE TARIFF * THE TARIFF 

We reaffirm our belief in the 
doctrine of a tariff for the pur- 

1 Compare with tariff plank of 191 2. 



The Republican Party stands 
now, as always, in the fullest 



24 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



DEMOCRATIC 

pose of providing sufficient rev- 
enue for the operation of the 
Government economically ad- 
ministered and unreservedly en- 
dorse the Underwood tariff law 
as truly exemplifying that doc- 
trine. We recognize that tariff 
rates are necessarily subject to 
change to meet changing condi- 
tions in the world's production 
and trade. The events of the 
last two years have brought 
about many momentous changes. 
In some respects their effects are 
yet conjectural and wait to be 
disclosed, particularly in regard 
to our foreign trade. 



REPUBLICAN 

sense for the policy of tariff pro- 
tection to American industries 
and American labor and does not 
regard an antidumping provi- 
sion as an adequate substitute. 

Such protection should be rea- 
sonable in amount but sufficient 
to protect adequately American 
industries and American labor 
and so adjusted as to prevent 
undue exactions by monopolies 
or trusts. It should, moreover, 
give special attention to securing 
the industrial independence of 
the United States as in the case 
of dye-stuffs. 

Through wise tariff and indus- 
trial legislation our industries can 
be so organized that they will be- 
come not only a commercial bul- 
wark but a powerful aid to na- 
tional defense. 

The Underwood tariff act is a 
complete failure in every respect. 
Under its administration imports 
have enormously increased in 
spite of the fact that intercourse 
with foreign countries has been 
largely cut off by reason of the 
war, while the revenues of which 
we stand in such dire need have 
been greatly reduced. 

Under the normal conditions 
which prevailed prior to the war 
it was clearly demonstrated that 
this act deprived the American 
producer and the American wage 
earner of that protection which 
enabled them to meet their for- 
eign competitors, and but for the 
adventitious conditions created 
by the war, would long since have 
paralyzed all forms of American 
industry and deprived American 
labor of its just reward. 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



25 



P7MOCRAXIC 



REPUBLICAN 

It has not in the least degree 
reduced the cost of living, which 
has constantly advanced from 
the date of its enactment. The 
welfare of our people demands its 
repeal and the substitution of a 
measure which in peace as well as 
in war will produce ample rev- 
enue and give reasonable protec- 
tion to all forms of American pro- 
duction in mine, forest, field and 
factory. 



TARIFF COMMISSION 

Two years of a war which has 
directly involved most of the 
chief industrial nations of the 
world, and which has indirectly 
affected the life and industry of 
all nations, are bringing about 
economic changes more varied 
and far-reaching than the world 
has ever before experienced. In 
order to ascertain just what those 
changes may be, the Democratic 
Congress is providing for a non- 
partisan tariff commission to 
make impartial and thorough 
study of every economic fact that 
may throw light either upon our 
past or upon our future fiscal pol- 
icy with regard to the imposition 
of taxes on imports or with re- 
gard to the changed and chang- 
ing conditions under which our 
trade is carried on. We cordially 
endorse this timely proposal and 
declare ourselves in sympathy 
with the principle and purpose of 
shaping legislation within that 
field in accordance with clearly 
established facts rather than in 
accordance with the demands of 
selfish interests or upon informa- 



TARIFF COMMISSION 

We favor the creation of a 
tariff commission with complete 
power to gather and compile in- 
formation for the use of Congress 
in all matters relating to the 
tariS. 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



DEMOCRATIC 



tion provided largely, if not ex- 
clusively, by them. 



REPUBLICAN 



AMERICANISM 

The part which the United 
States will play in the new day 
of international relationships 
that is now upon us will depend 
upon our preparation and our 
character. The Democratic par- 
ty, therefore, recognizes the as- 
sertion and triumphant demon- 
stration of the indivisibility and 
coherent strength of the Nation 
as the supreme issue of this day 
in which the whole world faces 
the crisis of manifold change. It 
summons all men of whatever 
origin or creed, who would count 
themselves Americans, to join in 
makmg clear to all the world the 
unity and consequent power of 
America. This is an issue of pa- 
triotism. To taint it with par- 
tisanship would be to defile it. 
In this day of test America must 
show itself not a Nation of parti- 
sans but a Nation of patriots. 
There is gathered here in Amer- 
ica the best of the blood, the in- 
dustry and the genius of the 
world, the elements of a great 
race and a magnificent society to 
be welded into a mighty and 
splendid Nation. 



AMERICANISM 1 

In 1 86 1 the Republican Party 
stood for the Union. As it stood 
for the Union of States, it now 
stands for a united people, true 
to American ideals, loyal to 
American traditions, knowing no 
allegiance except to the Consti- 
tution, to the Government, and 
to the flag of the United States. 
We believe in American policies 
at home and abroad. 

Such are our principles, such 
are our purposes and policies. 
We close as we began. The 
times are dangerous and the fu- 
ture is fraught with perils. The 
great issues of the day have been 
confused by words and phrases. 
The American spirit, which made 
the country and saved the Union, 
has been forgotten by those 
charged with the responsibility of 
power. We appeal to all Ameri- 
cans, whether naturalized or na- 
tive born, to prove to the world 
that we are Americans in thought 
and in deed, with one loyalty, one 
hope, one aspiration. We call on 
all Americans to be true to the 
spirit of America, to the great 
traditions of their common coun- 
try, and, above all things, to keep 
the faith. 



DIVIDED ALLEGIANCE 

Whoever, actuated by the pur- 
pose to promote the interest of a 

1 These extracts consist of the introduction and conclusion of the 
Republican platform. 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 27 

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN 

foreign power, in disregard of our 
own country's welfare or to in- 
jure this Government in its for- 
eign relations or cripple or de- 
stroy its industries at home, and 
whoever by arousing prejudices 
of a racial, religious or other 
nature creates discord and strife 
among our people so as to ob- 
struct the wholesome process of 
unification, is faithless to the 
trust which the privileges of cit- 
izenship repose in him and is dis- 
loyal to his country. We there- 
fore condemn as subversive of 
this Nation's unity and integrity, 
and as destructive of its welfare, 
the activities and designs of every 
group or organization, political or 
otherwise, that has for its object 
the advancement of the interest 
of a foreign power, whether such 
object is promoted by intimidat- 
ing the Government, a political 
party, or representatives of the 
people, or which is calculated and 
tends to divide our people into 
antagonistic groups and thus to 
destroy that complete agreement 
and solidarity of the people and 
that unity of sentiment and pur- 
pose so essential to the perpetuity 
of the Nation and its free institu- 
tions. We condemn all alliances 
and combinations of individuals 
in this country, of whatever na- 
tionality or descent, who agree 
and conspire together for the 
purpose of embarrassing or weak- 
ening our Government or of im- 
properly influencing or coercing 
our public representatives in 
dealing or negotiating with any 
foreign power. We charge that 
such conspiracies among a lim- 



28 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



DEMOCRATIC 

ited number exist and have been 
instigated for the purpose of ad- 
vancing the interests of foreign 
countries to the prejudice and 
detriment of our own country. 
We condemn any political party 
which, in view of the activity of 
such conspirators, surrenders its 
integrity or modifies its policy. 



REPUBLICAN 



PREPAREDNESS 

Along with the proof of our 
character as a nation must go the 
proof of our power to play the 
part that legitimately belongs to 
us. The people of the United 
States love peace. They respect 
the rights and covet the friend- 
ship of all other nations. They 
desire neither any additional ter- 
ritory nor any advantage which 
can not be peacefully gained by 
their skill, their industry or their 
enterprise; but they insist upon 
having absolute freedom of na- 
tional life and policy, and feel 
that they owe it to themselves, 
and to the r61e of spirited inde- 
pendence which it is their sole 
ambition to play, that they 
should render themselves secure 
against the hazard of interfer- 
ence from any quarter, and 
should be able to protect their 
rights upon the seas or in any 
part of the world. We there- 
fore favor the maintenance of an 
Army fully adequate to the re- 
quirements of order, of safety, 
and of the protection of the Na- 
tion's rights; the fullest develop- 
ment of modern methods of sea- 
coast defense and the mainte- 
nance of an adequate reserve of 



PROTECTION OF THE 
COUNTRY 

In order to maintain our peace 
and make certain the security of 
our people within our own bor- 
ders the country must have not 
only adequate but thorough and 
complete national defenses ready 
for any emergency. We must 
have a sufficient and effective 
Regular Army, and a provision 
for ample reserves, already 
drilled and disciplined, who can 
be called at once to the colors 
when the hour of danger comes. 

We must have a Navy so 
strong and so well proportioned 
and equipped, so thoroughly 
ready and prepared, that no en- 
emy can gain command of the 
sea and effect a landing in force 
on either our western or our east- 
ern coast. To secure these re- 
sults we must have a coherent 
and continuous policy of national 
defense, which even in these per- 
ilous days the Democratic Party 
has utterly failed to develop, but 
which we promise to give to the 
country. 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



29 



DEMOCRATIC 

citizens trained to arms and pre- 
pared to safeguard the people 
and territory of the United 
States against any danger of hos- 
tile action which may unexpect- 
edly arise; and a fixed policy 
for the continuous development 
of a Navy worthy to support 
the great naval traditions of the 
United States and fully equal to 
the international tasks which this 
Nation hopes and expects to take 
a part in performing. The plans 
and enactments of the present 
Congress afford substantial proof 
of our purpose in this exigent 
matter. 



REPUBLICAN 



INTERNATIONAL RELA- 
TIONS 

The Democratic Administra- 
tion has throughout the present 
war scrupulously and successfully 
held to the old paths of neutrality 
and to the peaceful pursuit of the 
legitimate objects of our national 
life which statesmen of all parties 
and creeds have prescribed for 
themselves in America since the 
beginning of our history. But 
the circumstances of the last two 
years have revealed necessities 
of international action which no 
former generation can have fore- 
seen. We hold that it is the duty 
of the United States to use its 
power, not only to make itself 
safe at home, but also to make 
secure its just interests through- 
out the world, and, both for this 
end and in the interest of human- 
ity, to assist the world in securing 
settled peace and justice. We 
believe that every people has the 



FOREIGN RELATIONS 

We desire peace, the peace of 
justice and right, and believe in 
maintaining a strict and honest 
neutrality between the belliger- 
ents in the great war in Europe. 
We must perform all our duties 
and insist upon all our rights as 
neutrals without fear and with- 
out favor. We believe that 
peace and neutrality, as well as 
the dignity and influence of the 
United States, can not be pre- 
served by shifty expedients, by 
phrase-making, by performances 
in language, or by attitudes ever 
changing in an effort to secure 
groups of voters. The present 
administration has destroyed our 
influence abroad and humiliated 
us in our own eyes. The Repub- 
lican Party believes that a firm, 
consistent, and courageous for- 
eign policy, always maintained 
by Republican Presidents in ac- 
cordance with American tradi- 



30 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



DEMOCRATIC 

right to choose the sovereignty 
under which it shall live; that the 
small states of the world have a 
right to enjoy from other nations 
the same respect for their sover- 
eignty and for their territorial in- 
tegrity that great and powerful 
nations expect and insist upon; 
and that the world has a right to 
be free from every disturbance of 
its peace that has its origin in ag- 
gression or disregard of the rights 
of peoples and nations; and we 
believe that the time has come 
when it is the duty of the United 
States to join with the other na- 
tions of the world in any feasible 
association that will effectively 
serve those principles, to main- 
tain inviolate the complete secur- 
ity of the highway of the seas for 
the common and unhindered use 
of all nations. 



REPUBLICAN 

tions, is the best, as it is the only 
true way, to preserve our peace 
and restore us to our rightful 
place among the nations. We 
believe in the pacific settlement 
of international disputes, and fa- 
vor the establishment of a world 
court for that purpose. 



LIFE ABOVE PROPERTY 

The present administration 
has consistently sought to act 
upon and realize in its conduct of 
the foreign affairs of the Nation 
the principle that should be the 
object of any association of the 
nations formed to secure the 
peace of the world and the main- 
tenance of national and individ- 
ual rights. It has followed the 
highest American traditions. It 
has preferred respect for the fun- 
damental rights of smaller States 
even to property interests, and 
has secured the friendship of the 
people of such States for the 
United States by refusing to 
make a mere material interest an 
excuse for the assertion of our 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



31 



DEMOCRATIC 

superioi power against the dig- 
nity of their sovereign indepen- 
dence. It has regarded the lives 
of its citizens and the claims of 
humanity as of greater moment 
than material rights, and peace 
as the best basis for the just 
settlement of commercial claims. 
It has made the honor and ideals 
of the United States its standard 
alike in negotiation and action. 



REPUBLICAN 



PAN-AMERICAN CONCORD 

We recognize now, as we have 
always recognized, a definite and 
common interest between the 
United States and the other peo- 
ples and Republics of the West- 
ern Hemisphere in all matters of 
national independence and free 
political development. We fa- 
vor the establishment and main- 
tenance of the closest relations 
of amity and mutual helpfulness 
between the United States and 
the other Republics of the Ameri- 
can continents for the support 
of peace and the promotion of 
a common prosperity. To that 
end we favor all measures which 
may be necessary to facilitate in- 
timate intercourse and promote 
commerce between the United 
States and our neighbors to the 
south, and such international un- 
derstandings as may be practica- 
ble and suitable to accomplish 
these ends. 

We commend the action of the 
Democratic Administration in 
holding the Pan-American Finan- 
cial Conference at Washington in 
May, 19 15, and organizing the 
International High Commission 



LATIN AMERICA 

We favor the continuance of 
Republican policies which will 
result in drawing more and more 
closely the commercial, financial 
and social relations between this 
country and the countries of 
Latin America. 

MONROE DOCTRINE 

We reaffirm our approval of 
the Monroe doctrine, and declare 
its maintenance to be a policy of 
this country essential to its pres- 
ent and future peace and safety 
and to the achievement of iti 
manifest destiny. 



32 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



DEMOCRATIC 

which represented the United 
States in the recent meeting of 
representatives of the Latin- 
American Republics at Buenos 
Aires, April, 1916, which have so 
greatly promoted the friendly re- 
lations between the people of the 
Western Hemisphere. 



REPUBLICAN 



MONROE DOCTRINE AND 
MEXICO 

The Monroe doctrine is re- 
asserted as a principle of Demo- 
cratic faith. That doctrine guar- 
antees the Independent Repub- 
lics of the two Americas against 
aggression from another conti- 
nent. It implies, as well, the 
most scrupulous regard upon our 
part for the sovereignty of each 
of them. We court their good 
will. We seek not to despoil 
them. The want of a stable, re- 
sponsible government in Mexico, 
capable of repressing and punish- 
ing marauders and bandit bands, 
who have not only taken the lives 
and seized and destroyed the 
property of American citizens in 
that country, but have insolently 
invaded our soil, made war upon 
and murdered our people there- 
on, has rendered it necessary tem- 
porarily to occupy, by our armed 
forces, a portion of the territory 
of that friendly State. Until, by 
the restoration of law and order 
therein, a repetition of such in- 
cursions is improbable, the ne- 
cessity for their remaining will 
continue. Intervention, imply- 
ing as it does military subjuga- 
tion, is revolting to the people of 
the United States, notwithstand- 



MEXICO 

We deeply sympathize with 
the 15,000,000 people of Mexico 
who for three years have seen 
their country devastated, their 
homes destroyed, their fellow cit- 
izens murdered and their wom- 
en outraged by armed bands 
of desperadoes led by self-seek- 
ing, conscienceless agitators who, 
when temporarily successful in 
any locality, have neither sought 
nor been able to restore order or 
establish and maintain peace. 

We express our horror and in- 
dignation at the outrages which 
have been and are being perpe- 
trated by these bandits upon 
American men and women who 
were or are in Mexico by invita- 
tion of the laws and of the Gov- 
ernment of that country and 
whose rights to security of person 
and property are guaranteed by 
solemn treaty obligations. We 
denounce the indefensible meth- 
ods of interference employed by 
this administration in the inter- 
nal affairs of Mexico and refer 
with shame to its failure to dis- 
charge the duty of this country 
as next friend to Mexico, its duty 
to other powers who have relied 
upon us as such friend, and its 
duty to our citizens in Mexico, 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



33 



DEMOCRATIC 

ing the provocation to that 
course has been great and should 
be resorted to, if at all, only as a 
last recourse. The stubborn re- 
sistance of the President and his 
advisers to every demand and 
suggestion to enter upon it is 
creditable alike to them and to 
the people in whose name he 
speaks. 



REPUBLICAN 

in permitting the continuance of 
such conditions, first, by failure 
to act promptly and firmly, and 
second, by lending its influence to 
the continuation of such condi- 
tions through recognition of one 
of the factions responsible for 
these outrages. 

We pledge our aid in restoring 
order and maintaining peace in 
Mexico. We promise to our cit- 
izens on and near our border, and 
to those in Mexico, wherever 
they may be found, adequate and 
absolute protection in their lives, 
liberty and property. 



MERCHANT MARINE 

Immediate provision should be 
made for the development of the 
carrying trade of the United 
States. Our foreign commerce 
has in the past been subject to 
many unnecessary and vexatious 
obstacles in the way of legislation 
of Republican Congresses. Until 
the recent Democratic tariff legis- 
lation, it was hampered by un- 
reasonable burdens of taxation. 
Until the recent banking legisla- 
tion it had at its disposal few of 
the necessary instrumentalities 
of international credit and ex- 
change. Until the formulation 
of the pending act to promote the 
construction of a merchant ma- 
rine, it lacked even the prospect 
of adequate carriage by sea. We 
heartily endorse the purpose and 
policy of the pending shipping 
bill, and favor all such addition- 
al measures of constructive or 
remedial legislation as may be 
necessary to restore our flag to 



MERCHANT MARINE 

In view of the policies adopted 
by all the maritime nations to 
encourage their shipping inter- 
ests, and in order to enable us to 
compete with them for the ocean- 
carrying trade, we favor the pay- 
ment to ships engaged in the 
foreign trade of liberal compen- 
sation for services actually ren- 
dered in carrying the mails, and 
such further legislation as will 
build up an adequate American 
merchant marine and give us 
ships which may be requisitioned 
by the Government in time of 
national emergency. 

We are utterly opposed to the 
Government ownership of ves- 
sels as proposed by the Democrat- 
ic Party, because Government- 
owned ships, while effectively 
preventing the development of 
the American merchant marine 
by private capital, will be en- 
tirely unable to provide for the 
vast volume of American freights 



S4 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



DEMOCRATIC 

the seas and to provide further 
facilities for our foreign com- 
merce, particularly such laws as 
may be requisite to remove un- 
fair conditions of competition in 
the dealings of American mer- 
chants and producers with com- 
petitors in foreign markets. 



REPUBLICAN 



and will leave us more helpless 
than ever in the hard grip of for- 
eign syndicates. 



CONSERVATION 

For the safeguarding and 
quickening of the life of our own 
people we favor the conservation 
and development of the natural 
resources of the country through 
a policy which shall be positive 
rather than negative, a policy 
which shall not withhold such 
resources from development, but 
which, while permitting and en- 
couraging their use, shall prevent 
both waste and monopoly in their 
exploitation, and we earnestly fa- 
vor the passage of acts which will 
accomplish these objects, reaf- 
firming the declaration of the 
platform of 191 2 on this subject. 

The policy of reclaiming our 
arid lands should be steadily ad- 
hered to. 



CONSERVATION 

We believe in a cajeful hus- 
bandry of all the natural re- 
sources of the Nation — a hus- 
bandry which means develop- 
ment without waste; use without 
abuse. 



DEEDS FOR THE FARMER 

We favor the vigorous prosecu- 
tion of investigations and plans 
to render agriculture more profit- 
able and country life more health- 
ful, comfortable, and attractive, 
and we believe that this should be 
a dominant aim of the Nation as 
well as of the States. With all 
its recent improvement, farming 
still lags behind other occupa- 
tions in development as a busi- 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



35 



DEMOCRATIC 

ness, and the advantages of an 
advancing civilization have not 
accrued to rural communities in a 
fair proportion. Much has been 
accomplished in this field under 
the present administration, far 
more than under any previous 
administration. 



REPUBLICAN 



RURAL CREDITS 

In the Federal Reserve Act of 
the last Congress and the Rural 
Credits Act of the present Con- 
gress, the machinery has been 
created which will make credit 
available to the farmer con- 
stantly and readily, placing him 
at last upon a footing of equality 
with the merchant and the man- 
ufacturer in securing the capital 
necessary to carry on his enter- 
prises. Grades and standards 
necessary to the intelligent and 
successful conduct of the busi- 
ness of agriculture have also been 
established or are in the course of 
being established by law. 



RURAL CREDITS 

We favor an effective system 
of rural credits as opposed to the 
ineffective law proposed by the 
present Democratic Administra- 
tion. 



COTTON FUTURES ACT 

The long-needed Cotton Fu- 
tures Act, passed by the Sixty- 
third Congress, has now been in 
successful operation for nearly 
two years. 



GRAIN GRADES AND 
WAREHOUSE BILLS 

A Grain Grades Bill, long 
needed, and a Permissive Ware- 
house Bill, intended to provide 
better storage facilities , and to 
enable the farmer to obtain cer- 
tificates upon which he may se- 



36 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN 

cure advances of money, have 
been passed by the House of 
Representatives, have been fa- 
vorably reported to the Senate, 
and will probably become law 
during the present session of the 
Congress. 

GOOD ROADS LAW 

Both Houses have passed a 
good-roads measure which will 
be of far-reaching benefit to all 
agricultural communities. 

SCIENTIFIC FARMING 

Above all, the most extraordi- 
nary and significant progress has 
been made, under the direction of 
the Department of Agriculture, 
in extending and perfecting prac- 
tical farm demonstration work, 
which is so rapidly substituting 
scientific for empirical farming. 
But it is also necessary that rural 
activities should be better di- 
rected through co-operation and 
organization, that unfair meth- 
ods of competition should be 
eliminated and the conditions 
requisite for the just, orderly and 
economical marketing of farm 
products created. 

MARKETING 

We approve the Democratic 
administration for having em- 
phatically directed attention for 
the first time to the essential in- 
terests of agriculture involved in 
farm marketing and finance, for 
creating the Office of Markets 
and Rural Organization in con- 
nection with the Department of 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 37 

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN 

Agriculture, and for extending 
the co-operative machinery nec- 
essary for conveying information 
to farmers by means of demon- 
strations. We favor continued 
liberal provision, not only for the 
benefit of production, but also 
for the study and solution of 
problems of farm marketing and 
finance and for the extension of 
existing agencies for improving 
country life. 

AID FOR POST ROADS 

The happiness, comfort and 
prosperity of rural life, and the 
development of the city, are alike 
conserved by the construction of 
public highways. We therefore 
favor national aid in the con- 
struction of post roads and roads 
for military purposes. 

GOVERNMENT EMPLOY- 
MENT 

We hold that the life, health 
and strength of the men, women 
and children of the Nation are its 
greatest asset, and that in the 
conservation of these the Federal 
Government, wherever it acts as 
the employer of labor, should, 
both on its own account and as 
an example, put into effect the 
following principles of just em- 
ployment: 

i. A living wage for all em- 
ployees. 

2. A working day not to ex- 
ceed eight hours, with one day of 
rest in seven. 

3. The adoption of safety ap- 
pliances and the establishment of 



38 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



DEMOCRATIC 

thoroughly sanitary conditions of 
labor. 

4. Adequate compensation for 
industrial accidents. 

5. The standards of the "Uni- 
form Child Labor Law" wher- 
ever minors are employed. 

6. Such provisions for decen- 
cy, comfort and health in the 
employment of women as should 
be accorded the mothers of the 
race. 

7. An equitable retirement law 
providing for the retirement of 
superannuated and disabled em- 
ployees of the civil service, to the 
end that a higher standard of effi- 
ciency may be maintained. 

We believe also that the adop- 
tion of similar principles should 
be urged and applied in the leg- 
islation of the States with regard 
to labor within their borders, 
and that through every possible 
agency the life and health of the 
people of the Nation should be 
conserved. 



REPUBLICAN 



LABOR 

We declare our faith in the 
Seamen's Act, passed by the 
Democratic Congress, and we 
promise our earnest continuance 
of its enforcement. 

We favor the speedy enact- 
ment of an effective Federal 
Child Labor Law, and the regu- 
lation of the shipment of prison- 
made goods in interstate com- 
merce. 

We favor the creation of a 
Federal Bureau of Safety in the 
Department of Labor, to gather 
facts concerning industrial haz- 



LABOR LAWS 

We pledge the Republican 
Party to the faithful enforce- 
ment of all Federal laws passed 
for the protection of labor. We 
favor vocational education; the 
enactment and rigid enforcement 
of a Federal child-labor law; the 
enactment of a generous and 
comprehensive workman's com- 
pensation law, within the com- 
merce power of Congress, and an 
accident compensation law cov- 
ering all Government employees. 
We favor the collection and col- 
lation, under the direction of the 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



39 






E33C0CRATIC 

ards, and to recommend legisla- 
tion to prevent the maiming and 
killing of human beings. 

We favor the extension of the 
powers and functions of the Fed- 
eral Bureau of Mines. 

We favor the development 
upon a systematic scale of the 
means, already begun under the 
present administration, to assist 
laborers throughout the Union to 
seek and obtain employment, and 
the extension by the Federal Gov- 
ernment of the same assistance 
and encouragement as is now 
given to agricultural training. 

We heartily commend our 
newly established Department of 
Labor for its fine record in set- 
tling strikes by personal advice 
and through conciliating agents. 

PUBLIC HEALTH 

We favor a thorough reconsid- 
eration of the means and meth- 
ods by which the Federal Gov- 
ernment handles questions of 
public health to the end that hu- 
man life may be conserved by 
the elimination of loathsome dis- 
eases, the improvement of sani- 
tation, and the diffusion of a 
knowledge of disease prevention. 

We favor the establishment by 
the Federal Government of tu- 
berculosis sanitariums for needy 
tubercular patients. 

SENATE RULES 

We favor such alteration of the 
rules of procedure of the Senate 
of the United States as will per- 
mit the prompt transaction of the 
Nation's legislative business. 



REPUBLICAN 

Department of Labor, of com- 
plete data relating to industrial 
hazards for the information of 
Congress, to the end that such 
legislation may be adopted as 
may be calculated to secure the 
safety, conservation and protec- 
tion of labor from the dangers in- 
cident to industry and transpor- 
tation. 



40 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



DEMOCRATIC 

ECONOMY AND THE 
BUDGET 

We demand careful economy in 
all expenditures for the support 
of the Government, and to that 
end favor a return by the House 
of Representatives to its former 
practice of initiating and prepar- 
ing all appropriation bills through 
a single committee chosen from 
its membership, in order that 
responsibility may be centered, 
expenditures standardized and 
made uniform, and waste and du- 
plication in the public service as 
much as possible avoided. We 
favor this as a practicable first 
step toward a budget system. 



CIVIL SERVICE 

We reaffirm our declarations 
for the rigid enforcement of the 
Civil Service laws. 



REPUBLICAN 

ECONOMY AND A NA- 
TIONAL BUDGET 

The increasing cost of the 
National Government and the 
need for the greatest economy of 
its resources in order to meet the 
growing demands of the people 
for Government service call for 
the severest condemnation of the 
wasteful appropriations of this 
Democratic administration, of its 
shameless raids on the Treasury, 
and of its opposition to and re- 
jection of President Taft's oft- 
repeated proposals and earnest 
efforts to secure economy and 
efficiency through the establish- 
ment of a simple businesslike 
budget system to which we 
pledge our support and which we 
hold to be necessary to effect any 
real reform in the administration 
of national finances. 

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 

The Civil Service Law has al- 
ways been sustained by the Re- 
publican Party, and we renew 
our repeated declarations that it 
shall be thoroughly and honestly 
enforced and extended wherever 
practicable. The Democratic 
Party has created since March 4, 
1913, 30,000 offices outside of the 
Civil Service Law at an annual 
cost of $44,000,000 to the tax- 
payers of the country. 

We condemn the gross abuse 
and the misuse of the law by the 
present Democratic administra- 
tion, and pledge ourselves to a 
reorganization of this service 
along lines of efficiency and econ- 
omy. 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



41 



DEMOCRATIC 

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 

We heartily endorse the pro- 
visions of the bill, recently passed 
by the House of Representatives, 
further promoting self-govern- 
ment in the Philippine Islands as 
being in fulfillment of the pol- 
icy declared by the Democratic 
Party in its last National plat- 
form, and we reiterate our en- 
dorsement of the purpose of ulti- 
mate independence for the Phil- 
ippine Islands, expressed in the 
preamble of that measure. 



REPUBLICAN 

PHILIPPINES 

We renew our allegiance to the 
Philippine policy inaugurated by 
McKinley, approved by Con- 
gress and consistently carried out 
by Roosevelt and Taft, Even in 
this short time it has enormous- 
ly improved the material and so- 
cial conditions of the islands, giv- 
en the Philippine people a con- 
stantly increasing participation 
in their government, and, if per- 
sisted in, will bring still greater 
benefits in the future. 

We accepted the responsibility 
of the islands as a duty to civili- 
zation and the Filipino people. 
To leave with our task half done 
would break our pledges, injure 
our prestige among nations, and 
imperil what has already been 
accomplished. 

We condemn the Democratic 
administration for its attempt to 
abandon the Philippines, which 
was prevented only by the vig- 
orous opposition of Republican 
Members of Congress, aided by a 
few patriotic Democrats. 



WOMAN SUFFRAGE 

We recommend the extension 
of the franchise to the women of 
the country by the States upon 
the same terms as to men. 



WOMAN SUFFRAGE 

The Republican Party, re- 
affirming its faith in government 
of the people, by the people, for 
the people, as a measure of jus- 
tice to one-half the adult people 
of the country, favors the exten- 
sion of the suffrage to women, 
but recognizes the right of each 
State to settle this question for 
itself. 



42 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



DEMOCRATIC 

PROTECTION OF CITIZENS 

We again declare the policy 
that the sacred rights of Ameri- 
can citizenship must be preserved 
at home and abroad, and that no 
treaty shall receive the sanction 
of our Government which does 
not expressly recognize the abso- 
lute equality of all our citizens, 
irrespective of race, creed or pre- 
vious nationality, and which does 
not recognize the right of expa- 
triation. The American Gov- 
ernment should protect Ameri- 
can citizens in their rights not 
only at home but abroad, and 
any country having a Govern- 
ment should be held to strict ac- 
countability for any wrongs done 
them, either to person or to prop- 
erty. At the earliest practicable 
opportunity our country should 
strive earnestly for peace among 
the warring nations of Europe 
and seek to bring about the adop- 
tion of the fundamental principle 
of justice and humanity, that all 
men shall enjoy equality of right 
and freedom from discrimination 
in the lands wherein they dwell. 



REPUBLICAN 

PROTECTION OF AMERI- 
CAN RIGHTS 

We declare that we believe in 
and will enforce the protection of 
every American citizen in all the 
rights secured to him by the 
Constitution, by treaties and the 
law of nations, at home and 
abroad, by land and sea. These 
rights, which, in violation of the 
specific promise of their party 
made at Baltimore in 191 2, the 
Democratic President and the 
Democratic Congress have failed 
to defend, we will unflindiingly 
maintain. 



TREATY WITH RUSSIA 

We reiterate the unqualified 
approval of the action taken in 
December, 191 1, by the Presi- 
dent and Congress to secure witft 
Russia, as with other countries, a 
treaty that will recognize the ab- 
solute right of expatriation and 
prevent all discrimination of 
whatever kind between American 
citizens, whether native born or 
alien, and regardless of race, re- 
ligion or previous political alle- 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



43 



DEMOCRATIC 



PRISON REFORM 

We demand that the modern 
principles of prison reform be ap- 
plied in our Federal Penal Sys- 
tem. We favor such work for 
prisoners as shall give them train- 
ing in remunerative occupations 
so that they may make an honest 
living when released from prison; 
the setting apart of the net 
wages of the prisoner to be paid 
to his dependent family or to be 
reserved for his own use upon his 
release; the liberal extension of 
the principles of the Federal Pa- 
role Law, with due regard both 
to the welfare of the prisoner and 
the interests of society; the adop- 
tion of the probation system, 
especially in the case of first of- 
fenders not convicted of serious 



REPUBLICAN 

giance. We renew the pledge 
to observe this principle and to 
maintain the right of asylum, 
which is neither to be surren- 
dered nor restricted, and we 
unite in the cherished hope that 
the war which is now desolating 
the world may speedily end, with 
a complete and lasting restora- 
tion of brotherhood among the 
nations of the earth and the 
assurance of full equal rights, 
civil and religious, to all mer> an 
every land. 



PENSIONS 

We renew the declarations of 
recent Democratic platforms re- 
lating to generous pensions for 
soldiers and their widows, and 
call attention to our record of 
performance in this particular. 



44 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN 

WATERWAYS AND FLOOD 
CONTROL 

We renew the declaration in 
our last two platforms relating to 
the development of our water- 
ways. The recent devastation 
of the lower Mississippi Valley 
and several other sections by 
floods accentuates the movement 
for the regulation of river flow 
by additional bank and levee 
protection below, and diversion, 
storage and control of the flood 
waters above, and their utiliza- 
tion for beneficial purposes in the 
reclamation of arid and swamp 
lands, and development of water 
power, instead of permitting the 
floods to continue as heretofore 
agents of destruction. We hold 
that the control of the Mississippi 
River is a national problem. The 
preservation of the depth of its 
waters for purposes of naviga- 
tion, the building of levees and 
works of bank protection to 
maintain the integrity of its 
channel and prevent the overflow 
of its valley, resulting in the 
interruption of interstate com- 
merce, the disorganization of the 
mail service, and the enormous 
loss of life and property, impose 
an obligation which alone can be 
discharged by the National Gov- 
ernment. 

We favor the adoption of a lib- 
eral and comprehensive plan for 
the development and improve- 
ment of our harbors and inland 
waterways with economy and 
efficiency, so as to permit their 
navigation by vessels of standard 
draft. 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



45 



DEMOCRATIC 

ALASKA 

It has been and will be the 
policy of the Democratic Party 
to enact all laws necessary for the 
speedy development of Alaska 
and its great natural resources. 

TERRITORIES 

We favor granting to the peo- 
ple of Alaska, Hawaii and Porto 
Rico the traditional Territorial 
government accorded to all Ter- 
ritories of the United States since 
the beginning of our Govern- 
ment, and we believe that the 
officials appointed to administer 
the government of these several 
Territories should be qualified by 
previous bona fide residence. 

CANDIDATES 

We unreservedly endorse our 
President and Vice-President, 
Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey, 
and Thomas Riley Marshall of 
Indiana, who have performed the 
functions of their great offices 
faithfully and impartially and 
with distinguished ability. 

In particular we commend to 
the American people the splendid 
diplomatic victories of our great 
President, who has preserved the 
vital interests of our Government 
and its citizens, and kept us out 
of war. 

Woodrow Wilson stands to- 
day the greatest American of his 
generation. 

CONCLUSION 

This is a critical hour in the 
history of America, a critical hour 



REPUBLICAN 



TERRITORIAL OFFICIALS 

Reaffirming the attitude long 
maintained by the Republican 
Party, we hold that officials ap- 
pointed to administer the gov- 
ernment of any Territory should 
be bona fide residents of the Ter- 
ritory in which their duties are 
to be performed. 



46 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



DEMOCRATIC 

in the history of the world. 
Upon the record above set forth, 
which shows great constructive 
achievement in following out a 
consistent policy for our domes- 
tic and internal development; 
upon the record of the Demo- 
cratic Administration, which has 
maintained the honor, the dig- 
nity and the interests of the 
United States, and at the same 
time retained the respect and 
friendship of all the nations of 
the world; and upon the great 
policies for the future strength- 
ening of the life of our country, 
the enlargement of our national 
vision and the ennobling of our 
international relations, as set 
forth above, we appeal with con- 
fidence to the voters of the coun- 
try. 



REPUBLICAN 



TRANSPORTATION 

Interstate and intrastate trans- 
portation have become so inter- 
woven that the attempt to apply 
two and often several sets of laws 
to its regulation has produced 
conflicts of authority, embarrass- 
ment in operation and inconve- 
nience and expense to the public. 

The entire transportation sys- 
tem of the country has become 
essentially national. We there- 
fore favor such action by legisla- 
tion or, if necessary, through an 
amendment to the Constitution 
of the United States as will result 
in placing it under complete Fed- 
eral control. 



BUSINESS 

The Republican Party has 
long believed in the rigid super- 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 



47 



DEMOCRATIC 



REPUBLICAN 

vision and strict regulation of the 
transportation and great corpo- 
rations of the country. It has 
put its creed into its deeds, and 
all really effective laws regulating 
the railroads and the great indus- 
trial corporations are the work of 
Republican Congresses and Pres- 
idents. For this policy of regula- 
tion and supervision the Demo- 
crats, in a stumbling and piece- 
meal way, are undertaking to 
involve the Government in busi- 
ness which should be left within 
the sphere of private enterprise 
and in direct competition with 
its own citizens, a policy which is 
sure to result in waste, great ex- 
pense to the taxpayer and in an 
inferior product. 

The Republican Party firmly 
believes that all who violate the 
laws in regulation of business 
should be individually punished. 
But prosecution is very different 
from persecution, and business 
success, no matter how honestly 
attained, is apparently regarded 
by the Democratic Party as in 
itself a crime. Such doctrines 
and beliefs choke enterprise and 
stifle prosperity. The Republi- 
can Party believes in encouraging 
American business, as it believes 
in and will seek to advance all 
American interests. 



From the foregoing comparison of the platforms of Differ ". 

the Democratic and Republican parties in 1916, it these piat- 

will readily be seen that there were few clear-cut and more 

sharply defined issues of importance, and that the supe^f 1 

two platforms did not represent any strongly opposed cai 



48 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Issues em- 
phasized 
by Demo- 
crats and 
Republi- 
cans in 
1916 



doctrines or tendencies of thought. Both agreed in 
urging important changes in our national policies, 
economic and political; but they differed, as in 1908 
and 191 2, in detail and degree rather than in funda- 
mental principles. They illustrate, on the one hand, 
the tendency of the party in power to exaggerate its 
legislative and executive achievements during the 
preceding four years; and, on the other hand, they 
also illustrate the usual disposition of the party out 
of office to indulge in unfair criticisms of the oppos- 
ing party. 

As the campaign of 19 16 progressed, less and less 
attention was paid to the texts of the platforms. At 
least one of the most important issues of the cam- 
paign arose long after the adoption of the platforms 
and for that reason received no mention in them, 
namely, the Adamson law, passed by Congress in 
September. The Democrats, in the conduct of their 
campaign, laid more and more emphasis upon the 
legislative achievements of the party during the 
Wilson administration; upon the obvious prosperity 
which the country was enjoying under the Demo- 
cratic party; and upon the claim that the country 
had been kept out of war through the diplomacy of 
President Wilson. The election of Mr. Hughes, on 
the other hand, it was asserted, would lead us into 
war either with some European nation or with Mex- 
ico. Finally, an especial appeal was made for the 
support of organized labor throughout the country, 
based upon the action of the President and Congress 
in averting the threatened railway strike by the en- 
actment of the Adamson law. Democrats denounced 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 49 

Republican criticisms as petty faultfinding, and de- 
manded that the Republicans cease criticising and 
present a constructive programme, and show what 
they would have done differently had they been in 
power. 

Mr. Hughes, the Republican nominee, and other 
Republican speakers and writers, sought either to 
minimize the importance of much Democratic legis- 
lation or else endeavored to prove that in many in- 
stances the Democratic party had merely taken over 
or completed reforms inaugurated under Republican 
or Progressive auspices. Much criticism was also 
directed against the administration for weakening the 
merit system in appointments to Federal offices, and 
particularly against a so-called sectional favoritism 
whereby Southern politicians had received a dispro- 
portionately large number of Federal appointments. 
In States where woman suffrage already existed, the 
Republicans took great pains to contrast the atti- 
tude of Mr. Hughes, who favored the adoption of a 
woman-suffrage amendment to the Federal Consti- 
tution, and the attitude, past and present, of Mr. 
Wilson, who now favored adoption of woman suf- 
frage by separate State action. The alleged insin- 
cerity and inadequateness of Democratic measures 
for national defense were also emphasized; but chief 
stress was laid upon the tariff, the handling of the 
Mexican problem, and the eight-hour issue embodied 
in the Adamson law. 

The Underwood tariff of 19 13 was assailed by the 
Republicans as injurious to American business and 
industries; and the existing prosperity was character- 



50 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

ized as purely factitious, based solely upon the ab- 
normal demands for American commodities growing 
out of the great European conflict, and which would 
vanish as soon as the war ended, unless the tariff 
should be amended so as to restore the principle of 
protection wherever abandoned by the Underwood 
tariff. Our peaceful relations with the contending 
belligerents in Europe was due, not to Mr. Wilson's 
"blundering," "inconsistent," and "vacillating" di- 
plomacy and uncertain neutrality, but rather to the 
preoccupation for the time being of the nations con- 
cerned with the European conflict. On the other 
hand, in our relations with Mexico it was asserted 
that every element of war existed except the frank 
acknowledgment thereof by the administration, which 
was endeavoring to conceal the real facts until af- 
ter election. Furthermore, the administration was 
denounced for its failure to protect the lives and 
property of American citizens residing in Mexico, 
in direct violation of its platform pledges in 191 2. 
Finally, the Adamson law was denounced as an aban- 
donment of the principle of arbitration in labor dis- 
putes, as a cowardly surrender to the demands of 
organized labor, as a brazen bid for labor votes at 
the ensuing Presidential election, as establishing a 
precedent fraught with the gravest consequences to 
the entire country, and as impairing the stability of 
our political institutions. 

It is natural to inquire how significant are party 
platforms and how much reliance may be placed 
on the pledges which they contain. It is evident 
to any one the least familiar with politics that the 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 51 

framers of platforms are subject to the temptation Value of 
to exaggerate the virtues of their own party and the dedara^ 
misdeeds of their opponents; and it is clear even to tions de- 
an uncritical reader that the temptation has proved by char- 
irresistible and that each party has yielded to it. j^ordof 
One is often sceptical about the sincerity of party party lead- 
pledges regarding future action; it is so easy for poli- C andi- 
ticians to promise, whereas fulfilment is remote and dates 
difficult, if not impossible, even when sincerely at- 
tempted. Formerly the platforms were of the first 
importance. Diligent attention was given not only 
to every position advanced but to the phrase in 
which it was expressed. In more recent years, un- 
fortunately, a change has taken place which goes far 
toward justifying the statement that "the sole object 
of the platform is to catch votes by trading on the 
credulity of the electors." l No general rule can be 
laid down for the guidance of the thoughtful and crit- 
ical citizen in weighing platforms. It must always be 
remembered that platforms are partisan documents 
and not judicial. They must be interpreted in the 
light of the character, reputation, and record of the 
party leaders and candidates back of them. It has 
to be confessed that platform pledges seem to have 
rested lightly upon the conscience of the average 
member of Congress or of the State Legislature. His 
estimate of the significance of platform declarations is 
at once tersely and cynically expressed in the oft- 
repeated saying that " platforms are good things to 
get in and out on but not to ride on." It is only by 

1 Ostrogorski's Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties, 
II, 262; Bryce, II, 330. 



5t 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Platforms 
may be 
clarified 
or rein- 
forced by 
Presiden- 
tial candi- 
dates 



party leaders of conspicuous ability and command- 
ing influence that platform promises have been taken 
very seriously. A change for the better, however, 
has been taking place recently. The conscience of 
the average member of Congress and of the State 
Legislature seems to be a little more sensitive. He 
appears to feel a greater sense of responsibility to 
the public than formerly for the faithful execution 
of the pledges contained in the party platform. In 
national affairs this has been due in a large measure 
to the emphasis with which President Taft reiterated 
in his public speeches and messages to Congress that 
party pledges mean something and are to be taken 
seriously. His persistence in driving home this ap- 
parently new thought compelled a more or less reluc- 
tant majority of Republican members of Congress 
to take steps to fulfil the promises made in the cam- 
paign of 1008, many of which, it is believed, were 
originally designed for campaign purposes only. 

r V\\c effect of an ambiguous or straddling plank in 
a platform is not infrequently reversed or radically 
modified by some positive action or formal utterance 
on the part of the Presidential candidate of the party. 
An instance of this occurred in the case of Judge 
Parker's telegram to the Democratic convention in 
St. Louis in 1004 regarding the currency issue. An- 
other instance occurred in iqoS in connection with 
the injunction and tariff planks of the Republican 
platform. Although declaring explicitly for a revi- 
sion of the tariff, the platform did not state definitely 
whether the revision was to be upward or downward. 
The general public preferred to interpret it to mean 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 53 

downward revision, but feared some treachery at 
the hands of the politicians who favored a high tariff. 
Hence in his campaign speeches Mr. Taft, the nom- 
inee, did what he could to remove any uncertainty 
as to the real meaning of the platform by emphati- 
cally declaring that he understood it to mean revi- 
sion downward, as the public appeared to desire. In 
a similar manner he made clear and definite his views 
upon the subject of injunctions. 1 In 191 6 the Re- 
publican platform spoke with some uncertainty upon 
the woman-suffrage issue; but Mr. Hughes soon 
came forward with an unequivocal declaration favor- 
ing the adoption of a suffrage amendment to the 
Federal Constitution. 

These illustrations serve to bring out another im- To their 
portant fact in present-day national politics. The JSETSr 
letter or speech of a candidate accepting the nomina- speeches 
tion for the Presidency has come to be regarded as weight is 
of equal importance with the party platform, if not attached 
of even greater importance. In the letter or speech 
of acceptance the candidate states his opinions and 
views on the great questions of the day, and these 
expressions have come to be regarded as the legiti- 
mate creed of the party. " Whether the President 
will keep the promises of the candidate, or not, in 
any event you hear not the manufactured voice of 
a machine, but the living accents of a man whose 
personality marks him out and lays him open to 
responsibility.' ' 2 

1 See summary of Mr. Taft's speech of acceptance, in Outlook, 
LXXXIX, 775, 786 (1908), and Independent, LXV, 330 (1908). 

2 OstrogorskL II r 262. 



54 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



National 
platform 
origi- 
nated in 
1832 



In spite of its defects, the party platform cannot be 
entirely ignored. It always, sooner or later, demands 
and secures attention. A good many people will 
always consider it binding. The opposing party al- 
ways attacks it. Those responsible for it also find 
themselves forced to defend it. In the long run it 
always has an appreciable influence on the course of 
the party which is committed to it. 

Inseparable as the party platform now is from 
State and national politics, it has not always existed: 
prior to 1832 there was no such thing. The princi- 
ples or policies of a party were gathered from more or 
less formal letters written by the candidates them- 
selves, or from resolutions adopted by political gath- 
erings here and there. The convention of National 
Republicans, or Whigs, held in Baltimore in Decem- 
ber, 1 83 1, recommended that a national assembly of 
young men meet in Washington, D. C, in May, 1832. 
This " Young Men's National Republican Conven- 
tion" adopted a series of ten resolutions as embody- 
ing the principles of the party. This was the first 
formal platform of a national political party in this 
country. It was not until 1840, however, that there 
appeared the first platform formulated and adopted 
as at present by a national nominating convention, 
that of the Democratic party at Baltimore. 1 

A Presidential campaign without a formal platform 
is almost inconceivable at the present time. The 
same is almost equally true of a State campaign. The 
State convention of each party in State campaigns 

1 Stanwood, 157, 199; J. A. Woodburn, Political Parties and Party 
Problems (1914), 43, 278. 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 55 

issues a more or less formal platform, which has the Platform 
same general characteristics as the national platform, ^ m _ 
although, naturally, less space is devoted to national paigns 
topics and greater consideration is given to State national 
issues. Not infrequently the State platform of a ^^" 
party in control of the national government contains 
some indorsement of the existing national adminis- 
tration. Such evidences of approval are eagerly 
sought in the more important States by the chief 
supporters of the administration. 

The introduction and consideration of such expres- 
sions of approval afford opportunities to test the 
strength of the national administration and of the 
dissident elements within the party in the States con- 
cerned. In so far as one State or group of States can 
be regarded as typical of conditions or sentiment in 
the country as a whole, these State platform utter- 
ances of approval or disapproval, or even their silence 
with reference to the national administration, are re- 
garded as significant. 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. In what sense is it correct to say that Thomas Jefferson 
and Andrew Jackson were the founders of the present Demo- 
cratic party? 

2. An account of the origin of the present Republican party. 

3. The variations in the official name of the present Repub- 
lican party, 1 860-1 868, and the reasons. (See Dunning.) 

4. From a careful study of the platforms of the old Whig 
party, make a summary of the principles or policies of that 
party. Also compare this summary with the first platforms 
of the Republican party, 1856 and i860. (See Stanwood, 
and Ormsby's History of the Whig Party.) 

5. In how many and in what respects did political condi- 
tions of 1 908-1 91 2 resemble political conditions of 1 836-1 840? 



56 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

6. The chief issues of the campaign of 1916 as presented 
in the campaign speeches of President Wilson, Mr. Hughes, 
and Colonel Roosevelt. 

7. Recent history of the Republican party in the doubt- 
ful Southern States. (See Lissner.) 

8. The struggle over the currency question in the Demo- 
cratic convention of 1904 and Judge Parker's telegram. (See 
Dennis.) 

9. The fight on the labor and injunction planks in the Re- 
publican and Democratic conventions of 1908. (See Rev. of 
Rev. and Charities, XXI, 419.) 

10. Verify or disprove the charge contained in the Demo- 
cratic platform of 1908 relative to the increase of Federal 
office-holders under recent Republican administrations. 

11. What claims in the Democratic platform of 1916 and 
what criticisms in the Republican platform seem to you to 
be unwarranted or exaggerated? 

12. To what extent did the 61st, 62d, 63d, and 64th Con- 
gresses fulfil the pledges contained in the Republican plat- 
form of 1908 and the Democratic platform of 191 2? (See 
President Taft's letter to Congressman McKinley, and 
Outlook, XCV, 508, and XCVI, 48.) 

13. The contests in the State Republican conventions of 
Ohio, Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, and New York in 19 10 over 
the indorsement of President Taft's administration. 

14. In English and Continental politics, what corresponds 
to, or takes the place of, the American party platform ? (See 
Jephson, and Lowell's The Government of England, and Gov- 
ernment and Parties in Continental Europe.) 

15. Compare the platforms of the Republican or Demo- 
cratic party between 1856 and 1876 with the platforms of the 
same party since 1876 for the purpose of showing the relative 
importance or prominence of economic questions and ques- 
tions that are chiefly of a political nature. 

16. Analyze and explain the "New Sectionalism" which 
appeared in national politics, 1876-1896. (See Haynes.) 

17. Compare the principles of the Federalist and Jeffer- 
sonian Republican parties. What caused the downfall of the 
Federalists in 1800? 

18. The capture of the Democratic party by the slave-hold- 
ing oligarchy, 1 840-1 860. 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 57 

19. The debate in the Democratic convention of i860 over 
the Dred Scott decision plank. 

20. In what sense did the Democratic party claim that the 
Republican party, 1856-1860, was not a national party? 

21. Summarize the important developments in national 
politics, 1912-1916. (See American Year Book.) 

22. In what particulars was it true in 1916 that "the real 
issue between the Democratic and Republican parties is de- 
termined not by their platforms but by their history" ? (See 
Outlook, CXIII.) 

23. President Wilson's conduct of our foreign affairs as a 
campaign issue in 1916. 

24. President Wilson and the second-term plank in the 
Democratic platform of 191 2. 

25. President Wilson, the Democratic Congress, and the 
Panama-tolls clause in the Democratic platform of 191 2. 

26. Sectionalism as an issue in 191 6. 

27. The Adamson " Eight-Hour Law" as a campaign issue 
in 1916. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

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191 J, pp. 74-80, " Politics and Parties." 
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Work, XXXII, 494 (1916). 



58 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Bryan, \Y. J.. M [he Democratic Party's Appeal," in Indi 

>, I XV, 87a (1908), 
Bryce, James, Th$ I ; .\ [I, chs, 53 56 

(4th edition), 

1 \ ill. November 4, 1916, p. 14, "The Democratic 
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I \ III. November I t, 1916, p. to, " Mr, Wilson's Mind." 

ord } id session, 61st Congress, 1910 1011. 
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Contains many platforms before [884 and much mis- 
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Creel, George, "Can Wilson Win?" in Cf$Uury } XCII, .^oo 

Croly, Herbert. " The Two Parties in ioiO." in A . 
\ III. 186 (1916), 

Curtis, Francis, r v biassed party His 

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Davenport, F, M., " The Case for Hughes," in Worid's H 

XXXII, 650 (19 

"The Farmers' Revolution in North Dakota/ 1 in 

CXTV . 325 

*• Aeross the Continent with Hughes." in Outlook, CXIV 

88 (i9*< 

"Hughes and the People of the West," in 

CXIV, 141 (19x6), 

M The Past Stand of Politieal Honrbonism," in Outlook, 

CXIV, 644 (1916), 

Issued in every Presiden 

tial campaign, 

Dennis, V P . M The Anomaly of Our National Conventions," 
in Po n XX, 183 [1905] Comments on the 

Democratic convention of 19c 

Dunn, S. O , M Phe rhreatened Strike on the Railways," in 

\ . v. CCI\ s 5 

Dunning, VB \ . " The Second Birth of the Republican 

v." iii .t \\ I s 

S ] . •• Phe Republican Party" (191a), in | 

IP 
C VB . " The Achievements of the Democratic Party 

and [ts leader Sinee Mareh 4, 101,;," in Atlantic Manth- 

cxvra, 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 59 

Englishman, An, "The Comedy of American Party Plat- 
forms, " in Harper's Weekly, LII, October 24, 1908, p. n. 

Everybody's, XXXV, 292 (1916), "Says Senator Owen, Dem- 
ocrat — Says Senator Harding, Republican." On the 
campaign issues of 19 16. 

Fitch, J. A., "Settling a Strike by Congressional Enactment, " 
in Survey, XXXVI, 599 (1916). 

Ford, H. J., Rise and Growth of American Politics (1898), 
ch. 12. 

Fuller, Paul, "The Case for Wilson/ ' in World's Work, 
XXXII, 641 (1916). 

Gardner, H. N., "Democratic Prosperity: a Reply to Theo- 
dore Price/ ' in Outlook, CXIV, 377 (191 6). 

Hammond, J. H., "The Political Issues of 1916," in Forum, 
LVI, 22 (1916). 

Hapgood, Norman, "The Flagrant Issues/' in Independent, 
LXXXVII, 416 (1916). 

"Mr. Wilson's Leadership/' in Independent, LXXXVIII, 

15 (1916). 

"Wilson, Tested; Hughes, Dangerous," in Independent, 

LXXXVIII, 230 (1916). 

Harvey, George, "The Verdict at the Polls," in No. Am. Rev., 
CC, 802 (1914). On the congressional elections, 1914. 

"The Right Hon. Sir Josephus, N. C. B.," in No. Am. 

Rev., CCI, 481 (1915). 

"Wilson and a Second Term," in No. Am. Rev., CCIII, 

161 (1916). 

"Political Pledges," in No. Am. Rev., CCIV, 161 (1916). 

On Democratic platform pledges of 191 2 and 19 16. 

"The Political Situation, 1916," in No. Am. Rev., CCIV, 

321 (1916). 

"For President, Charles Evans Hughes," in No. Am. 

Rev., CCIV, 481 (1916). 

Haynes, F. E., "The New Sectionalism," in Quar. Jour. 
Econ., X, 269 (1896). 

Hendrick, B. J., "The Recall of Justice Hughes," in World's 
Work, XXXII, 397 (1916). 

"The New Order in Washington," in World's Work, 

XXVII, 314 (1914). On conditions in the early part of 
President Wilson's administration. 



60 Political Parlies and Practical Politics 

Hill, D. J., " President Wilson's Administration of Foreign 
Affairs," in No. Am. Rev., COV, 345, 550 (1916). 

Hughes, C. E., " Shall Force or Reason Rule?" in Indepen- 
dent, LXXXVII, 62 (1916). 

Independent, The, LXIV, 1456 (1908), "The Republican 
Platform." 

LXV, 159 (1908), "The Denver Platform." 

LXV, 330, "Mr. Taft's Speech of Acceptance" (1908). 

LXXIII, 855 (1912), "The Parties Compared." 

LXXXVII, 450 (1916), "Which Side and Why?" Let- 
ters from Independent readers. 

Jephson, H., The Platform: Its Rise and Progress. Deals 
with English politics. 

Kleeburg, G. S. P., The Formation of the Republican Party 
(1911). 

Larned, J. N., "A Criticism of Two-Party Politics," in At- 
lantic Monthly, CVII, 289 (1911). 

Leupp, F. E., "The Democratic Convention" (1904), in 
Outlook, LXXVII, 638 (1904). 

Libby, O. G., "A Sketch of the Early Political Parties in the 
U. S.," in University of North Dakota, Quarterly Journal, 
II, No. 3 (1912). 

Lippman, Walter, "The Case for Wilson," in New Republic, 
VIII, 263 (1916). 

Lissner, Edward, "The Republican Party in the Doubtful 
South," in Harpers Weekly, LII, February 22, 1908, 

P- 13. 

Literary Digest, LII, 1762 (191 6), "A Comparison of the 
Chicago Platforms" (Republican and Progressive, 1916). 

LIII, 335 (1916), "Why Hughes Finds Wilson Want- 
ing." 

LIII, 654 (1916), "The President's Defence of His 

Record." 

LIII, 818 (191 6), "Progressive Leaven in the Republi- 
can Lump." 

LIII, 871 (1916), "A Presidential Straw Vote of Union 

Labor." 

LIII, 875, "Hughes and Wilson on the Eight Hour 

Law." 

LIII, 983 (1916), "He Kept Us Out of War." 

LIII, 1020 (1916), "Sizing Up the German Vote." 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 61 

Literary Digest, LIII, 1087 (19 16), " Political Reports from 
3,000 Communities." 

LIII, 1 155 (1Q16), " 30,000 Straw Votes in Five Doubt- 
ful States." 

■ — - LIII, 1 1 57 (1916), "We Are ' At War' in Mexico." 

■ LIII, 1158 (1916), "Mr. Baker's Republican Tornado." 

LIII, 1312 (1916), "Why Wilson Won." 

LIII, 1391 (1916), "How Labor Voted," in 1916. 

LIII, 1392 (1916), "How the Progressives Voted," in 

1916. 

LIII, 1394 (1916), "How the 'Hyphen' Voted," in 1916. 

McCormick, R. R., "The Next President," in Century, 
XCII, 161 (1916). 

McKee, T. H., The National Conventions and Platforms of 
All Political Parties, 17 8g to igoo. 

McLaughlin & Hart's Cyclopedia of American Government, 
I, 565, "Democratic Party"; 576, "Democratic-Repub- 
lican Party"; III, 189, "Republican Party." 

Merriam, C. E., "The Political Theory of Jefferson," in PoL 
Sci. Quar., XVII, 24 (1902). 

Moffett, S. E., "Mr. Bryan's Convention," in Rev. of Rev., 
XXXVIII, 182 (1904). On the Democratic convention 
of 1904. 

Morse, A. D., "Causes and Consequences of the Party Revo- 
lution of 1800," in Am. Hist. Assn. Report, I, 531 (1894). 

"Our Two Great Parties: Their Origin and Task," in 

Pol. Sci. Quar., VI, 593 (1891), VII, 522 (1892). 

Nation, The, CIII, 435 (1916), "A Political Revolution," in 
1916. 

New International Year Book, ipoS, p. 579 ff. Gives plat- 
forms and discusses the issues of the campaign of 1908. 

New Republic, IX, 3 (1916), "Wilson and Roosevelt." 

IX, 5 (1916), "Mr. Hughes Finds an Issue." 

IX, 7 (1916), "The Final Blunder of Mr. Hughes." 

IX, 63 (1916), "The Two Parties After the Election," 

of 1916. 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties (1902), II, 261-263. 

Democracy and the Party System in the United States 

(19 10), pp. 147-148. An abridgment and revision of 
the author's larger work cited above. 



62 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Outlook, LXXXIX, 412 (1908), "The Republican Platform" 
(1908). 

LXXXIX, 597 (1908), "The Democratic Platform" 

(1908). 

LXXXIX, 775, 786 (1908), "Mr. Taft's Speech of Ac- 
ceptance." 

LXXXIX, 786 (1908), "Concerning Injunctions." A 

comparison of the "labor planks" in the Republican and 
Democratic platforms of 1908. 

XCV, 753 (1910), "The Ohio Republican Convention." 

C, 886 (1912), "The Presidential Issue" (1912). 

CI, 812 (1912), "Shaky Platform Planks," in 1912. 

CIII, 567 (1913), "The Sixty-Second Congress." Its 

record. . 

CVI, 523 (1914), "The First Year of the Wilson Admin 

istration." 

CXIII, 399 (1916), "Mr. Hughes and the Presidential 

Issues." 

CXIII, 532 (1916), "Hughes, Roosevelt and Union." 

CXIII, 581 (1916), "The Real Issue." 

CXIV, 127 (1916), "The Record of Congress," 1st ses- 
sion, 64th Congress, December, 191 5- August, 1916. List 
of "good," "bad" and "mixed" enactments. 

CXIV, 245, 254 (1916), "President Eliot's Support of 

President Wilson." Reply to President Eliot's article 
in Atlantic Monthly. 

CXIV, 573, 597 (1916), "The Presidential Election," 

of 1916. 

CXIV, 636(1916), "Why President Wilson Was Elected." 

CXIV, 306 (1916), "The Mexican Policy of President 

Wilson from a Mexican Point of View." 

Perley, F. E., "The Mathematics of the Presidential Elec- 
tion," in World's Work, XXXII, 534 (1916). 

Poe, Clarence, "The South: Backward and Sectional, or Pro- 
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Pomeroy, E. C, "Our Next President," in Forum, XL VIII, 
5i3 (1912). 

Price, T. H., "President Wilson and Prosperity," in Outlook, 
CXIII, 941, 998 (1916). 

Republican Text-Book for the Congressional Campaign, IQIO, 
1914. 



Democratic and Republican Platforms 63 

Review of Reviews, XXX, 186 (1904), "The National Demo- 
cratic Convention at St. Louis.' ' 

XXXVIII, 8 (1908), " Making the Party Platform at 

Chicago. " 

XXXVIII, 269 (1908), "Are Platforms Binding?" 

XLIII, 337 (ion), "Will There Be a New Party?" 

LIV, 467 (1916), "Breaking Party Fences." On cam- 
paign of 19 16. 

LIV, 579 (1916), "The Presidential Election," of 1916. 

Gives maps. 

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Rogers, H. W., "The Democratic Party," in Yale Rev., II. 
33 (1912). 

Roosevelt, Theodore, "Platform Insincerity," in Outlook, CI, 
659 (191 2). On 191 2 Republican and Democratic plat- 
forms. 

Schurman, J. G., "Tested by a Crisis," in Independent, 
LXXXVII, 417 (191 6). On President Wilson's adminis- 
tration. 

"Why Progressives Want Hughes," in Independent- 

LXXXVIII, 14 (1916). 

"Wilson's Mexican Failure," in Independent, LXXX- 
VIII, 103 (1916). 

"We Want Hughes: Why ? " in Independent, LXXXVIII, 

228 (1916). 

Seilhamer, G. O., Leslie's History of the Republican Party, 
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Serri, F. R., "Mr. Hughes and the Railroad Issue" (19 16), in 
Outlook, CXIV, 342 (1916). 

Shaw, W. B., "Charles E. Hughes as a Political Figure/' in 
Rev. of Rev., LIV, 46 (1916). 

Stan wood, Edward, A History of the Presidency (1898). 
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"Letter of Acceptance." in Republican Campaign Text- 
Book, iqo8. 



64 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Taft, W. H., " Letter to Hon. William B. McKinley," 
Chairman of the Republican Congressional Campaign 
Committee, August 20, 19 10, in Republican Text-Book 
for the Congressional Campaign, iqio. This letter enu- 
merates the promises of the Republican platform of 
1908 which were fulfilled by the 61st Congress. 

Usher, R. G., "The Case for Hughes, ,, in New Republic, VIII, 
267 (1916). 

Villard, O. G., "The Mystery of Woodrow Wilson, ,, in No. 
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chs. 1-6. 

World Almanac, The. This work, issued annually, gives, in 
easily accessible form, national and State platforms and 
other useful political information not easily accessible 
elsewhere. Though usually accurate, care should be 
taken to verify statistics. 

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gressional Record." On the fulfilment of 1908 campaign 
pledges. 

XXXII, 367 (1916), "The President, Why He Should 

and Should Not Be Reelected." 

XXXII, 369 (1916), "Mr. Hughes, Why He Should 

and Should Not Be Elected." 

*- XXXII, 483 (1916), "Mr. Hughes' Campaign Outlined." 



CHAPTER III 

"THIRD" PARTIES. THE NATIONAL PROGRES- 
SIVE PARTY AND ITS PLATFORM OF 1912. 
THE SOCIALIST PARTY AND ITS PLATFORM 
OF 1916 

The commanding prominence of two great political Minor 
parties is most conspicuous in the politics of the h*^ es 
United States and Great Britain. So prominent and rareJ y be- 
so firmly intrenched is this "two-party system" that "great" 
it is customary to refer to all other parties, collectively v* 1 ^ 
and severally, as minor or "third" parties. At times 
minor or third parties have exerted a potent influ- 
ence upon the political history of this country. As 
a general rule, however, it has been difficult to in- 
duce voters to leave the two great parties which, for 
the time being, have occupied the foreground, for 
the sake of voting with a third party. The proba- 
bility of such a party's carrying a national or even 
a State election is usually very remote. No third 
party has risen to a commanding position since the 
rise of the Republican party sixty years ago, unless 
we except the National Progressive party. 

To organize a new party, national in scope and 
capable of competing successfully with the two great 
parties, involves enormous labor and expense, and 
has appeared more and more hopeless as the country 
has expanded territorially and increased in popu- 
lation. Republicans and Democrats may be thor- 

65 



66 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

oughly disgusted with their own party; nevertheless, 
they have been content for the most part to vote 
with it or to vote with the opposition in order to 
rebuke their own party, choosing for the time being 
what they regard as the lesser of two evils. 1 It has 
been difficult and wellnigh impossible to induce them 
to " throw away" their votes, as they consider it, by 
voting the ticket of a third party. Many even pre- 
fer to stay away from the polls. In spite of this, 
third parties serve an important purpose, though 
sometimes they are made use of by unscrupulous 
and designing politicians as a means of corrupt bar- 
gaining or trading with the two great parties. 
Minor Third parties have generally been composed of men 

oftenex- °f earn ^st convictions and zealous purposes, and at 
ertim- times they have had a modifying or restraining in- 

portant in- J # i i j • 

fluence nuence upon the course of one of the old parties. 
usefui erVe Sometimes they have even sharply turned the course 
purpose of party history. They are often organized and di- 
rected by earnest and patriotic men, who, caring 
little for the causes at issue between the old parties, 
use a third party as a means for agitation and edu- 
cation, and as a means of enabling a considerable 
body of political opinion to find rational expression 
at the ballot-box. 

The idea that men must vote with one of two 
parties is very illogical and at times leads to absurd 
political inconsistencies. It has led citizens to vote 
for men whom they did not trust and to subscribe 
to principles in which they did not believe. "It is 
often an obstacle to healthy political education and 

1 Woodburn (19 14), 206-208. 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 67 

development. It tends to induce men to subordinate 
their real convictions to the mere idle purpose of 
rallying under a traditional party name to carry an 
election. Rational politics requires that men should 
stand and vote together for what they think is para- 
mount. To go with a party which the voter thinks 
is fundamentally wrong or is headed entirely in the 
wrong direction, merely because the other party is 
worse, is not calculated to make for wholesome 
politics or for the ultimate benefit of the country. 
Third parties do a great service in enabling voters 
to stand up for their opinions." * 

The most recent " third" -party movement is the TheNa- 
outgrowth of the " insurgent" or " progressive" g r ° e n s ^ r0 " 
movement alluded to in the preceding chapter. This P art y 
movement has been in progress for a number of years 
within the Republican party and to a less degree 
within the Democratic party also. In the summer 
of 191 2 a large and influential element within the 
Republican party, finding conditions within that 
party intolerable, launched the movement for a new 
party under the name of the National Progressive 
party. An enthusiastic and very largely attended 
national convention of those in sympathy with the 
new movement was held in Chicago in August, 191 2, 
at which an elaborate platform was adopted, 2 and 
ex-President Theodore Roosevelt and Governor Hiram 
Johnson of California were nominated for President 
and Vice-President, respectively. 

1 Ibid. 

2 The summary of the National Progressive platform which follows 
is taken from Outlook, CI, 869 (191 2). 



68 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



The Pro- 
gressive 
vote in 
the Presi- 
dential 
election of 

IQI2 



The Pro- 
gressive 
platform 
summa- 
rized 



The circumstances attending the birth of this new 
party augured well for a degree of success unusual 
in such third-party movements. In the election of 
191 2 the Progressive party stood second to the 
Democratic party in the size of its electoral and 
popular vote and polled nearly half a million more 
votes than the Republican party. It ranks, there- 
fore, as the most formidable third-party movement 
since i860. 

The National Progressive platform or " covenant 
with the people," briefly summarized, declared for 
the following policies : 

I. POLITICAL REFORMS 

1. Direct primaries. 

2. Nation-wide Presidential-preference primaries. 

3. Direct election of United States senators. 

4. The short ballot and the initiative, referendum, and re- 
call in the States. 

5. A more easy and expeditious method of amending the 
Federal Constitution. 

6. The bringing under effective national jurisdiction of 
those problems which expand beyond the reach of the indi- 
vidual States. 

7. Equal suffrage for men and women. 

8. Limitation of campaign contributions and expenditures 
and publicity before as well as after primaries and elections. 

9. Laws requiring the registration of lobbyists, publicity of 
committee hearings, and recording of all votes in committee. 

10. Prohibiting Federal appointees from taking part in 
political organizations and political conventions. 

n. Popular review of judicial decisions on laws for secur- 
ing social justice. 

12. The review by the Supreme Court of the United States 
of decisions of State courts declaring legislative acts uncon- 
stitutional. 

13. The reform of legal procedure and judicial methods. 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 69 

14. The prohibition of the issuance of injunctions in labor 
disputes when such injunctions would not apply if no labor 
dispute existed. 

15. Jury trial for contempt in labor disputes except when 
the contempt was committed in the presence of the court. 



II. SOCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL REFORMS 

16. Effective legislation looking to the prevention of in- 
dustrial accidents, occupational diseases, overwork, involun- 
tary unemployment, and other injurious effects incident to 
modern industry. 

17. The fixing of minimum safety and health standards 
for the various occupations and the exercise of the public 
authority to maintain such standards. 

18. The prohibition of child labor. 

19. Minimum wage standards for working women, to pro- 
vide a " living wage" in all industrial occupations. 

20. The general prohibition of night-work for women and 
the establishment of an eight-hour day for women and young 
persons. 

21. One day's rest in seven for all wage-workers. 

22. The eight-hour day in continuous twenty-four-hour in- 
dustries. 

23. The abolition of the convict contract labor system; 
substituting a system of prison production for governmental 
consumption only, and the application of prisoners' earnings 
to the support of their dependent families. 

24. Publicity as to wages, hours, and conditions of labor; 
full reports upon industrial accidents and diseases and the 
opening to public inspection of all tallies, weights, measures, 
and check systems on labor products. 

25. Standards of compensation for death by industrial 
accident and injury and trade disease which will transfer the 
burden of lost earnings from the families of working people 
to the industry and thus to the community. 

26. The protection of home life against the hazards of sick- 
ness, irregular employment, and old age through the adop- 
tion of a system of social insurance adapted to American use. 

27. The establishment of continuation schools for industrial 
education. 



70 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

28. The establishment of industrial-research laboratories. 

29. The establishment of a department of labor. 

30. The development of agricultural credit and co-opera- 
tion. 

31. The encouragement of agricultural education. 

32. The establishment of a country-life commission. 

S3. Full and immediate inquiry into the high cost of living 
and immediate action dealing with every need disclosed 
thereby. 

34. A national health service. 

III. INTERSTATE AND FOREIGN COMMERCE 

35. Establishment of a strong Federal administrative com- 
mission to maintain permanent, active supervision over indus- 
trial corporations as the government now does over national 
banks and, through the Interstate Commerce Commission, 
over railways. 

36. The strengthening of the Sherman law by specific 
prohibitions. 

37. The enactment of a patent law to prevent the sup- 
pression or the misuse of patents in the interest of injurious 
monopolies. 

38. Giving the Interstate Commerce Commission the power 
to value the physical property of railways. 

39. The abolition of the commerce court. 

40. Prompt legislation for the improvement of the na- 
tional currency system which shall give the government full 
control over the issue of currency notes. 

41. The appointment of diplomatic and consular officers 
solely for fitness and not for political expediency. 

42. The construction of national highways. 

43. The extension of the rural free delivery service. 

44. The comprehensive development of waterways. 

45. The operation of the Panama Canal so as to break the 
transportation monopolies now held and misused by trans- 
continental railways. 

46. A protective tariff which shall equalize conditions of 
competition between the United States and foreign countries, 
both for the farmer and the manufacturer, and which shall 
maintain for labor an adequate standard of living. An im- 
mediate downward revision of the tariff. 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 71 

47. A non-partisan, scientific tariff commission. 

48. A parcels post with rates proportionate to distance and 
service. 

49. Governmental supervision for the protection of the 
public from fraudulent stock issues. 

IV. MISCELLANEOUS 

50. The retention of forest, coal, and oil lands, water and 
other natural resources in the ownership of the nation. 

51. The retention of the natural resources of Alaska in 
ownership by the nation and their prompt opening to use 
upon liberal terms requiring immediate development. 

52. For Alaska the same measure of local self-government 
that has been given to other American Territories. 

53. A graduated inheritance tax. 

54. The ratification of the amendment of the Constitu- 
tion giving the government power to levy an income tax. 

55. Introduction of judicial and other peaceful means of 
settling international differences. 

56. An international agreement for the limitation of naval 
forces and, pending such an agreement, the maintenance of 
the policy of building two battle-ships a year. 

57. Protection of the rights of American citizenship at 
home and abroad. 

58. Governmental action to encourage the distribution of 
immigrants and to supervise all agencies dealing with them, 
and to supervise and promote their education and advance- 
ment. 

59. A wise and just policy of pensioning American soldiers 
and sailors. 

60. The rigid enforcement and extension of the civil ser- 
vice act. 

61. A readjustment of the business methods of the na- 
tional government and a proper co-ordination of the Federal 
bureaus. 

Apparent 

During the four years following the Presidential reunion of 

campaign of 19 12 the National Progressive party sivesand 

maintained strong national and State organizations, Re P ubU - 

and was such a potent factor in State and local elec- 1912-1916 



72 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

tions that many of the legislative measures advocated 
in its platform of 191 2 were incorporated in Federal 
and State laws. The congressional and State elec- 
tions occurring in 19 14 and 191 5, however, revealed 
a marked tendency on the part of Progressives 
to support Republican candidates and to give up 
their independent party organization. This was due 
largely to the fact that Republican leaders, chastened 
by the defeat of 191 2, gave unmistakable signs of a 
desire to win back the Progressives and consequently 
exhibited a spirit of conciliation and concession. 
This, together with the appearance of new issues 
growing out of the European war and the Mexican 
complications, epitomized in the popular phrases 
" Americanism " and " Preparedness,'' as well as a 
common dissatisfaction with the administration of 
President Wilson, seemed to make it comparatively 
easy for the greater portion of the Republicans and 
Progressives to forget their old animosities and to 
join forces once more as Republicans in order to pre- 
vent, if possible, the return of the Democratic party 
to power in 19 16. 
Radical Consequently, when the Progressive and Repub- 

^l^!!" lican national conventions of 10 16 found them- 
jected selves in substantial harmony respecting these and 

akX% 

Hughes most other issues, and foresaw inevitable defeat for 
both parties if they continued to be divided, Colonel 
Roosevelt declined the Progressive nomination for the 
Presidency and advised all Progressives to unite* in 
support of Mr. Hughes, the Republican nominee. 
This reunion was resisted by a small minority of the 
more radical Progressives, but apparently met with 



Progressive arid Socialist Platforms 73 

the approval of the great majority of that party at 
least in the early part of the campaign of 191 6. The 
irreconcilables protested this amalgamation and de- 
clared that they would maintain a separate ticket in 
the ensuing election headed solely by the party's 
nominee for the Vice-Presidency, Colonel John M. 
Parker of Louisiana. As the campaign progressed 
not a few of the former Progressive leaders, including 
Colonel Parker, came out openly in support of the 
Democratic candidate. The election returns in No- 
vember indicated that this dissident element in 
the Progressive party was more numerous than had 
been supposed, that the schism of 19 12 had been 
only partially healed, and that thousands of former 
Progressives, especially in Western States, preferred 
President Wilson to Mr. Hughes, whom they dis- 
trusted, in part at least because of his apparently 
close affiliation with the reactionary wing of the 
Republican party. There probably has not been a 
Presidential election since the Civil War in which 
there was such a large amount of split-ticket or inde- 
pendent voting as that of 1916. Evidently one per- 
manent result of the party revolution of 191 2 was to 
release from their former allegiance to the Republican 
party a large mass of voters upon whom party ties 
rest lightly and who must be reckoned with as "in- 
dependents" in future campaigns. 

In the last two decades the third parties which at Rapid 
one time or another have attained to positions of in- 1™^,°' 
fluence and importance are the Prohibition party, the party 
Populist party, and the Socialist party. The last, by 
reason of its rapid growth and its distinctive doc-. 



74 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



trines, could fairly be regarded before 191 2 as the 
most important of the recent minor parties. The So- 
cialist party's rapid accession of voters in the United 
States has made it a factor to be reckoned with in 
national, State, and municipal politics. The com- 
bined Socialist vote in the recent Presidential cam- 
paigns has been as follows : 





VOTE 


INCREASE 


PER CENT GAIN 


1892 


2I,l64 

36,274 

127,553 

433,537 
463,800 
927,180 
75o,ooo 


l5,IIO 

91,279 

305,984 

30,337 

463,380 

— 177,180 


71-4 
248.8 

239 

7 
100 

i9-(-) 


1896. 


IQOO 


1004 


1008 


1912 


1916* 





*Estimated 

In the Presidential elections of 1904 and 191 2 every 
State recorded at least a few votes for the Socialist 
ticket. In 1908 only two States failed to record any 
Socialist votes. The enormous gain of 239 per cent 
which the party had made in 1904 had led some to 
predict that the election of 1908 would bring close to a 
million votes to the Socialist ticket. This prediction 
was not fulfilled. In all the States in which the So- 
cialist party had polled its heaviest vote in 1904, with 
three exceptions, there was a marked falling off, reach- 
ing as high as 50 per cent in Illinois. The three ex- 
ceptions were Indiana, in which there was a gain of 
nearly 4 per cent, Missouri, with a gain of over ji 
per cent, and Pennsylvania, with a gain of 60 per 
cent. These gains with those made in other parts 



gains in 

1910 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 75 

of the country more than offset the losses mentioned 
above. The total combined Socialist vote reached 
463,800, a gain of nearly 7 per cent over the combined 
Socialist vote of 1904. 

The results of the State and congressional elections socialist 
of 1910 contained much to encourage the Socialists. 
From practically all parts of the country the reports 
indicated a decided Socialist advance. The gain was 
most marked on the Pacific coast, particularly in Los 
Angeles and San Francisco, and in the Northwest, 
particularly in Milwaukee, in Chicago, and in Co- 
lumbus, Ohio. Charles Edward Russell, running for 
governor of New York, doubled the vote polled by 
the Socialist candidate in the previous election and 
even ran ahead of W. R. Hearst, the candidate on 
the Independence League ticket. Minneapolis came 
within a thousand votes of electing a Socialist mayor, 
while Columbus, Ohio, and one of the New York City 
congressional districts came equally near electing 
Socialist congressmen. Milwaukee not only had the 
distinction of having placed the entire city govern- 
ment in the hands of the Socialists, but had the addi- 
tional distinction of electing the first Socialist mem- 
ber of Congress, Victor L. Berger. In Milwaukee 
County the Socialists elected their entire county 
ticket by pluralities ranging from 5,000 to 7,000, the 
latter being the plurality of W. A. Arnold, the can- 
didate for sheriff. In addition to this, the Socialists 
elected thirteen members of the legislature from Mil- 
waukee County, including one senator and twelve 
assemblymen. 1 The total vote polled by Socialist 

1 Literary Digest, XLI, 921 (19 10). 



76 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Public 
offices 
held by 
Socialists 
in 1913 



The prin- 
ciples of 
Socialism 



candidates in 19 10 approximated 605,000. an increase 
of 23.4 per cent over the vote of 1908. 

The total number of Socialists " officially reported" 
as holding office on the first of May, 1913, was 667. 
This number includes 21 members of State Legisla- 
tures in nine States (3 senators and 18 representa- 
tives), 34 mayors of cities, 230 aldermen, 106 other 
municipal offices, 150 county offices, and 126 school 
offices. 1 

The principles and organization of a political party 
which has been growing so rapidly deserve detailed 
consideration by all students of American politics. 

It is difficult to define either Socialism or a Social- 
ist. There are different brands of Socialism and dif- 
ferent varieties of Socialists. Some Socialists are rad- 
ical, while others are conservative; some emphasize 
one set of principles and modus operandi, while others 
lay stress upon other principles and a different pro- 
gramme. Volume after volume has been written 
upon Socialism and Socialists by both friends and 
critics, and from such varying points of view that 
the average student is quite bewildered. To add to 
his confusion, he finds the ultra-conservatives in both 
great parties stigmatizing as socialistic certain reforms 
advocated by members of their own parties which 
they regard as too radical. 

In the following discussion of Socialism only a few 
broad generalizations can be advanced. These are 
subject to numerous exceptions and variations; but 
on the whole it is hoped and believed that they do 

1 Socialist Congressional Campaign Book, 1914, p. 310; see also 
R. F. Hoxie, in Jour. Pol. Econ., XIX, 609 (191 1). 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 77 

not materially misrepresent the main principles of 
economic and political Socialism; for Socialism is 
at one and the same time an economic theory and a 
programme of political action. One accordingly finds 
Socialism a proper subject of discussion in text-books 
on both economics and politics. 

As an economic creed, Socialism may be said to have Socialism 
two aims, a negative and a positive, each directed ^neco- 
primarily to the betterment of the condition of the ™>mic 
so-called working or wage-earning classes. Consid- having a 
ered with reference to its negative side, Socialism ap- JJJfJJJ. 
pears as a movement of protest against the existing itive side 
economic order. Socialists teach that society, under 
the present capitalist and wage system, is divided 
into two great economic classes. One of these classes 
includes a comparatively small body of men, the 
capitalists, who own substantially all the tools and 
implements of industry by means of which wealth is 
created. This class very largely, if not wholly, de- 
termines the conditions under which labor is carried 
on and the wages which the workers shall receive. 
The other and vastly greater class consists of the 
employees or wage-earners who do practically all 
the work of creating wealth with these tools and im- 
plements of industry. Against this division of soci- 
ety and the consequences flowing from it Socialism 
brings its indictment. 1 

The Socialist protests (i) against the exploitation 
of the wage-earner by the capitalists. By this the 
Socialist means to say that the wage-earners as a 
class are universally getting less for their services 

1 Outlook, LXXXIV, 10 (1906); ibid, XCV, 831 (1910). 



78 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

than they are really worth, while the capitalist profits 
thereby unreasonably and unjustly. This exploita- 
tion is regarded as an inevitable result of the private 
ownership of the means of the production and dis- 
tribution of wealth. 

Socialists protest (2) that the present economic re- 
gime permits the growth of private monopolies and 
offers no effective means of checking them. This is 
another inevitable result of the private ownership of 
natural resources and the means of production. 

The Socialist sees (3) only chaos in the present ar- 
rangement of society and the lack of any plan for 
the constructive development of all its parts. The 
world appears as a bundle of contradictions to the 
Socialist. Wherever he looks he sees good and bad, 
abundance and scarcity, the greatest extremes of 
wealth and poverty. " Whatever happens to be seems 
to him but the result of blind chance." 

Socialists protest (4) against the wastefulness of 
the present economic system. For competition which 
is uneconomical they would substitute co-operation, 
which makes for economy. Under the competitive 
system much is done in duplicate and triplicate that 
could just as well be done once under a system of co- 
operation. 

Finally, Socialists protest (5) against the essentially 
evil nature of competition, which seems to call out all 
the bad in human nature and to suppress much that 
is good. "To beat their competitors and make a 
profit, men adulterate food, employ child labor, vio- 
late factory inspection laws, and pay low wages." l 

1 Nearing and Watson, Economics, 470, 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 79 

Expressed in other words, Socialism, on its nega- 
tive side, seeks the abolition of those fundamental 
features of the present economic order which seem to 
justify its indictment, namely, the capitalist class, 
the wage system, the private ownership of land and 
natural resources, and private ownership of the tools, 
implements, or machinery by which wealth is created. 
Some Socialists would go so far as to do away with 
all private ownership of property. The more mod- 
erate Socialists would not totally abolish private 
property, but would merely confine it to things which 
minister directly to the satisfaction of human wants, 
as, for example, houses, clothes, food, and the like. 

But Socialism is more than a protest against the The post- 
existing order. It has also a positive aim and a pro- ^ h ^ e 
gramme for the economic reconstruction of society, economic 

creed 

Having abolished the institution of private property, 
the Socialist believes that a general amelioration of * 

society would take place if the entire ownership of 
land and the instruments used in producing wealth 
were transferred to the State or to the government as 
the agent of the State. The State or government 
would thus become the " director of all industrial 
undertakings. All business managers and workmen 
would then become government officials employed in 
government enterprises. Private initiative and com- 
petition in industry would be superseded by State 
initiative." l The details of the conduct of industries 
would be ." intrusted to men who are technically fa- 
miliar with its processes, precisely as it is now in- 
trusted to managers by the stockholders of a corpo- 

l Ibid. 



80 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Concrete 
applica- 
tions of 
these 
principles 



ration; in short, the whole of industry will represent 
a giant corporation in which all the citizens are stock- 
holders, and the state will represent a board of di- 
rectors acting for the whole people." * 

Stated a little more concretely, Socialism means 
that the city, or county, or State, or the nation, each 
in its separate sphere, would own "all the trolleys, all 
the railways, all the factories, all the mines, all the 
forests; in a word, all these industrial enterprises 
which are now carried on by groups of men acting 
together." 2 Our government now owns the post- 
office, and most governments own the telegraph. 
"Nearly all," says Professor Ely, "own the wagon 
roads. Some own the canals and railways. Many 
governments own factories. Probably every govern- 
ment does at least a little manufacturing. Most gov- 
ernments cultivate forests and some cultivate arable 
lands. We have only to imagine an extension of 
what already exists until government enterprise dom- 
inates in manufactures, mining, transportation, and 
carries on, in short, most productive enterprises, and 
we have Socialism pure and simple." 3 

The socialized state would organize and direct this 
complicated industry as our government now organ- 
izes and directs the army, or the post-office, or the 
construction of the Panama Canal. It would "as- 
sign to every one his place in this great industrial 
organization," and would "take all the proceeds and 
divide them equitably among all the people." The 



1 E. V. Debs, in Independent, LXV, 879 (1908). 

2 Outlook, XCV, 833 (1910). 

3 R. T. Ely, Outlines of Economics (new and revised edition), 519. 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 81 

state would become the employer, for the capitalist 
would cease to be, and all citizens of the state would 
be the employees. "Each man's task would be 
assigned to him by the state, and by the state the 
hours and conditions of his labor would be deter- 
mined and his wages allotted." * 

Regarding the means of realizing these positive The 
aims of Socialism, one group, who may be designated keying 
as the revolutionary Socialists, looks forward to a their real- 
general uprising on the part of the masses, who will 
first obtain control of the government, then confiscate 
all land and capital goods, and finally inaugurate the 
system of state-conducted industry. A second group 
condemns violent and revolutionary measures and 
looks forward, instead, to "a gradual transition to 
Socialism through a step-by-step extension of the 
functions of government, to be defended, at each 
stage, not by any preconceived preference for Social- 
ism, but by the exigencies of each situation." Judged 
by its platforms of 1908 and 191 2, the present Social- 
ist party in the United States ought to be placed in 
this category. Still a third group of Socialists looks 
for the new system as the result of a revolutionary, 
though entirely voluntary, change approved by all 
classes because the competitive system will have be- 
come intolerable. 2 

Acceptance of such an economic creed, in which Economic 
the government would serve not only as the political ^dfio™ 
but also as the industrial agent of society, seems to icaiiy to 

1 1 1 • 11 . .... ,. . political 

lead logically to an active participation in politics, socialism 

1 Outlook, XCV, 833 (1910). 

2 H. R. Seager, Introduction to Economics, 527. 



82 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Only thus would it seem that Socialism can hope to 
realize both its negative and its positive aims. As a 
political party, therefore, the Socialists seek to ob- 
tain the support of a majority of the American voters 
in order to secure control of the government, national, 
State, or local. Accomplishing this, the party would 
be in a position to substitute the Socialist political- 
economic programme for the present capitalist and 
wage system. If the more moderate Socialists were 
in the majority, this change would be effected gradu- 
ally and doubtless by strictly legal processes. Should 
the more revolutionary Socialists predominate, the 
transformation would be more abrupt and would 
doubtless be accompanied by more or less confisca- 
tion and disregard of existing legal rights. Or, fail- 
ing in their efforts to obtain mastery of the govern- 
mental machinery, the Socialists hope to acquire such 
political strength that one or both great parties, 
needing and desiring their support, will be willing to 
concede some or all of the fundamental positions of 
Socialism and annex, so to speak, at least the sub- 
stance of its programme of reform under a different 
name, 
in the In Germany, France, Belgium, and recently in 

states Great Britain, Socialists as a distinct party, or as a 
there are potent group within a larger party, constitute a po- 
ciaiist litical factor of the first importance. In the United 
parties States at the present time there are two Socialist 
parties, the Socialist Labor party and the Social- 
Democratic party, usually called merely the Socialist 
party. 

The Socialist Labor party is the older of the two, 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 83 

and for a period of about twenty years, between 1879 The So- 
and 1899, it was the dominant factor in the Socialist bor party" 
movement in this country. 1 To-day the party is a 
mere remnant and plays a negligible part in Ameri- 
can politics. Its total vote for President in 1904 was 
only 31,249, while in 1908 it dwindled to 15,421, 
although it rose to 29,259 in 191 2. This party makes 
its appeal almost exclusively to the working classes. 
It declared in its platform of 1908 that "man can- 
not exercise his right of life, liberty, and the pursuit 
of happiness without the ownership of the land and 
the tools with which to work. Deprived of these, 
his life, liberty, and fate fall into the hands of the 
class that owns these essentials for work and produc- 
tion." 2 A radical appeal was made to the working 
classes to unite against the property-owning class. 
The radical character of the party was reflected in 
its Presidential candidate in 1908. The nominee was 
M. R. Preston, then serving a sentence of twenty- 
five years in the Nevada State Penitentiary for the 
murder of an employer committed while Preston was 
serving as a picket in time of strike. Preston is 
regarded by the Socialist Labor party as one of its 
martyrs in its warfare upon capitalism. 3 While de- 
claring war upon the present regime, the Socialist 
Labor party puts forward no definite, practicable 
programme of reconstruction. 

The Social-Democratic party, usually called the 

1 See Hillquit's History of Socialism in the United States. 

2 The platforms of both Socialist parties for 1908, 191 2, and 191 6 
may be found in the World Almanac for 19 10, 1913, and 191 7, respec- 
tively. 

3 Independent, LXV, 891 (1908). 



84 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



The 
Social- 
Demo- 
cratic 
party 



Party or- 
ganization 
of Social- 
ists in- 
cludes 
(i) " en- 
rolled " 
members 



Socialist party, has been making rapid strides since 
its organization in 1897. In the Presidential elec- 
tion of 191 2 it polled nearly a million votes. The 
majority of this party, unlike the majority of the 
Socialist Labor party, seem to entertain moderate 
rather than radical socialistic views: they are some- 
times called opportunists. Nevertheless there is, 
even within this party, a radical element of consider- 
able strength, which wishes to go further than the 
moderates in their plans for the overthrow of the 
old order. In its origin the Socialist party was the 
result of a fusion of two elements: one an element 
seceding from the Socialist Labor party having be- 
come dissatisfied with conditions in that party, and 
the other a new Socialist organization which had 
grown up outside the ranks of the Socialist Labor 
party. The person most active in organizing the 
party and most conspicuous in its subsequent his- 
tory is Eugene V. Debs. 1 

The Socialist party has a well-developed and 
distinctive organization in practically every State. 
The nucleus of the organization consists of about 
80,000 "enrolled" members. To become a member 
of the party and be entitled to participate in party 
government, one must sign an application form, in- 
dorsing the constitution and platform of the party, 
and proclaim severance of all relations with any 
other party. These 80,000 members are organized 
into about 3,000 "locals," a majority vote of a local 
being necessary for the enrolment of a new member. 
Women are admitted to membership on the same 

1 Hillquit, op. cit. 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 85 

basis as men and participate as party officials and 
delegates. 

Each " enrolled " member pays annual dues of three 
dollars in monthly instalments. After the manner 
of trade-unions, each enrolled member is given a 
membership card to which monthly dues stamps are 
attached when dues are paid. It is claimed that the 
dues system is "a most simple and effective method 
of financing the organization, and reduces the labor 
of accounting to a minimum. The dues system 
makes the mass membership responsible for the 
party's financing and prevents individual members 
from desiring or assuming a right to special privi- 
leges on the strength of being necessary to the party 
because of their ability to 'foot the bills' — a condi- 
tion recognized as a part of the 'practical polities' 
of all other political organizations." 

The locals elect city, State, and national commit- (2) A 
tees which administer the party affairs. There is a com- m ° 
National Executive Committee which meets at fre- ^ ttees 
quent intervals. The chief executive of the party 
is the national secretary, who is elected by a refer- 
endum of the entire enrolled membership of the 
party, and has permanent headquarters or offices in 
Chicago. 

The national organization of the party maintains (3) A 
about twenty paid organizers in the field who are at 
work the year round organizing new locals, speak- ^ ho con - 
ing, agitating, selling and distributing literature, campaign 
Some of them are clergymen, others are trade-union- £ f * uca " 
ists and farmers. Besides the national organizers, 
every State and many counties and cities have their 



corps of 
organizers 



86 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Their 
propa- 
ganda has 
been suc- 
cessful 
among 
trade- 
unionists 



own organizers, every local and often each small 
branch of a local has paid or voluntary organizers 
numbering probably several hundred in all. " Alto- 
gether there are probably not less than four thousand 
speakers at work every night of the year lecturing, 
campaigning, and selling literature." 1 Tons of lit- 
erature are sent from the national office and from 
various Socialist publishing houses. Among the So- 
cialist periodicals circulating in the United States 
one finds nine daily papers, three printed in English 
and six in foreign languages. The most important 
of these in the recent past have been the New York 
Call and the Chicago Daily Socialist, their circulation 
approximating a hundred thousand. In addition to 
these there are nearly forty weekly papers published 
in English and between twenty and thirty in some 
foreign language. 2 Altogether there are not far from 
one hundred avowedly Socialist newspapers in the 
country. 

A leading Socialist, who is the authority for many 
of the foregoing statements, says that "at present 
there is perhaps more Socialist literature circulated 
in the United States than in any other country in 
the world, with the possible exception of Germany." 3 

It is this continuous campaign of education prose- 
cuted with special vigor in every working-class dis- 
trict in the country that goes far toward explaining 
the rapid increase in the Socialist vote. Trade- 

1 Review of Reviews, XXXVIII, 293 (1908). 

2 Ibid. 

3 Ibid. In 19 14 the Socialist party began the publication of The 
American Socialist, which is said to be the first party-owned weekly 
newspaper in this country. American Year Book, 1914, p. 407. 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 87 

unions have been found to be valuable agencies for 
the diffusion of Socialist doctrines. " Every contest 
of magnitude between the employers and trade- 
unions is a Socialist opportunity, and no such oppor- 
tunity is neglected. Socialist organizers and news- 
papers throw themselves strenuously into the fight. 
The occasion is made use of for the preaching of 
Socialist doctrine and the pointing of Socialist mor- 
als.'' One result is that the socialistic tendencies in 
trade-unions at the present time is a topic deserving 
thoughtful consideration by students of labor prob- 
lems and politics. Since 1900 official declarations 
favoring the collective ownership and operation of 
the means of production have been made by the 
Wisconsin State Federation of Labor and by similar 
bodies in Michigan, Iowa, and Minnesota. From 
the central federated union in large cities like New 
York, St. Louis, Cleveland, Milwaukee, Columbus, 
Erie, Wilkes-Barre, and Toledo other similar declara- 
tions have come. The bakers' union, various unions 
of carpenters, the switchmen's union, the brewers' 
union, and certain unions among coal-miners, all 
declared for Socialism immediately before or during 
the Presidential campaign of 1908. More recently 
several national unions, including the Western Fed- 
eration of Miners and the United Mine Workers of 
America, have in one way or another officially in- 
dorsed the Socialist programme. A few years ago 
scarcely a labor newspaper or periodical could be in- 
duced to print matter at all friendly to Socialism. 
To-day about twenty-five leading trade-union peri- 
odicals are openly advocating Socialism, while nearly 



88 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

all such organs will now print in their columns arti- 
cles or letters for and against Socialism, Strenuous, 
though as yet unsuccessful, efforts have been made 
for a long time to obtain a formal indorsement of 
the Socialist programme from the American Feder- 
ation of Labor. 1 

In quite unexpected quarters, too, the Socialists 
have made important gains in recent years. The 
farmers, whom many have considered immune from 
socialistic doctrines, are coming into the party in 
considerable numbers. In literary and university 
circles the converts are numerous, and several hun- 
dred clergymen, within the past few years, have 
united with the party. 2 

The results of this propaganda were reflected to 
some extent in the national convention at Chicago 
in 1908. Three hundred delegates were present, rep- 
resenting every State in the Union. A large number 
were trade-union officials, but at the same time there 
were farmers and professional men in surprising num- 
bers. Unlike the earlier Socialist conventions, all 
but a few of the delegates were native-born Ameri- 
cans. Socialism in this country can no longer be 
correctly described as a purely working-class move- 
ment or stigmatized as a foreign propagandism. 3 

The delegates to a national convention are elected 
by referendum. Their railway and other expenses 
are paid by the party, and most of their work is 

1 W. MacArthur, in Annals, XXIV, 316 (1904); J. C. Kennedy, in 
Jour. Pol. Econ., XV, 470 (1907); and Robert Hunter, in Rev. of Rev., 
XXXVIII, 293 (1908). 

2 Robert Hunter, op. cit. 

8 R. F. Hoxie, in Jour. Pol. Econ., XVI, 442 (1908). 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 89 

planned beforehand by the membership in the vari- National 
ous locals. Indeed, one striking peculiarity of the tion^the 
Socialist party lies in the fact that all party affairs P art y ref - 
are passed upon by the enrolled members. Even 
the platform adopted by the national convention is 
subjected to a referendum for final decision. "Not 
a principle is decided, not a delegate or official is 
chosen, without a vote of the rank and file." 1 

In nominating candidates for public offices the 
Socialists require the nominee to sign a resignation 
of the office with blank date, which is placed in the 
hands of the local organization to be dated and pre- 
sented to the proper officer in case the candidate be 
elected and fails to adhere to the platform, consti- 
tution, or mandates of the membership. 

Prior to 1908 a statement of the general principles The So- 
upon which the party is based had served sufficiently platform 
well for campaign purposes. But with the growth of J 9i6 
of the party it was found necessary in 1908, 1912, 
and 19 1 6 to prepare a "working programme" to 
guide Socialists in State Legislatures and city coun- 
cils. Accordingly the platforms of those years, while 
not omitting the customary statement of general 
principles, added a list of "demands" or a "working 
programme." The platforms as thus formulated 
constitute a skilful compromise between the moder- 
ate, constructive, or practical Socialists, on the one 

1 Robert Hunter, op. cit. The Socialist party has been somewhat 
irregular in the matter of national conventions and congresses. The 
last general party convention was held in May, 191 2. There was 
no national convention in 1916, neither was there any national 
committee meeting. For several years preceding 19 16, however, the 
national committee held a meeting each year. 



90 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

hand, and, on the other hand, the radical, revolu- 
tionary, or "impossibilist" elements in the party. 1 

SOCIALIST PARTY PLATFORM 

In the midst of the greatest crisis and bloodiest struggle of 
all history the Socialist Party of America reaffirms its stead- 
fast adherence to the principles of international brotherhood, 
world peace and industrial democracy. 

The great war which has engulfed so much of civilization 
and destroyed millions of lives is one of the natural results 
of the capitalist system of production. 

The Socialist Party, as the political expression of the 
economic interests of the working class, calls upon them to 
take a determined stand on the question of militarism and 
war, and to recognize the opportunity which the Great War 
has given them of forcing disarmament and furthering the 
cause of industrial freedom. 

An armed force in the hands of the ruling class serves 
two purposes: to protect and further the policy of imperial- 
ism abroad and to silence by force the protest of the workers 
against industrial despotism at home. Imperialism and mil- 
itarism plunged Europe into this world-war. America's geo- 
graphical and industrial situation has kept her out of the 
cataclysm. But Europe's extremity has been the opportu- 
nity of America's ruling class to amass enormous profits. 
As a result, there is a surfeit of capital which demands the 
policy of imperialism to protect and further investments 
abroad. Hence the frenzy of militarism into which the rul- 
ing class has made every attempt to force the United States. 

The workers in Europe were helpless to avert the war 
because they were already saddled with the burden of mili- 
tarism. The workers in the United States are yet free from 
this burden and have the opportunity of establishing a 
working class policy and program against war. They can 
compel the government of the United States to lead the way 
in an international movement for disarmament and to aban- 
don the policy of imperialism which is forcing the conquest 
of Mexico and must, if carried out, eventually plunge the 
United States into a world-war. 

1 R. F. Hoxie, op. cit. 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 91 

The working class must recognize the cry of preparedness 
against foreign invasion as a mere cloak for the sinister pur- 
pose of imperialism abroad and industrial tyranny at home. 
The class struggle, like capitalism, is international. The 
proletariat of the world has but one enemy, the capitalist 
class, whether at home or abroad. We must refuse to put 
into the hands of this enemy an armed force even under the 
guise of a " democratic army/' as the workers of Australia 
and Switzerland have done. 

Therefore the Socialist Party stands opposed to military 
preparedness, to any appropriations of men or money for 
war or militarism, while control of such forces through the 
political state rests in the hands of the capitalist class. The 
Socialist Party stands committed to the class war, and urges 
upon the workers in the mines and forests, on the railways 
and ships, in factories and fields, the use of their economic 
and industrial power, by refusing to mine the coal, to trans- 
port soldiers, to furnish food or other supplies for military 
purposes, and thus keep out of the hands of the ruling class 
the control of armed forces and economic power, necessary 
for aggression abroad and industrial despotism at home. 

The working class must recognize militarism as the great- 
est menace to all efforts toward industrial freedom, and 
regardless of political or industrial affiliations must present 
a united front in the fight against preparedness and militar- 
ism. 

Hideous as they are, the horrors of the far-stretched bat- 
tlefield of the old world are dwarfed by the evil results of the 
capitalist system, even in normal times. Instead of being 
organized to provide all members of society with an abun- 
dance of food, clothing and shelter, and the highest attain- 
able freedom and culture, industry is at present organized 
and conducted for the benefit of a parasitic class. All the 
powers of government, and all our industrial genius, are 
directed to the end of securing to the relatively small class 
of capitalist investors the largest amount of profits which 
can be wrung from the labor of the ever-increasing class 
whose only property is muscle and brain, manual and men- 
tal labor power. 

The dire consequences of this system are everywhere ap- 
parent. The workers are oppressed and deprived of much 
that makes for physical, mental, and moral well being. Year 



92 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

by year poverty and industrial accidents destroy more lives 
than all the armies and navies in the world. 

To preserve their privilege and power is the most vital 
interest of the possessing class, while it is the most vital in- 
terest of the working class to resist oppression, improve its 
position and struggle to obtain security of life and liberty. 
Hence there exists a conflict of interests, a social war within 
the nation, which can know neither truce nor compromise. 
So long as the few own and control the economic life of the 
nation the many must be enslaved, poverty must co-exist 
with riotous luxury and civil strife prevail. 

The Socialist Party would end these conditions by reor- 
ganizing the life of the nation upon the basis of Socialism. 
Socialism would not abolish private property, but greatly 
extend it. We believe that every human being should have 
and own all the things which he can use to advantage, for 
the enrichment of his own life, without imposing disadvan- 
tage or burden upon any other human being. Socialism 
admits the private ownership and individual direction of all 
things , tools, economic processes and functions which are indi- 
vidualistic in character, and requires the collective ownership 
and democratic control and direction of those which are social 
or collectivistic in character. 

We hold that this country cannot enjoy happiness and 
prosperity at home and maintain lasting peace with other 
nations, so long as its industrial wealth is monopolized by a 
capitalist oligarchy. In this, as in every other campaign, all 
special issues arising from temporary situations, whether do- 
mestic or foreign, must be subordinated to the major issue — 
the need of such a reorganization of our economic life as 
will remove the land, the mines, forests, railroads, mills 
and factories, all the things required for our physical exis- 
tence, from the clutches of industrial and financial freeboot- 
ers and place them securely and permanently in the hands 
of the people. 

If men were free to labor to satisfy their desires there could 
be in this country neither poverty nor involuntary unem- 
ployment. But the men in this country are not free to 
labor to satisfy their desires. The great industrial popula- 
tion can labor only when the capitalist class, who own the 
industries, believe they can market their product at a profit. 
The needs of millions are subordinated to the greeds of a 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 93 

few. The situation is not unlike that of a pyramid balanced 
upon its apex. Oftentimes this pyramid tumbles and indus- 
trial depression comes. There was such a crash in 1907. 
If the capitalist owners had been willing to get out of the 
way, industry could have been revived in a day. But the 
capitalist owners are never willing to get out of the way. 
Their greeds come first — the people's needs, if at all, after- 
ward. Therefore business did not quickly revive after the 
industrial depression of 1907. Mr. Taft was elected to bring 
good times, but in four years failed to bring them. Mr. 
Wilson was elected to bring good times, but not all of the 
measures he advocated had the slightest effect upon industry. 
The European war has brought to this country tremendous 
orders for military supplies and has created a period of pros- 
perity for the few. For the masses of the people there is 
but an opportunity to work hard for a bare living, which is 
not prosperity, but slavery. As against the boast of the 
present national administration that its political program, 
now fully in force, has brought prosperity to the masses, we 
call attention to the statement of the Federal Public Health 
Service that $800 a year is required to enable a family to 
avoid physical deterioration through lack of decent living 
conditions, that more than half of the families of working 
men receive less than that amount, that nearly a third re- 
ceive less than $500 a year and that one family in twelve 
receives less than $300 a year. 

The capitalist class, for a great many years, has been try- 
ing to saddle upon this country a greater army and a greater 
navy. A greater army is desired to keep the working class 
of the United States in subjection. A greater navy is de- 
sired to safeguard the foreign investments of American cap- 
italists and to "back up" American diplomacy in its efforts 
to gain foreign markets for American capitalists. The war 
in Europe, which diminished and is still diminishing the 
remote possibility of European attack upon the United 
States, was nevertheless seized upon by capitalists and by 
unscrupulous politicians as a means of spreading fear through- 
out the country, to the end that, by false pretenses, great 
military establishments might be obtained. We denounce 
such "preparedness" as both false in principle, unnecessary 
in character and dangerous in its plain tendencies toward 
militarism. We advocate that sort of social preparedness 



94 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

which expresses itself in better homes, better bodies and 
better minds, which are alike the products of plenty and 
the necessity of effective defense in war. 

The Socialist Party maintains its attitude of unalterable 
opposition to war. 

We reiterate the statement that the competitive nature of 
capitalism is the cause of modern war, and fchat the co- 
operative nature of Socialism is alone adapted to the task 
of ending war by removing its causes. We assert, however, 
that, even under the present capitalist order, additional mea- 
sures can be taken to safeguard peace, and to this end, we 
demand: 

MEASURES TO INSURE PEACE 

i. That all laws and appropriations for the increase of the 
military and naval forces of the United States shall be im- 
mediately repealed. 

2. That the power be taken from the President to lead 
the nation into a position which leaves no escape from war. 
No one man, however exalted in official station, should have 
the power to decide the question of peace or war for a nation 
of a hundred millions. To give one man such power is 
neither democratic nor safe. Yet the President exercises 
such power when he determines what shall be the nation's 
foreign policies and what shall be the nature and tone of its 
diplomatic intercourse with other nations. We, therefore, 
demand that the power to fix foreign policies and conduct 
diplomatic negotiations shall be lodged in Congress and shall 
be exercised publicly, the people reserving the right by refer- 
endum to order Congress, at any time, to change its foreign 
policy. 

3. That no war shall be declared or waged by the United 
States without a referendum vote of the entire people, ex- 
cept for the purpose of repelling invasion. 

4. That the Monroe Doctrine shall be immediately aban- 
doned as a danger so great that even its advocates are agreed 
that it constitutes perhaps our greatest single danger of 
war. The Monroe Doctrine was originally intended to safe- 
guard the peace of the United States. Though the Doctrine 
has changed from a safeguard to a menace, the capitalist 
class still defends it for the reason that our great capitalists 
desire to retain South and Central America as their private 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 95 

trade preserve. We favor the cultivation of social, indus- 
trial and political friendship with all other nations in the 
western hemisphere, as an approach to a world confederation 
of nations, but we oppose the Monroe Doctrine because it 
takes from our hands the peace of America and places it in 
the custody of any nation that would attack the sovereignty 
of any state in the western world. 

5. That the independence of the Philippine Islands be 
immediately recognized as a measure of justice both to the 
Filipinos and to ourselves. The Filipinos are entitled to 
self-government; we are entitled to be freed from the neces- 
sity of building and maintaining enough dreadnoughts to 
defend them in the event of war. 

6. The government of the United States shall call a con- 
gress of all neutral nations to mediate between the belliger- 
ent powers in an effort to establish an immediate and lasting 
peace without indemnities, or forcible annexation of terri- 
tory, and based on a binding and enforceable international 
treaty, which shall provide for concerted disarmament on 
land and at sea and for an International Congress with 
power to adjust all disputes between nations, and which 
shall guarantee freedom and equal rights to all oppressed 
nations and races. 

WORKING PROGRAM 

As general measures calculated to strengthen the working 
class in its fight for the realization of its ultimate aim, the 
Co-operative Commonwealth, and to increase its power of 
resistance against capitalist oppression, we advocate and 
pledge ourselves and our elected officers to the following 
program: 

Political Demands 

1. Unrestricted and equal suffrage for men and women. 

2. The immediate adoption of the so-called " Susan B. 
Anthony amendment " to the constitution of the United 
States granting the suffrage to women on equal terms with 
men. 

3. The adoption of the initiative, referendum and recall 
and of proportional representation, nationally as well as 
locally. 



96 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

4. The abolition of the Senate and of the veto power of the 
President. 

5. The election of the President and the Vice-President by 
direct vote of the people. 

6. The abolition of the present restriction upon the amend- 
ment of the constitution so that that instrument may be 
made amendable by a majority of the voters in the country. 

7. The calling of a convention for the revision of the con- 
stitution of the United States. 

8. The abolition of the power usurped by the Supreme 
Court of the United States to pass upon the constitutionality 
of legislation enacted by Congress. National laws to be 
repealed only by act of Congress or by a referendum vote of 
the whole people. 

9. The immediate curbing of the power of the courts to 
issue injunctions. 

10. The election of all judges of the United States Courts 
for short terms. 

11. The free administration of the law. 

12. The granting of the right of suffrage in the District of 
Columbia with representation in Congress and a democratic 
form of municipal government for purely local affairs. 

13. The extension of democratic government to all United 
States territory. 

14. The freedom of press, speech and assemblage. 

15. The increase of the rates of the present income tax and 
corporation tax and the extension of inheritance taxes, grad- 
uated in proportion to the value of the estate and to near- 
ness of kin — the proceeds of these taxes to be employed in 
the socialization of industry. 

16. The enactment of further measures for general educa- 
tion and particularly for vocational education in useful pur- 
suits. The Bureau of Education to be made a department. 

17. The enactment of further measures for the conserva- 
tion of health and the creation of an independent depart- 
ment of health. 

18. The abolition of the monopoly ownership of patents 
and the substitution of collective ownership, with direct re- 
wards to inventors by premiums or royalties. 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 97 



Collective Ownership 

i. The collective ownership and democratic management 
of railroads, telegraphs and telephones, express service, steam- 
boat lines and all other social means of transportation and 
communication and of all large-scale industries. 

2. The immediate acquirement by the municipalities, the 
states or the federal government of all grain elevators, stock 
yards, storage warehouses and other distributing agencies, 
in order to relieve the farmer from the extortionate charges 
of the middlemen and to reduce the present high cost of 
living. 

3. The extension of the public domain to include mines, 
quarries, oil wells, forests and water power. 

4. The further conservation and development of natural 
resources for the use and benefit of all the people: 

(a) By scientific reforestation and timber protection. 

(b) By the reclamation of arid and swamp tracts. 

(c) By the storage of flood waters and the utilization of 
water power. 

(d) By the stoppage of the present extravagant waste of 
the soil and the products of mines and oil wells. 

( e) By the development of highway and waterway systems. 

5. The collective ownership of land wherever practicable, 
and in cases where such ownership is impracticable, the 
appropriation by taxation of the annual rental value of all 
land held for speculation or exploitation. 

6. All currency shall be issued by the government of the 
United States and shall be legal tender for the payment of 
taxes and impost duties and for the discharge of public and 
private debts. The government shall lend money on bonds 
to counties and municipalities at a nominal rate of interest 
for the purpose of taking over or establishing public utilities 
and for building or maintaining public roads and highways 
and public schools — up to 25 per cent of the assessed valua- 
tion of such counties or municipalities. Said bonds are to 
be repaid in twenty equal and annual installments, and the 
currency issued for that purpose by the government is to 
be cancelled and destroyed seriatim as the debt is repaid. 
All banks and banking institutions shall be owned by the 
government of the United States or by the States. 



98 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

7. Government relief of the unemployed by the extension 
of all useful public works. All persons employed on such 
work to be engaged directly by the government under a 
work day of not more than eight hours and at not less than 
the prevailing union wages. The government also to estab- 
lish employment bureaus; to lend money to States and mu- 
nicipalities without interest for the purpose of carrying on 
public works, to contribute money to unemployment funds 
of labor unions and other organizations of workers, and to 
take such other measures within its power as will lessen the 
wide-spread misery of the workers caused by the misrule of 
the capitalist class. 

Industrial Demands 

The conservation of human resources, particularly of the 
lives and well-being of the workers and their families: 

1. By shortening the work day in keeping with the in- 
creased productiveness of machinery. 

2. By securing the freedom of political and economic or- 
ganization and activities. 

3. By securing to every worker a rest period of not less 
than a day and a half in each week. 

4. By securing a more effective inspection of workshops, 
factories and mines. 

5. By forbidding the employment of children under eigh- 
teen years of age. 

6. By forbidding the interstate transportation of the prod- 
ucts of child labor and of all uninspected factories and mines. 

7. By establishing minimum wage scales. 

8. By abolishing official charity and substituting a non- 
contributory system of old age pensions, a general system 
of insurance by the state of all its members against unem- 
ployment and invalidism, and a system of compulsory insur- 
ance by employers of their workers, without cost to the lat- 
ter, against industrial diseases, accidents, and death. 

9. By establishing mothers' pensions. 

The opponents of Socialism have made much of 
the declarations favoring the abolition of the Senate, 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 99 

the abolition of the power of the Supreme Court to 
declare acts of Congress unconstitutional, and the 
abolition of the veto power of the President. 1 These 
demands should not, however, be taken too seriously. 
They appear to have been inserted as a sop to the 
radical element in the party which is possessed at 
present of considerable strength. 2 They were in- 
serted in lieu of a still more radical series of declara- 
tions desired by this element. There is good reason 
to believe that such political demands form no part 
of the real desires or aims of the saner and more 
conservative element in the party which is rapidly 
increasing in numbers and influence. 

Regarding the future of the Socialist party in Future of 

,• i t,« ... , Socialism 

national pontics one many inquire, in conclusion: m united 
Will it ever command the support of a majority of states 
the American voters and thus find itself in a posi- 
tion to carry into execution its political-economic 
programme? The history of previous third parties 
affords little ground for an affirmative answer. It 
seems highly improbable that a party boldly assum- 
ing the Socialist name and pledged to the full pro- 
gramme of Socialism will ever displace the two great 
parties which so long have dominated American pol- 
itics. In this opinion a prominent Socialist concurs 
when he says: "I don't think we are ever going to 
elect a President or a Congress or anything. . . . 
The dominant political party, whichever it may be, 
will be forced by the logic of events toward the So- 
cialist programme — forced so far toward it that 

1 E. g., see Outlook, LXXXIX, 974 (1908). 

2 R. F. Hoxie, op. cit. 



100 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

the dominant political party will carry it out un- 
awares." * 

History reveals the fact that "no inconsiderable 
part of the progressive movement in society has be- 
gun outside of the political organizations which ulti- 
mately gave practical effect to the new doctrines." 
The Socialist party may prove to be what other third 
parties have been, a powerful leavening force whose 
principles have gradually but extensively permeated 
the older parties in the past. There is much evidence 
tending to produce the conviction that such a grad- 
ual, unconscious, but steady inoculation of the old 
parties with what are now called socialistic principles 
is taking place at the present time and that in the 
future this tendency will be accelerated. It may 
be surprising to take the platforms of the Republican, 
Democratic, and National Progressive parties, after 
reading the Socialist "demands/' and note the nu- 
merous points of similarity. 

Throughout the nation we have witnessed during 
the past few years an enormous extension of gov- 
ernmental activity in industrial affairs, and especially 
in the interests of the wage-earners. It is an inter- 
esting question upon which to speculate whether the 
great industrial combinations of the present, the re- 
markable concentration of railway control, the con- 
solidation of telegraph and telephone systems, and 
the increasingly strict governmental regulation or 
supervision of these various forms of economic ac- 

1 Gaylord Wiltshire, quoted in Independent, LXVI, 1305. "When 
the country has once made it clear that it means to have Socialism, 
the Republican party will supply the article." Upton Sinclair, in 
ibid. 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 101 

tivity, may not prove to be an unconscious prepa- 
ration for the easy and complete realization of the 
Socialist ideal. 1 

Whatever may be the ultimate future of the So- 
cialist party, "the immediate future depends more 
on the character of the party personnel and the 
party machinery than on mere declarations of pol- 
icy." In the opinion of a thoughtful and sympa- 
thetic student of the Socialist movement, the party 
needs to be purged of certain radical elements which 
breed only dissensions within and distrust without; 
and the party machinery must be so modified as to 
vest in its executive officers more effective control 
of the various party organs and functions. 2 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. The history and influence of the following minor parties: 
(a) the Quids, (b) the Blue Light Federalists, (c) the Anti- 
Masonic party, (d) the American or Know-Nothing party, (e) 
the Loco Focos, (/) the Abolitionist party, (g) the Liberty 
and Free Soil parties, (h) the Greenback party, (i) the Liberal 
Republicans, (j) the Mugwumps, (k) the Populists, (/) the 
Prohibition party, (m) the American Protective Associa- 
tion, and (n) the Granger movement. (See the larger works 
on American history, such as Adams, Hildreth, McMaster, 
Rhodes, Schouler, and Von Hoist.) 

2. Compare the platforms (191 2) of the Socialist and 
Socialist Labor parties. 

3. What are the differences between Socialism and An- 
archism ? 

4. The International Working People's Association and the 
International Workingmen's Association. 

5. Compare the "New Nationalism' ' of ex-President 
Roosevelt's speech at Ossawatomie, Kansas, September 1, 
1910, with the platform of the Socialist party. 

1 P. 0. Ray, in Sewanee Review, XVI, 472 (1908). 

2 R. F. Hoxie, in Jour. Pol. Econ., XVI, 442 (1908). 



102 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

6. Why did the Socialist vote for President in 1908 fall so 
far below expectations? Reasons for the gain in 191 2? 

7. An interpretation of recent Socialist successes in State 
and local elections. (See Hoxie.) 

8. The political influence and activity of Socialism in Wis- 
consin. 

9. What was accomplished by the Socialist administrations 
in Milwaukee and Schenectady? Explain the defeat of the 
Socialists in Milwaukee in 191 2. 

10. The political creed of Socialists in European countries. 

11. Socialistic activities of the government in New Zea- 
land and Australia. 

12. Is it true, as alleged in the Socialist platform of 191 2, 
that the Supreme Court of the United States has " usurped" 
the power to declare acts of Congress unconstitutional? 
(See C. A. Beard, in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXVII, 1 (191 2).) 

13. The growth of an interest in Socialism and its various 
manifestations in American colleges and universities. (See 
Philadelphia Public Ledger, 7 April, 191 2.) 

14. The contest in the Socialist National Convention of 
191 2 over "Industrialism." (See Literary Digest.) 

15. The attitude of the agricultural classes toward the 
plank in the Socialist platform which declares for "the col- 
lective ownership of land." (See Johnston.) 

16. Socialism in American trade-unions. (See Kennedy, 
MacArthur.) 

17. The conference of leaders of the Progressive party in 
Chicago in December, 191 2, and its plan for conducting a 
campaign of education. 

18. Trace the steps which resulted in the Republican- 
Progressive merger in 19 16. 

19. The election and administration of Mayor Hoan in 
Milwaukee in 19 16. 

20. How are Socialism and Syndicalism related and op- 
posed to one another ? 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Abbott, E. H., "Socialism," in Outlook, XCVII, 732 (1911). 

Gives a list of the best books on Socialism. 
Abbott, Lyman, "Socialism," in Outlook, LXXXVIII, 537 

(1908). 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 103 

Abbott, Lyman, "Political Socialism," in Outlook, XCV, 831 

(1910). 
Adams, C. F., Jr., "The Granger Movement/' in No. Am. 

Rev., CXX, 394 (1875). 
American Year Book. Issued annually. 
Benson, A. L., "Socialism vs. Militarism,"- in Independent, 

LXXXVIII, 195 (1916). 
Berger, Victor, "What Is the Matter with Milwaukee?" in 

Independent, LXVIII, 840 (1910). 
Bourne, George, "Socialistic Tendencies in England," in 

Forum, XLV, 57 (191 1). 
Boyle, James, What Is Socialism ? (191 2). 
Buck, S. J., The Granger Movement, 187 0-1880 (1913). 
"Independent Parties in Western History," in Turner 

Essays in American History (1910), ch. 6. 
Chesterton, G. K., " Objections to Socialism," in Forum, 

XLI, 129 (1909). 
Coudert, F. R., "The American Protective Association," in 

Forum, XVII, 513 (1894). 
Cox, O. E., "The Socialist Party in Indiana since 1896," in 

Indiana Magazine of History, XII, 95 (1916). 
Cross, LB., Essentials of Socialism (191 2). 
"Socialism in California Municipalities," in Nat. Mun. 

Rev., I, 611 (1912). 
Current Literature, XLIX, 265 (1910), "Victor Berger, the 

Organizer of the Socialist Party in Milwaukee." 
Davenport, F. N., "The Presidential Choice of the Social- 
ists" (1916), in Outlook, CXII, 865 (1916). 
Debs, E. V., "The Socialist Party's Appeal," in Independent, 

LXV, 875 (1908). 
Dreher, W. C, "The German Drift toward Socialism," in 

Atlantic Monthly, CVIII, 101 (1911). 
Drew, F. M., "The Present Farmer's Movement," in Pol. Sci. 

Quar., VI, 282 (1891). 
Ely, R. T., The Labor Movement in America (new edition, 

1890). 

Socialism (1894). 

Outlines of Economics (rev. ed., 1908), ch. 30. 

England, G. A., "Milwaukee's Socialist Government," in 

Rev. of Rev., XLII, 445 (1910). 
"International Socialism as a Political Force," in Rev. 

of Rev., XXXVII, 577 (1908). 



104 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Fowler, J. A., " Reorganization of the Republican Party," in 
No. Am. Rev., CXCVIII, 289 (1913). 

Gaylord, W. R., "The Legislative Programme of the Socialist 
Party in Wisconsin Legislature, 1009," in Am. Pol. Sci. 
Rev., Ill, 226 (1909). 

George, Henry, "The Kearney Agitation in Calif ornia," in 
Pop. Sci. Mo., XVII, 433 (1880). 

Gillhaus, A., "The Socialist Labor Party's Appeal," in Inde- 
pendent, LXV, 889 (1908). 

Gilman, N. P., Socialism and the American Spirit (1893). 

Griffin, H. F., "The Rising Tide of Socialism," in Outlook, 
C, 438 (1912), 

Grosscup, P. S., "Can Republicans and Progressives Unite?" 
in No. Am. Rev., CXCIX, 353 (1914). 

Hanley, J. F., "Prohibition Principles," in Independent, 
LXXXVIII, 197 (1916). 

Hart, A. B., "A New Party: Do the People Want It?" in 
Rev. of Rev., XL VI, 197 (1912). On the National Pro- 
gressive party. 

Harvey, George, "The Verdict at the Polls," in No. Am. Rev., 
CC, 802 (1914). On congressional elections, 1914. 

Haynes, F. E., Third Party Movements Since the Civil War, 
with Special Reference to Iowa (1916). 

Henderson, Yandell, "The Progressive Movement and Con- 
stitutional Reform," in Yale Rev., Ill, 78 (1913). 

Hillquit, Morris, History of Socialism in the United States 
(1903). On the whole, the best history of American 
Socialism. 

Hillquit, M., and Ryan, J. A., "Socialism: Promise or Men- 
ace?" in Everybody's, XXIX, 482 (1913). 

Holmes, F. L., "Socialist Legislators at Work," in Indepen- 
dent, LXX, 592 (191 1). 

Howard, G. E., Present Political Questions (1913). A bibli- 
ography. 

Howe, F. C, "Milwaukee: A Socialist City, :; in Outlook, 
XCV, 411 (1910). 

Hoxie, R. F., "The Convention of the Socialist Party" (1908), 
in Jour. Pol. Econ., XVI, 442 (1908). 

"The Rising Tide of Socialism," in Jour. Pol. Econ., 

XIX, 609 (1911). 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 105 

Hoxie, R. F., "The Socialist Party and American Convention 
Methods," in Jour. Pol. Econ., XX, 738 (1912). 

Hunter, Robert, Labor in Politics (191 5). 

"The Socialist Party in the Present Campaign" (1908), 

in Rev. of Rev. , XXXVIII, 293 (1908). 

Independent, The, LXV, 1304 (1909), "Constructive Social- 
ism." 

LXVIII, 330 (1910), "Barbarous Spokane." 

Ibid., 819 (1910), "Milwaukee." 

Johnston, Charles, "Socialism and the American Farmer," in 
No. Am. Rev., CXCVI, 305 (1912). 

Kelley, Edmond, Twentieth Century Socialism (19 10). 

Kennedy, J. C, "Socialistic Tendencies in American Trade 
Unions," in Jour. Pol. Econ., XV, 470 (1907). 

Kirkup, Thomas, An Inquiry into Socialism (3d ed., rev. and 
enlarged, 1907). "Best small and conservative presen- 
tation of Socialism." 

Lewis, A. H., "Schenectady's Socialist Mayor," in The World 
To-Day, XXI, 1751 (1912). 

Literary Digest, XLI, 921 (1910), "A Socialist in Congress." 

XLIII, 897 (191 1), "An Election Day of Rebukes." 

Ibid., 965 (1911), "Interpreting the Socialist Vote." 

XLIV, 740 (1912), "Milwaukee's Socialist Reverse." 

Ibid., 1144 (1912), "Socialists Rebuking Violence." 

On the National Convention of 191 2. 

XLV, 943 (1912), "The Socialist Vote" (1912). 

LII, 1832 (1916), "The Fate of the Progressive Party." 

McCarthy, Charles, The Anti-Masonic Party, in Am. Hist. 
Assn. Report, I (1902). 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, II, 
294, "Labor Parties"; III, 74, "Progressive Party; 75, 
"Progressives"; 331, "Socialism"; 336, "Socialism, 
State"; 338, "Socialist Labor Party." 

McMaster, J. B., "The Riotous Career of the Know-Noth- 
ings," in Forum, XVII, 524 (1894). 

With the Fathers, 87, "The Riotous Career of the Know- 

Nothings." 

McVey, F. L., "The Populist Movement," in Amer. Econ. 
Assn. Studies, I, No. 3 (1896). 

Mallock, W. H., A Critical Examination of Socialism C1907). 



106 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Martin, J., "Our Government's Widespread Socialistic Ac- 
tivities," in World's Work, XVI, 10651 (1908). 

Miller, C. R., " Why Socialism Is Impracticable," in Century, 
LXXIX, 903 (1910). 

Mills, Ethelwyn, Legislative Program of the Socialist Party. 
(Pamphlet, 1914.) Record of the work of the Socialist 
members of State Legislatures, 1899-19 13. 

Morgan, J. T., "The Danger of the Farmers' Alliance," in 
Forum, XII, 399 (1891^1892). 

National Municipal Review, I, 492 (191 2), "Socialist Munici- 
pal Officeholders" (elected 1 908-1 913). 

V, 490 (1916), "A Socialist Chosen in Milwaukee" (as 

mayor). 

National Congress of the Socialist Party, Proceedings, Chi- 
cago, May, 1910. 

Nearing, Scott, and Watson, F. D., Economics (1908), ch. 64, 
"The Programme of Socialism." 

New Republic, The, VIII, 243 (1916), "The Case for Benson." 

Nock, A. J., "Socialism in Milwaukee," in Outlook, CVII, 608 
(1914). 

Orth, S. P., "The World-Wide Sweep of Socialism," in World's 
Work, XXIV, 42, 146 (1912). 

"Is Socialism Upon Us?" in World's Work, XXIV, 452 

(1912). 

Socialism and Democracy in Europe (1913). 

Outlook, The, LXXXIX, 974 (1908), "The Socialist Plat- 
form." 

XCIV, 821 (1910), "A Socialist Victory in Milwaukee." 

XCIX, 1073 ( I 9 II ) ) "Socialism in Milwaukee." 

C, 152, 156 (191 2), "The German Elections." 

CII, 377 (1912), "Why a New Party?" 

CII, 830 (191 2), "The Conference of Progressives in 

Chicago." 

CII, 837 (1912), "Wanted — A Campaign of Education." 

CXIII, 532 (1916), "Hughes, Roosevelt and Union." 

Paine, A. E., "The Granger Movement in Illinois," in Uni- 
versity of Illinois Studies, I, 333 (1904). 

Pierson, C. W., "Rise of the Granger Movement," in Pop. 
Sci. Mo., XXXII, 199 (1887-1888). 

"Outcome of the Granger Movement," in Pop. Sci. Mo., 

XXXII, 368 (1887-1888). 



Progressive and Socialist Platforms 107 

Pink, L. H., " Socialism on Trial" (in Schenectady), in Out- 
look, CV, 489 (1913). 

Porritt, Annie G., "The Socialist Movement in England/' 
Forum, XL, 215 (1908). 

Ray, P. O., "The Unconscious Trend toward Socialism," in 
Sewanee Review, XVI, 472 (1908). 

Review of Reviews, XL, 88 (1909), "The Fallacies of Ameri- 
can Socialism." 

LIV, 318 (191 6), "The Minor Parties: Their Candidates 

and Platforms." 

Ibid., 1 (1916), "Presidential Candidates Nominated.'* 

Reybaud, Louis, " Socialism and Socialists," in Lalor, III, 745. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, "Socialism," in Outlook, XCI, 619, 662 
(1909). 

"The Progressive Party," in Century, 826 (1913). 

Russell, C. E., "Milwaukee, Our First Socialist City," in 
Success, XIII, 569 (1910). 

Seager, H. R., Introduction to Economics (1904), pp. 527 ff. 

Seltzer, T., "The Growth of Socialism," in Rev. of Rev., XLV, 
341 (191 2). Chiefly on German Socialism. 

Smith, H. K.,"The Progressive Party," in Yale Rev., II, 18 
^ (1912). 

Smith, T. C, The Liberty and Free Soil Party in the Northwest 

(1897). 

Spargo, John, and Arner, G. L., Elements of Socialism (191 2). 

Stanwood, Edward, A History of the Presidency (1898). Gives 
considerable information on the minor parties. 

Sumner, Mary B., "The Parting of the Ways in American 
Socialism," in Survey, XXIX, 623 (1913). 

Thompson, C. D., "Social Democratic Programme in the 
Wisconsin Legislature," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., I, 457 
(1007). 

The Constructive Programme of Socialism (1908). Pam- 
phlet on the legislative programme of Socialists in Amer- 
ican legislative bodies. 

Usher, E. B., The Greenback Movement of 1875-1884 and 
Wisconsin's Part in It (191 1). 

Walling, W. E., "A Crisis in the Socialist Party," in Inde- 
pendent, LXXII, 1047 ( I 9 12 )- 

Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems (19 14), 
ch. 10, "Minor Parties." 



108 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Woodruff, C. R., " American Municipal Tendencies, " in Nat. 

Mun. Rev., I, 3 (191 2). An appendix to the article gives 

a list of Socialist officials elected in 191 1. 
World's Work, XX, 12995 (1910), "A Socialist City in 

America" (Milwaukee). 
XXIII, 252 (1912), "The Tide of Socialism." 



PART TWO 
NOMINATING METHODS 

CHAPTER IV 

NOMINATIONS FOR LOCAL OFFICES— THE 
CAUCUS OR PRIMARY 

The immediate purpose or object of party existence Elections 
is to obtain control of the government by carrying ^nom- 
the elections of officials who in one capacity or an- inations 
other are to administer the government. Elections 
imply rival candidates for the support of the party 
in its effort to obtain the offices, Therefore, previous 
to an election, each political party, in one way or 
another, selects from its membership the persons 
whom it will support for different offices at the en- 
suing election. This process of selection is called 
making nominations, and the persons so nominated 
are called the nominees or candidates; and collec- 
tively they make up the party " ticket." Every 
person who to-day fills an elective office in the United 
States, whether Federal, State, or local, has received 
some form of nomination prior to his election. The 
vast majority have been nominated by one of the 
two great political parties, and it is the wish of every 
person aspiring to become a candidate to receive 
what is called a " regular" nomination by one of 
these parties. 

109 



110 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Nomina- 
tions 
made un- 
der five 
different 
methods 



i. Self- 
announce- 
ment 



2. Caucus 
or primary 



3. Dele- 
gate con- 
ventions 



4. Direct 

primary 

elections 



Five different methods of nominating candidates 
for elective offices are employed in the United States 
at the present time. 

(1) A person may offer or present himself to the 
voters as a worthy candidate for some office and 
ask their support at the approaching election. His 
candidacy is said to be " self-announced/' or he is 
said to be " self-nominated." This method prevailed 
generally in the Southern States before the Civil War. 
At the present time it is found in some parts of the 
South and West, and occasionally in the Northern 
States, especially in the case of candidates running 
independently of a party nomination. In compari- 
son with the other four methods, self-nominations 
are extremely rare, although they seem to be com- 
ing into favor again in a few States in connection 
with the direct primary. 

(2) Nomination by caucus or primary is confined to 
the naming of candidates for local offices and the 
selection of delegates to some nominating convention 
representing the voters of a considerable area. 

(3) Nomination by conventions composed of dele- 
gates supposed to be selected by, and to represent, the 
voters of the party residing in a district of consider- 
able size or density of population has been the pre- 
vailing method for selecting candidates for national, 
State, county, and certain municipal offices from 
1840 until about 1900, after which date the direct 
primary election was rapidly substituted. 

(4) Nomination by direct primary election is rapidly 
supplanting the convention system. Such an elec- 
tion is conducted with many, if not all, of the safe- 



Nominations for Local Offices 111 

guards and formalities accompanying a regular elec- 
tion. The voters of each party designate on a formal 
ballot those members of their party whom they de- 
sire to become the party candidates at the approach- 
ing election; or else the party voters formally vote 
for delegates to some convention in which the final 
selection of candidates is made. This method of 
nomination was first applied chiefly to local, county, 
and State officers; but in the past few years it has 
been extended in the majority of States to the nom- 
ination of representatives in Congress and United 
States senators. The direct primary election system 
originated as a remedy for the evils of the conven- 
tion system in connection with State and local nom- 
inations; but in recent years it has also made its ap- 
pearance in the field of national politics, especially in 
the selection of delegates to the national nominating 
conventions. 

(5) Nomination by petition or by u nomination pa- 5- Petition 
pers" first came into use with the adoption of the 
Australian ballot between 1888 and 1890. It pro- 
vides that candidates may be placed in nomination 
by filing with some specified officer nomination pa- 
pers, or petitions, signed by a certain number of 
qualified voters. The proper filing of these papers 
entitles the candidates named therein to have their 
names printed upon the official ballot. Nomination 
by petition is now being widely advocated for munici- 
pal and judicial nominations in order to promote 
non-partisanship in municipal and judicial elections. 

These different methods of making nominations 
are not mutually exclusive : two or more of them may 



112 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



These 
methods 
best stud- 
ied in 
connec- 
tion with 
offices in 
the differ- 
ent units 
of govern- 
ment 

In nom- 
inations 
for local 
offices 
the cau- 
cus or 
primary is 
the most 
common 
method 



be found in concurrent operation in the same State. 
Their practical operation will appear more clearly if 
we consider separately nominations for local offices, 
for county and State offices, and for offices under the 
Federal Government. 

By nominations for local offices is meant the selec- 
tion of candidates for borough, town, city, ward, or 
precinct offices — in other words, for offices in the 
lowest political unit. For such offices, candidates are 
usually nominated at a general meeting of the voters 
belonging to the respective parties. The same meet- 
ing often selects delegates to represent the local unit 
in some nominating convention made up of delegates 
similarly chosen from co-ordinate political units. It 
also selects the members of the precinct, ward, or 
town committee. In theory, every voter belonging 
to the party has a right to attend this meeting and 
to vote; but in large cities the privilege is confined in 
practice to registered voters who have answered cer- 
tain test questions relating to their party adherence 
or who are enrolled in some political club or asso- 
ciation. 

Td this general meeting of the party voters in the 
lowest political unit two names are given. In New 
England, where such a meeting is practically a mass- 
meeting of the party voters, and in a few Western 
States, it is called a " caucus." In the Middle States, 
in most of the Western States, and in the statutes 
of practically all States outside of New England, the 
meeting is called a " primary." The New England 
caucus, especially in small towns, is much like a 
"town meeting," and there is considerable oppor- 



Nominations for Local Offices 113 

tunity for discussion. Outside of New England the 
caucus or primary affords practically no opportunity 
for discussion, and is more like a regular election, 
with the polls open a certain length of time. 1 In 
some States the terms primary and caucus are both 
in common use, and in this book they will be used 
as synonymous, referring to the nomination of can- 
didates or the selection of delegates in towns, bor- 
oughs, cities, wards, and precincts. 2 

In large cities the chief administrative officers have Delegate 
usually, in the past, been nominated by city con- ™™* n " 
ventions composed of delegates chosen by the party some- 

• ■ m" i" ■■ • /v i times oc* 

voters at caucuses or primaries m the different wards cur m 

or voting precincts. The members of the city legis- la £ ge 

cities 

lature are usually elected by wards, and the candi- 
dates were nominated directly at ward caucuses or 
primaries, although in some instances ward conven- 
tions performed this function. The present trend is 
away from city and district or ward conventions and 
the substitution of nomination either by direct pri- 
mary elections or by petitions. 3 

The "call" for a caucus or primary is issued by 

1 F. W. Dallinger, Nominations for Elective Offices in the United 
States, 12, 53. 

2 The term primary in this connection is to be distinguished from 
direct primary elections, although it is not uncommon to read of 
primary elections when a mere caucus or primary is meant. For the 
sake of avoiding confusion, the unqualified term " primary " will be 
used as synonymous with caucus and restricted to local nominations, 
while the term "direct primary" or " direct primary elections," or 
merely "primary elections," will here be confined to a recent device 
for doing away with the convention system, which is to be more fully 
considered in a later chapter. The term caucus is also used in a dif- 
ferent sense when applied to legislative bodies, as will appear later. 

3 Dallinger, 52. 



114 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



The 
" call " 



Caucus or 
primary 
proceed- 
ings gov- 
erned by 
party 
rules or 
by statutes 



the city, town, or other committee concerned, and 
usually covers five points: It specifies the time and 
place of meeting. It states the object for which the 
caucus is held. It designates the person who is to 
call the meeting to order or the officers who are to 
preside or take charge of the balloting. It often 
states the length of time during which the balloting 
is to continue, and sometimes gives an abstract of 
the rules which are to govern. The call is signed 
by the chairman and the secretary of the committee 
which issues it. 1 

Before the enactment of legislation regulating 
them, the organization and conduct of these pri- 
maries or caucuses were governed by rules adopted 
by the party committee calling them, or by custom. 
Now, however, the majority of States have laws 
regulating quite minutely the holding of caucuses 
and primaries. The necessity for such legislation 
arose from certain serious defects or evils in the 
unregulated caucus or primary system, which ap- 
peared most glaringly in the cities. 

1 The following is a typical caucus "call": 
Republican Caucus 

The Republican electors of the town of East Hartford are re- 
quested to meet in caucus in Wells Hall on Monday, August 31, 
1914, at 8 o'clock p. M., for the purpose of electing delegates to the 
Republican State Convention to be held in New Haven, September 
9 and 10, 19 14, for the nomination of candidates for State officers 
and senator in Congress, and to appoint a State central committee; 
also for the purpose of electing delegates to the congressional, county, 
senatorial, and probate conventions for the respective districts in 
which the town is situated; also for the purpose of electing a town 
committee for the ensuing two years. 

By order of the town committee, 

F. H. Mayberry, Chairman. 

Dated at East Hartford, Conn., August 22, 1914. 



Nominations for Local Offices 115 

The following may be noted as the principal evils Evils 
of the unregulated caucus or primary: 

(i) In the cities it often happened that a large i. The 
foreign element, excitable, turbulent, and easily mar- nanceTf" 
shalled for the support of corrupt politicians and fre- f °reign- 
quently used by them as " floaters" or " repeaters/ ' 
was present at the primaries. Respectable native 
citizens disliked to mingle with, be jostled, and per- 
haps intimidated by such an element, and therefore 
remained at home. Where such foreigners were nat- 
uralized citizens and entitled to vote in the primary 
which they attended they could not be eliminated 
by legislation. Laws properly enforced have, how- 
ever, done much to prevent their illegal voting and 
" repeating" and to suppress violence and intimida- 
tion. 

(2) Primaries or caucuses were often held in places 2. The 

olaces se** 

difficult of access and inadequate to accommodate all i ec ted for 
the voters who desired to participate. Such places P nmanes 
would be selected in the interest of some ring. The 
supporters of the ring would come early, fill up the 
place, remain until the time for voting had expired, 
and by their noisy demonstrations, insulting lan- 
guage, or threats of violence render it difficult or 
extremely distasteful for the respectable voters to 
get inside and defeat the programme of the man- 
agers. Legislation has done little to change this 
practice. 1 

1 The character of the old primaries, twenty-five years ago, is indi- 
cated by the fact reported by Mr. Roosevelt that "of the 1,007 pri- 
maries and conventions of all parties held in New York City prepara- 
tory to the election of 1884, 633 took place in liquor saloons." See 
Century, XXXIII, 79 (1886). 



116 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



3. " Snap " 
primaries 



4. Violence 
at pri- 
maries 



"Packed" 
primaries 



(3) "Snap" caucuses or primaries were not infre- 
quent. These occurred when a primary was called 
upon too short notice to the party voters. Such no- 
tice was usually accompanied by a failure to adver- 
tise sufficiently the time and place. The result was 
that very few voters attended other than the initi- 
ated; and the ring in control was thus enabled to ar- 
range everything its own way. Statutes in practi- 
cally every State now provide for the publication of 
the notice of the time and place of holding caucuses 
and primaries a certain number of days in advance. 

(4) Not infrequently actual violence was resorted 
to by one side to prevent the other from casting its 
full vote, and the caucus or primary ended in a fight 
more or less general. Every State now has laws 
designed to remedy this evil, usually by means of 
proper police protection. 

(5) The " packing" of caucuses and primaries was 
a very common evil. A large band of hired support- 
ers, or " heelers," many of whom were not entitled 
to participate, would be brought to the primary in 
the interest of some candidate or group of candidates; 
or "packing" would be employed in the following 
manner to defeat the will of the majority of voters. 
Suppose that the congressman representing a certain 
district was a candidate for renomination. His rec- 
ord at Washington might have been satisfactory to 
the voters of his party and it was the evident desire 
of a large majority that he should be re-elected. As 
there appeared no opposition to his renomination, 
many voters would not attend the primaries, and 
the result was that some other man, who had been 



Nominations for Local Offices 117 

secretly at work among his friends, "packed" the 
primaries with his followers and secured a majority 
of the delegates to the congressional district conven- 
tion. Thus the party would have foisted upon it a 
candidate whom it did not want and whom the ma- 
jority may never have heard of. 1 

Sometimes caucuses were packed by voters of the 
opposing party, who thus helped to nominate the 
candidates of their rivals, and naturally were not 
careful to nominate the best men. In the same city 
it has happened that Democrats have practically 
dictated Republican nominations and Republicans 
have controlled Democratic caucuses. 2 

Packed caucuses and primaries have in some de- 
gree been remedied in certain States by statute, in 
others by party rules 3 voluntarily adopted by the 
party, requiring the names of all persons to be voted 
for at the caucus or primary to be submitted to the 
committee in charge a certain number of days before 
the caucus or primary is held. In this way sudden 
surprises at least can be prevented. 3 Both statutes 
and party rules have in recent years endeavored to 
establish some definite and efficient test of party 
allegiance to prevent members of one party packing 
the caucuses of the other party. Considerable prog- 
ress has been made in checking this evil; nevertheless, 
it recurs in large places to a regrettable degree. 

(6) Bribery of voters at primaries was a flagrant 6. Briber? 
evil for many years, when the statutes which pun- 
ished bribery at elections did not apply to the same 

1 Dallinger, 125. 2 A. B. Hart's Actual Government, 92. 

1 Dallinger, 126. 



118 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

offense at primaries. Every State has now, it is 
believed, extended such laws to cover primaries, and, 
as a result, bribery has been diminished although 
not eradicated. 

7. " Ring (7) Not long ago, in the larger cities the real work 

of nominating candidates and selecting delegates in 
the caucus or primary had largely fallen either into 
the hands of " parlor caucuses" or of political com- 
mittees and clubs, the ordinary voter being restricted 
to a choice between candidates agreed upon at such 
preliminary secret conferences or named by such 
organizations. 1 "It is great sport," said a practical 
New York politician, "to see the people go to the 
polls and vote like cattle for the ticket we prepare." 2 
Wherever such conditions prevail, the caucus or 
primary may be regarded as a potent factor in build- 
ing up the power of the political boss, whose strength 
depends very largely upon his ability in controlling 
or "fixing" primaries. This was especially true of 
New York City primaries a few years ago. 

8. Apathy (8) The non-attendance of the best class of voters 
citizens ^ as been and still is a most serious evil connected 

with the caucus or primary. It has been estimated 
that until recently the proportion of voters who 
took part in primaries varied from one to ten per 
cent. The principal cause assigned for this absten- 
tion is the indifference of the majority of citizens. 
They are too much engrossed in their business or 
domestic affairs or their pleasures, especially in the 
cities. Other causes are to be found in the unfor- 

1 Dallinger, 12. 

2 Quoted by David Dudley Field, in Forum, XIV, 192 (1892). 



Nominations for Local Offices 119 

tunate conditions surrounding the primary which 
have been described above. Of late there has been 
a noteworthy increase of interest in the primaries 
on the part of this class of citizens and a larger par- 
ticipation by them in the work of selecting candi- 
dates. 

This is a most wholesome and encouraging sign, impor- 
for " caucuses and primaries constitute the corner- ^^ipat- 
stone of our nominating system." Their importance in s in . 

primaries 

cannot be overestimated. If the voters who attend 
them choose unfit men to serve as delegates in nom- 
inating conventions, the nominees of these conven- 
tions are likely to prove unworthy standard-bearers 
of the party, and, as a result, the government will be 
badly conducted. "The power which the primaries 
thus wield," says a foreign student of American po- 
litical institutions, "either directly or indirectly, over 
the selection of candidates, runs through the whole 
line. The primaries determine the character and the 
acts of all the conventions which succeed one an- 
other, from the county or city convention up to the 
national convention, for all these conventions ema- 
nate from the primary as from a source." l 

There is, therefore, no subject connected with prac- 
tical politics of greater importance than the reform 
of nominating methods beginning with the caucus or 
primary. Legislation has accomplished much, but 
statutory regulation has its limitations. The law can 
prevent snap caucuses and conventions by requiring 
proper notice to be given of all such party meetings; 
it can secure fair and honest conduct of caucuses and 

1 Ostrogorski, II, 223 



120 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

primary elections; in short, it can bring it about that 
the persons nominated by party caucuses and con- 
ventions shall be the real choice of the party voters 
present at the primary meetings. But it cannot pre- 
vent the voters who are present and vote from nom- 
inating unfit candidates for office. "The law can 
do much, but it can neither compel the so-called ' re- 
spectable' voters to attend the caucus of their party, 
nor can it elevate the moral sense of those who do 
attend. The only method of accomplishing either of 
these most desirable ends is by educating the voting 
population of the country up to a true conception 
of the duties and responsibilities of American citizen- 
ship." i 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. Origin of the caucus and the derivation of the word. 

2. Nominating methods in the Colonial and Revolutionary 
periods. (See Bishop.) 

3. Conduct of primaries in New York, Philadelphia, Bos- 
ton, Baltimore, 1880-1895. (See Dallinger, ch. 5.) 

4. The preliminary work of candidates in preparing for a 
caucus or primary. (See Dallinger, ch. 2.) 

5. Does the caucus or primary described in the text now 
exist in your State? If so, what laws or party rules regu- 
late it ? 

6. What are the qualifications required by law for local offi- 
cers in your State ? (See the State constitution and statutes.) 

7. How have caucus and primary evils been remedied by 
party rules? (See Dallinger, ch. 8.) 

8. The work of civic organizations in promoting good 
nominations for municipal offices in Chicago, Philadelphia, 
New York, and Cambridge, Mass. (See Dallinger, ch. 10; 
Ostrogorski, II, pt. 5, ch. 8; Annals, Jones, King, Sparling, 
and Smith.) 

1 Dallinger, 197. 



Nominations for Local Offices 121 

9. How are nominations for municipal offices made in 
cities which have the commission form of government ? 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Annals of the American Academy, XXVII, 400 (1906). 

Symposium on " Civic Organizations and Municipal 

Parties." 
Beard, C. A., American Government and Politics, 685 ff. 
Becker, Carl, "Nominations in Colonial New York," in Am. 

Hist. Rev., VI, 260 (1900). 
Bernheim, A. C, " Party Organizations and Their Nomina- 
tions to Public Office in New York City," in Pol. Set. 

Quar., Ill, 99 (1888). 
Bishop, C. F., History of Elections in the American Colonies, 

120-127. On colonial nominating methods. 
Bonaparte, C. J., "The Initiative in the Choice of Elective 

Municipal Officers," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, 

XV, 77 (1909). 
Branson, W. J., "The Philadelphia Nominating System," in 

Annals, XIV, 18 (1899). 
Bryce ; James, The American Commonwealth, II, chs. 60-62 

(4th edition). 
Clark, C. C. P., "A Logical System of Municipal Elections," 

in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, I, 524 (1895). 
Cutting, R. F., "Anti-Tammany Union," in Nat. Mun. 

League Proceedings, VII, 78 (1901). 
Dallinger, F. W., Nominations for Elective Offices in the United 

States (1897). Most thorough and scholarly work on the 

subject down to 1897. 
Deming, H. E., "Recent Primary Legislation and Statutory 

Provisions Regulating Independent Nominations to 

Elective Public Office," in Nat. Mun. League Proceed- 

ings, X, 328 (1904). 
"The Fundamental Principles Underlying the Proposed 

Municipal Nominating Law," in Nat. Mun. League 

Proceedings, X, 337 (1904). 
"Some Dangers of the Control by Permanent Political 

Organizations of the Methods of Nominating to Elective 

Municipal Office," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XI, 

347 (1905). 



122 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Deming, H. E., " Municipal Nominating Reform," in Annals, 

XXV, 203 (1905). 
Direct Primary Nominations: Why They Should Be Adopted 

for New York. Pamphlet published by the Citizens' 

Union of New York City (1909). 
Easely, R. M., "The Sine Qua Non of Caucus Reform," in 

Rev. of Rev., XVI, 322 (1897). 
Eaton, Dorman B., "Primary Elections, " in Lalor. Ill, 343. 

Relates chiefly to conditions in New York before 1898. 
Fox, D. R., "Voters' Leagues and Their Critical Work," in 

Nat. Mun. Rev., II, 664 (1913). 
Fuller, R. H., Government by the People (1908), ch. 4. On the 

primary. 
Green, F. W., "Facts About the Caucus or Primary," in 

No. Am. Rev., CXXXVII, 257 (1883). Old evils of the 

caucus. 
Guthrie, G. W., "The Right of Every Elector to a Free and 

Equal Share in the Selection of Candidates for Municipal 

Elective Office," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XI, 

351 (1904). 
Hotchkiss, W. H., "The Movement for Better Primaries," 

in Rev. of Rev., XVII, 583 (1898). 
Jones, C. L., Readings on Parties and Elections (191 2), 321 ff. 

On Chicago Municipal Voters' League. 
King, Hoyt, "The Reform Movement in Chicago," in Annals, 

XXV, 235 (1905)- 
McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, II, 

49, "Primary." 
Meyer, C. E., Nominating Systems (1902), pt. 1, ch. 3. On 

the corrupt caucus. 
Munro, W. B., Government of American Cities (1916), ch. 6. 
National Conference on Primary Election Reform, Proceed- 
ings of New York Meeting, 1898 (Chicago, 1898). 
National Municipal League Proceedings, XIV, 85 (1908), 

"Militant Political Work for Better Governed Cities." 
National Municipal Review, IV, 484 (191 5), "Chicago's May- 
oralty and Councilmanic Election" (1915). 

Ibid., 655, "Illinois City Elections Law." 

Ibid., 114 (1916), "Philadelphia's Mayoralty Election " 

(1916). 
V, 486 (1916), "Boston's Municipal Election" (1915). 



Nominations for Local Offices 123 

National Municipal Review, ibid., 488, ''Chicago's Primary 
and Municipal Election" (1916). 

Nearing and Trowbridge, ''Political Organizations and Pri- 
mary Legislation in Pennsylvania," in Nat. Mun. League 
Proceedings, XI, 293 (1905). 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties (1902), II, pt. 5, ch. 1. 

Democracy and the Party System (1910), ch. 6. 

Party Rules, usually obtainable from the chairman or secre- 
tary of a party committee. 

Pavey, F. D., "State Control of Political Parties," in Forum, 
XXV, 99 (1898). 

Porter, M. P., "Nominations and Elections," Nat. Mun. 
Rev., Ill, 577 (1914). 

Remsen, Daniel S., Primary Elections. 

Ruppenthal, J. C, "Election Reform: The Trend toward 
Democracy," in Annals, XXVIII, 411 (1906). Mainly 
a discussion of State legislation. 

Scott, F. H., "The Municipal Situation in Chicago," in 
Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, IX, 148 (1903). On 
work of the Municipal Voters' League. 

Smith, E. B., "The Municipal Voters' League of Chicago," 
in Atlantic Monthly, LXXXV, 834 (1900). 

Sparling, S. E., "The Chicago Voters' League," in Outlook, 
LXXI, 495 (1902). 

State Statutes, relating to primaries. 

Taylor, Graham, "Civic Significance of the Chicago Elec- 
tion," in The Survey, XXXIV, 61 (191 5). 

Verplanck, J. D. L., "A Problem of Primaries," in Annals, 
XXVIII, 442 (1906). 

Whitridge, F. W., "Caucus System," in Lalor, I, 357. 

Wilder, A. P., "Primary Election Laws," in Nat. Mun. 
League Proceedings, VI, 212 (1900). 

Woodruff, C. R., "The Unsatisfactory Character of Present 
Methods of Nominating to Municipal Elective Office," 
in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, X, 366 (1904). 

"The Requisites of a Municipal Nomination Law," in 

Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XI, 366 (1905). 



CHAPTER V 

NOMINATIONS FOR COUNTY AND STATE OF- 
FICES. THE CONVENTION SYSTEM. ITS 
EVILS AND THE REMEDIES PROPOSED 

Delegate Until the adoption of the direct primary system, 
tion V pre- which will be fully explained in the next chapter, it 
vailing h a( j b een an almost universal practice for candidates 

method for . x . 

nominat- for the various elective county offices to be nominated 
county ky county conventions composed of delegates from the 
and State various towns and cities in the county. The call for 
until re- these conventions was issued by the county commit- 
centiy j- ee? sometimes called the county central committee. 
The number of delegates to which each city or town 
was entitled was stated in the call. 

A large proportion of the State offices are filled by 
appointment. The appointing power is almost al- 
ways vested in elective officials who, before the direct 
primary was adopted, were nominated by the State 
convention of the party. This convention was com- 
posed of delegates chosen by the party voters either 
directly at the primaries in the cities and towns or 
indirectly by county or district conventions. Judges 
of the State courts, however, were often chosen by 
conventions of delegates in the different judicial dis- 
tricts into which the State may be divided. 

Candidates for the State senate in the past have 
generally been nominated by senatorial district con- 

124 



County and State Offices 125 

ventions, composed of delegates chosen at caucuses or 
primaries of the party voters of the cities and towns 
forming the senatorial district. In States where each 
county is represented in the senate, the candidates 
have generally been nominated by the county con- 
ventions. 

Candidates for the State house of representatives, 
or lower branch of the State Legislature, have gener- 
ally in the past been nominated by district conventions, 
composed of delegates chosen at the caucuses or pri- 
maries of the party voters of the cities or towns form- 
ing the representative or assembly district. In the 
few States where each town sent a representative to 
the legislature, the candidates for the lower house 
were nominated in the town caucus or primary. 

The number of delegates sent to these different 
conventions varied. It was generally determined by 
the city, town, county, district, or State committees 
according to the number of votes polled by the can- 
didates of the party at some recently preceding elec- 
tion. Usually the State conventions were large bod- 
ies, having, in the case of New York and Massachu- 
setts, and perhaps other States, over a thousand 
delegates. 

The " convention system," as nomination by con- The "con- 
ventions is called, was the prevailing method for system" 
about seventy years after 1840, and formed a distinc- 
tive feature of the American party system. "Of no 
other political phenomenon has the influence on the 
government and on the character of public men been 
so powerful." l Prior to 1840 State, district, and 
1 E. L. Godkin, Unforeseen Tendencies of Democracy, 59. 



126 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

county officials had been nominated in a variety of 
ways, the most important of which was the method 
of nomination by " legislative caucus/' This was a 
caucus of the party members of the State Legislature, 
sometimes reinforced by the admission of unofficial 
members of the party to represent districts having 
no member of the legislature belonging to that party. 
As the means of travel and communication improved, 
and with the spread of Jacksonian democracy, the 
legislative caucus fell into ill-repute and was suc- 
ceeded by the convention system. This, at the time, 
was looked upon as a great improvement over earlier 
methods, since it seemed to give to the rank and file 
complete control over party nominations, 
in theory, In theory it must be granted that the convention 
tioTsys- system is well-nigh perfect, for it admits of the purest 
tem nearly application of the principle of representative or dele- 
gated authority. Theoretically, the voice of each 
voter can be transmitted from delegate to delegate, 
until finally it finds perfect expression in the legisla- 
ture, the executive, or the judiciary. The nearest 
approach to such ideal conditions was reached by 
the convention system during its early days. When 
so conducted as to command the confidence and 
respect of the voters, it was the foundation of party 
success. It furnished an excellent opportunity for 
the perfection of party organization. It furnished 
an opportunity for estimating a party's strength, 
since the conventions were composed of men from 
every locality and from every part of the State who 
were familiar with party conditions in their home 
communities. It afforded an opportunity for judg- 



County and State Offices 127 

ing of a candidate's popularity, for arousing party 
enthusiasm, for conciliating factions, for formulating 
the party platform. Conventions were, in theory, 
deliberative bodies, thoroughly representative Qf every 
locality, faction, class, and interest comprised in the 
party. For these reasons its defenders still regard 
the convention system as a most valuable instru- 
ment in the hands of the party. 1 

It was not long before the convention system, how- in prac- 
ever admirable in theory, became, like the electoral ousde™' 
college, quite transformed in practice. In the last fects have 
decade it has been made the object of most serious 
assault by political reformers, and in the majority of 
States it has either been abolished by statute or 
greatly restricted in operation. This is partly due 
to the fact that some of the evils which characterized 
the unregulated caucus or primary have also appeared 
in connection with the nominating convention. In 
addition to these, the nominating convention has 
developed evils or defects which are peculiar Jto itself. 
Among the most important and serious weaknesses of 
the convention system, the following may be mentioned: 

(i) The convention system rarely attracts as dele- (x) These 
gates men who represent the best type of citizenship ; app ear 
on the contrary, the controlling majority is usually { * th * 
made up of adherents of some political machine, of deie- 
The following description of the personnel of a Cook ga4,es 
County convention, held in Chicago in 1896, may 
not be true of conventions generally, but it serves to 
illustrate the possibilities of the convention system 
with respect to the character of the delegates. Con- 

1 C. E. Meyer, Nominating Systems, 48-54. 



128 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

ventions of the character described below can hardly 
be expected to make the best nominations for public 
office. 

"Of the delegates, those who had been on trial for 
murder numbered 17; sentenced to the penitentiary 
for murder or manslaughter and served sentence, 7; 
served terms in the penitentiary for burglary, 36; 
served terms in the penitentiary for picking pockets, 
2; served terms in the penitentiary for arson, 1; ex- 
Bridewell and jailbirds, identified by detectives, 84; 
keepers of gambling-houses, 7; keepers of houses of 
ill-fame, 2 ; convicted of mayhem, 3 ; ex-prize-fighters, 
11; pool-room proprietors, 2; saloon-keepers, 265; 
lawyers, 14; physicians, 3; grain dealers, 2; political 
employees, 148; hatter, 1; stationer, 1; contractors, 
4; grocer, 1; sign-painter, 1; plumbers, 4; butcher, 1; 
druggist, 1; furniture supplies, 1; commission mer- 
chants, 2; ex-policemen, 15; dentist, 1; speculators, 2; 
justices of the peace, 3; ex-constable, 1; farmers, 6; 
undertakers, 3; no occupation, 71; total delegates, 

723-" i 

(2) interim (2) The considerable period of time which usually 
efectfon 1 elapses between the choosing of the delegates to a 
and con- convention and the convening of the convention 

vention # 

affords abundant opportunities for the bribery of 
delegates or the bringing to bear of other corrupt 
influences. This is especially likely to occur in ex- 
citing contests where the race between rival candi- 
dates for a nomination is close and the change of a 
few votes will determine the result. 

(3) Delegates are sometimes elected who have no 

1 Rev. of Rev., XVI, 322 (1897). 






County and State Offices 129 

intention of attending the convention for which they (3) The 

ise of 
* proxies ■ 



have been chosen. They transfer their credentials, 



often for a valuable consideration, to unscrupulous 
politicians who serve as their substitutes or " prox- 
ies." l The use of proxies is now forbidden by stat- 
ute or by party rules in some States. The practice 
of selecting an equal number of alternates at the 
same time the delegates are chosen, to serve in their 
places if the delegates are unable to attend the con- 
vention, has extensively, though not wholly, displaced 
the proxy system. 

(4) It is a not uncommon occurrence for "con- (4) "Con- 
testing delegations" to be organized by a faction delega- 
defeated at the primaries, for the purpose of appear- tions 
ing at the convention and contesting the admission of 
regularly elected delegations. Such contested cases 

are always referred to the committee on credentials 
usually appointed by the temporary chairman of the 
convention. If the chairman is in league with the 
defeated faction, he appoints to the committee on 
credentials men favorably disposed to the admission 
of the contestants. In this way the will of the ma- 
jority as reflected in the results of the primary has 
more than once been overridden in the conventions 
dominated by some political machine. At other 
times the dispute is compromised by admitting both 
delegations but allowing to each delegate only half a 
vote. 

(5) Convention proceedings not infrequently are 
marred by violence, disorder, fraudulent manipula- 

1 For an illustration of the flagrant misuse of proxies in Massa- 
chusetts, see R. S. Hoar, in Intercollegiate Civic League Report, 19 10. 



130 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(5) Disor- 
derly or 
fraudu- 
lent pro- 
ceedings 



(6) Com- 
plexness 
of system 



tion of votes, and unfair rulings by chairmen. Con- 
vention chairmen can be found who never see a mem- 
ber of the opposing faction rise to speak. " Though 
a hundred men yell 'No/ the chairman can hear 
only 'Yes.' Though a dozen written resolutions may 
be started toward the chairman's desk, they are lost 
on the way. Finally, in the midst of an uproar in 
which it is impossible to hear how the delegates vote, 
amidst hisses and catcalls and cheers, the nomina- 
tions are declared to be made." 

(6) The convention system, by reason of its com- 
plexity, only partially gives expression to the wishes 
of the individual voter. He has very little opportu- 
nity to express his opinion directly or indirectly in 
regard to the different candidates for the various 
offices. In New York State, for instance, until the 
passing of the direct primary law in 19 13, the party 
voters in an election district met in a caucus or pri- 
mary several months before the election and selected 
candidates for local offices, a set of delegates to the 
county convention, another set to the assembly dis- 
trict convention, a third set to the senatorial district 
convention, and a fourth set to the congressional dis- 
trict convention. The delegates to the county con- 
vention met a little later and selected the party can- 
didates for county offices and a set of delegates to 
the State convention. Similarly, the delegates to the 
other conventions met and selected candidates for 
the legislature and for Congress. Finally, the State 
convention met and selected the party candidates 
for the State offices. The voter at the primary could 
not have the remotest idea as to what candidate? 



County and State Offices 131 

for State offices his vote would be instrumental in 
securing. In the caucus or primary he was acting 
in the dark. Practically he had either to follow the 
direction of his party leaders or do nothing. The 
result was that the average voter did nothing. 1 

(7) The nominating convention has become, in the (7) "Boss" 
majority of gases, simply a cut-and-dried affair to chin™*" 
ratify the agreement reached beforehand by the control 
party leaders respecting the distribution of nomina- 
tions. This brings out perhaps the most conspicuous 
evil connected with the convention system, namely, 
boss or machine control of conventions. 

"In theory party candidates are selected by those 
who have been chosen by the party voters to repre- 
sent them in conventions. In practice, the delegates 
to nominating conventions are generally mere pieces 
on the political chess-board, and most of them might 
as well be inanimate so far as effective participation 
in the choice of candidates is concerned. Party can- 
didates are in effect generally appointed by those 
who have not been invested with any such appoint- 
ing power." 2 As in the caucus or primary, nomina- 
tions are really made by a little group of party bosses 
who meet in secret and make up a "slate" or ticket, 
usually with a view to the preservation of their con- 
trol of the party machinery and rarely with an eye 
single to the best interest of the people of the State. 
Conventions have thus become "the market-places 
of politics." Here the "trades" are made between 

1 Outlook, XCI, 370 (1909). 

2 Governor Hughes, of New York, quoted in Outlook, XCI, gx 
(1909). 



132 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Conse- 
quences 
of ma- 
chine con- 
trol 



the bosses that force inefficient men into public 
offices to pay political debts. 

Four important consequences of boss or machine 
control were pointed out by Governor Hughes, of 
New York. "It has a disastrous result upon party 
leadership. The power of nominating candidates, 
which has come to rest largely upon party leaders, 
is so important that it offers a constant temptation 
to the manipulation of party machinery for its pres- 
ervation in the hands of individuals. It tends to 
discourage party voters from participating in the 
affairs of the party. The average voter is an infre- 
quent attendant at party caucuses and primaries. 
The present indirect system of nominating candi- 
dates has convinced the average citizen of the futility 
of any contest in the primaries, and only a small 
percentage of the enrolled voters go through the 
motions of voting for delegates already selected for 
them by the leaders. The primary vote for delegates 
to conventions is largely cast by those who make 
more or less of a profession of politics. . . . Candi- 
dates too often regard themselves as primarily ac- 
countable not to their constituents, nor even in the 
broad sense to their party, but to those individual 
leaders to whom they realize they owe their offices, 
and upon the continuance of whose favor they feel 
that their political future depends. To the extent 
that party machinery can be dominated by the few, 
the opportunity for special interests which desire to 
control the administration of the government, to 
shape the laws, to prevent the passage of laws, or to 
break the laws with impunity, is increased. These 



County and State Offices 133 

interests are ever at work, stealthily and persistently 
endeavoring to pervert the government to the ser- 
vice of their own ends. All that is worst in our 
public life finds its readiest means of access to power 
through the control of the nominating machinery of 
parties.' ' l 

To remedy the evils or defects of the convention Remedies- 
system, a variety of suggestions have been made £j]J^" n 
and a number of experiments have been tried. They of convex 
fall into two main classes: changes that would retain te °m Sys " 
the convention system, but would so reform it as to 
do away with its most glaring evils; and changes 
that aim to bring about the abolition of the conven- 
tion system, in whole or in part, and to place the 
right to make nominations directly in the hands of 
the people. 

Some of the evils of the convention system have 
been diminished or eliminated by the adoption of a 
few simple and intelligent party rules providing for 
some form of registration or enrolment of the party 
voters; for giving sufficient notice of the time and 
place of caucuses or primaries for the choice of dele- 
gates; for the orderly procedure of primaries and 
conventions; for the fair and impartial settlement of 
disputes arising within the party; for the prohibition 
of the use of proxies; and providing that all ap- 
pointive Federal, State, county, and municipal office- 
holders shall be ineligible to serve as delegates in any 
convention. 2 For such party rules to effect any real 

1 Ibid.; also Direct Primary Nominations: Why They Should Be 
Adopted for New York (pamphlet) , 10. 
2 Dallinger, ch. 8. 



134 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

reform, it is necessary to have honest and energetic 
men in control of the committees charged with the 
enforcement of those rules'. In many places, where 
the great mass of voters are ignorant or where the 
machine has secured a grip upon the party organiza- 
tion, it has been impossible to obtain such rules, or 
else they have proved wholly ineffective. 1 

It is through legislation, therefore, that the most 
serious evils of both the caucus and the convention 
system have been attacked and when not eradicated 
have at least been checked. Some of this legislation 
has been briefly indicated in the preceding chapter; 
whatever reforms affect the caucus or primary are 
bound to react on the convention system. Likewise, 
any adequate reform of the evils of the convention 
system must take the primaries into account, for the 
two institutions are vitally related. 

Among other suggestions coming from those who 
seek to reform rather than to abandon the delegate 
convention are the following: It has been proposed 
that after the delegates from the lowest political 
units have been elected in fair, well-guarded pri- 
maries, each town, city, or county delegation to the 
convention shall elect a chairman or foreman. This 
chairman, acting for his delegation, shall hand in to 
the convention all the nominations desired by a plu- 
rality of his delegation, and the nominations thus 
filed by the different delegations the convention shall 
post on a large bulletin-board and then proceed to 
vote on such names, and no others, by secret ballot, 
under the supervision of officials named by public- 

1 Ibid. , 172, 199. 



County and State Offices 135 

election commissioners. 1 Another suggestion has been 
made, to the effect that after securing properly 
guarded primaries all nominations in conventions 
should be by printed ballots, each ballot bearing 
the name of the delegate voting it, and to be given 
official record. This would make the delegate, it is 
claimed, directly responsible to his constituents and 
to the public. Neither of these suggestions, how- 
ever, has yet secured any considerable body of sup- 
porters. 2 

A third proposal advocates "the referendum in The 
nominations" as a device that will serve as a very dumln" 
effective check on arbitrary and irresponsible action nonuna- 

. tions. 

by the party organization. Under this system no 
nomination by a party convention will be accepted 
as the nomination of the party if within a certain 
time a petition signed by a certain percentage of the 
enrolled voters of the party is filed asking that the 
nomination be referred to the party voters. Should 
the convention have proposed a man for office in 
opposition to the wish of a majority of the party 
members, the referendum will give them an oppor- 
tunity to reject the nomination by direct vote and to 
make a substitution. The occasion for the actual 
use of the referendum, it is argued, would rarely 
arise, yet the possibility of its exercise would prove 
most beneficial. The serious threat of the referen- 
dum would ordinarily be sufficient to cause the party 
leaders either to accept a compromise or to make 
the nomination that seemed to be demanded by a 
majority of the party. Their practical common sense 
1 Woodburn, 291. 2 Ibid, 



136 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

would not permit them to risk the loss of prestige 

that an adverse vote would cost. 1 

(2) De- Two important movements go much further in 

of conven- combating the evils of the convention system than 

tion sys- an y |-j lus f ar considered, namely, nomination by peti- 

petitions tion or by " nomination papers" and nomination by 

primary direct primary elections. Both of these movements 

look upon the nominating convention as so inherently 

bad that it cannot be reformed and therefore seek to 

abolish it. 

Nomination by petition, or by filing nomination 
papers, as has already been explained, 2 came into 
use to a very limited extent in connection with the 
introduction and general adoption of the Australian 
ballot. It is now proposed to abolish not only the 
nominating convention, but also nominations by pri- 
maries and caucuses, and to substitute the single 
method of nomination by petitions signed by a speci- 
fied number of voters and to apply this system to all 
nominations. Applied solely to local elections, the 
petition method of nomination has made consider- 
able progress within the past few years. It seems 
well adapted to the needs of municipalities, for it 
reduces partisanship to a minimum; indeed, it prac- 
tically eliminates national politics from local elec- 
tions. Thus far there has been no wide demand 
for a more extended application of the system. Nev- 
ertheless, its supporters and defenders are becoming 

1 R. H. Whitten, "Referendum in Party Nominations,' ) in Munici- 
pal Affairs, VI, 180 (1902). 

2 See chapter IV. 



County and State Offices 137 

more numerous and influential, and the future is 
likely to see its wider application. 1 

The movement for direct primary elections does not 
go so far in its antagonism to the convention system. 
True, it seeks to abolish the nominating convention 
entirely; but where this cannot be accomplished at 
once it is content to bring about a partial or gradual 
abolition. Many States, for example, have dispensed 
with the nominating convention for the nomination 
of candidates for local and county offices and for 
members of the State Legislature, at the same time 
retaining the State convention for nominations for 
the highest elective State offices. Again, the direct 
primary election movement differs from the system 
of nomination by petition in that it retains the pri- 
mary system and makes that the all-important fac- 
tor in the nominating process. The movement for 
direct primary elections will be more fully discussed 
in the following chapter. 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. Trace the early development of nominating conventions 
in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. 

2. Discuss the early political uses of the word "conven- 
tion." 

3. (a) If the convention system exists in your State, what 
is the law regarding the time of holding city, county, and 
State conventions and the time within which certificates of 
nomination must be filed? 

(b) How are the delegates to the county, district, and 
State conventions chosen in theory and in actual practice? 

4. How may vacancies occurring in a party ticket before 
the election be filled in your State? 

1 C. E. Merriam, Primary Elections, 85, 135. 



138 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

5. What qualifications are prescribed by the constitution 
or laws of your State for county and State officers? 

6. Describe the preliminaries and procedure of a county 
or legislative district convention. (See Dallinger, ch. 2.) 

7. Describe the preparations for and procedure of a State 
convention. (See Dallinger, ch. 3, and Jones's Readings.) 

8. Discuss the operation of the laws of those States which 
permit nominations by petition for municipal offices. 

9. European methods of making nominations. (See Low- 
ell's The Government of England and Government and Parties 
in Continental Europe, Munro's Government of European 
Cities. 

10. Make a list of the State and county officials in your 
State who are elected by popular vote. 

n. How has the method of nomination by petition worked 
out in Boston? (See Munro, Government of American Cities.) 

12. The composition and functions of the county conven- 
tion and State convention in Illinois under the direct pri- ■ 
mary law of 19 13. 

13. Discuss the merits of the proposal for a referendum 
on convention nominations. (See Whitten.) 

14. The proposed law in California in 191 5 for non-par- 
tisan State elections and the reasons for its defeat. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Ashley, R. L., The American Federal State (1902), ch. 23. 

Beard, C. A., American Government and Politics, ch. 7 and 
pp. 685 ff. 

Benton, Thomas H., Thirty Years 1 View, 2 vols. (1857). On 
the beginnings of the convention system. 

Binkerd, R. S., "The Doom of the Old Machine Conven- 
tion," in Rev. of Rev., XLI, 597 (1910). 

Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, II, chs. 61-62 
(4th edition). 

Dallinger, F. W., Nominations for Elective Offices in the United 
States (1897). 

Deming, H. E., and Trowbridge, L. W., "Political Organiza- 
tion and Primary Legislation in New York, 1882-1904," 
in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XI, 309 (1905). 



County and State Offices 139 

Direct Primary Nominations: Why They Should Be Adopted 
for New York. Pamphlet published by the Citizens 2 ' 
Union, 1909. 

Easley, R. M., "The Sine Qua Non of Caucus Reform," in 
Rev. of Rev. , XVI, 322 (1897). 

Ford, H. J., Rise and Growth of American Politics (1898), ch. 
16, "The Convention System." 

Fuller, R. H., Government by the People (1908), ch. 5, on Nom- 
inations. 

Hoar, R. S., "Proposing State Legislation," in Intercollegi- 
ate Civic League Report , April, 19 10. Describes packed 
conventions in Massachusetts. 

Jones, C. L., Readings on Parties and Elections, 57 fL Quot- 
ing Mr. La Foilette on corrupt conventions. 

Luetscher, G. D., Early Political Machinery in the United 
States (1903), chs. 3-4. 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, I, 
461, "Conventions, Political." 

Meyer, C. E., Nominating Systems (1902), pt. 1, ch. 5. On 
the corrupt convention. 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties, II, pt. 2, ch. 5. 

Democracy and the Party System, ch. 7. 

"Rise and Fall of the Nominating Caucus, Legislative 

and Congressional," in Am. Hist. Rev., V, 253 (1899- 
1900). 

Outlook, The, XCI, 91 (1909), "Governor Hughes on Party 
Nominations." 

XCVI, 334 (1910), "Tammany's Opportunity." On 

New York Democratic convention, 1910. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, "A Fight for Clean Government and 
Popular Rule," in Outlook, XCVI, 342 (1910). On New 
York Democratic convention, 19 10. 

Walton, J. S., "Nominating Conventions in Pennsylvania," 
in Am. Hist. Rev., II, 262 (1897). 

Whitten, R. H., "Referendum in Party Nominations/' in 
Municipal Affairs, VI, 180 (1902). 



CHAPTER VI 



NOMINATIONS BY DIRECT PRIMARY ELECTION 



Procedure 
under di- 
rect pri- 
mary 
method 



Where the system of nomination by direct primary 
election is operative most, if not all, of the candidates 
who have hitherto been named by the party voters 
indirectly through delegate conventions are now nom- 
inated directly at the primaries. Hence the name 
direct primary. The direct primary, however, is 
something more than an ordinary caucus or primary. 
It is usually conducted by the regular election offi- 
cials, at the place where the regular elections are 
held, and is accompanied by all the formalities and 
safeguards which surround a regular election. Hence 
the expression, direct primary election. 

The operation of the direct primary election method 
is in brief as follows: A person who desires to become 
the candidate of his party for an office is required to 
secure a certain number of signatures to a petition, 
the number increasing with the importance of the 
office sought. This petition is filed with the proper 
official a certain number of days before the date of 
the primary election, and it entitles the person named 
therein to have his name printed on the official ballot 
to be used at the primary election. On the day of 
the primary election, the voter goes to the polling- 
place and receives an official ballot of his party and 
then passes in review the several aspirants for nomi- 

140 



The Direct Primary 141 

nation whose names appear on the ballot. The voter 
indicates on the ballot those persons whom he wishes 
to stand as the candidates of his party. In case he 
is not suited with those whose names are printed on 
the ballot, he may be allowed to write in the name 
of some other person whom he prefers for a given 
office. The ballots are finally counted as in an ordi- 
nary election, and those persons receiving the highest 
vote of their respective parties are officially declared 
to be the party's nominees, and their names appear 
on the official ballot used at the regular election 
which follows. 

There are two kinds of direct primaries, the " Closed » 
" closed' ' primary and the "open" primary. In f^pen" 
closed primaries participation is limited by law to primaries 
the members of the party who have been previously 
enrolled or who have complied with some sort of test 
of party allegiance. In the open primary a voter 
may vote for the candidates for nomination of any 
party, and no attempt is made to prevent Democrats 
from taking a hand in Republican nominations and 
vice versa. The best example of the open primary is 
to be found in the State of Wisconsin. Each voter 
in the Wisconsin primary is given ballots of all the 
parties printed on separate sheets but fastened to- 
gether and folded. He marks the ballot of the party 
with which he wishes to participate and deposits it 
in the regular ballot-box, at the same time placing 
the unused ballots in "the blank ballot-box." 

In favor of the Wisconsin plan, it is urged that "it 
protects the secrecy of the ballot; that it makes in- 
timidation or undue influence impossible; that the 



142 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Offices to 
which di- 
rect pri- 
mary is 
applied 



requirement of the party test is both unnecessary and 
useless; and that the test of allegiance excludes only 
the honest citizens, while admitting the dishonest 
and corrupt. " 

Strong objection to the Wisconsin system has 
been made on the ground that, " without some sort 
of party test, the responsibility of the party for the 
character of the nominations and the platform is 
entirely broken down. Members of the Republican 
party may assist in the nomination of weak Demo- 
crats, or vice versa, and unscrupulous leaders may 
readily transfer blocks of voters without regard to 
party lines. When a corrupt machine is threatened 
by the nomination of an aggressive reformer, it is 
possible to avert this menace by the use of available 
members of the other machine. In these ways, it is 
held, the responsibility of the party may be com- 
pletely destroyed, or at any rate seriously crippled, 
and reform movements may be made more difficult.' ' l 

The extent to which the direct primary has been 
applied varies greatly in different States, (i) In 
some States only the selection of delegates to nom- 
inating conventions by direct primary is required, it 
being left optional with political parties to use the 
direct primary for the nomination of candidates for 
office. (2) Another group of States requires (or 
makes optional) the use of the direct primary in nom- 
inations for local offices, and requires the direct pri- 
mary for the nomination of county officers, members 
of the State Legislature, judges of the inferior courts, 
and representatives in Congress; retaining, however, 

1 Merriam, 148. 



The Direct Primary WW 

the convention for the nomination of the most im- 
portant State officers, such as governor, secretary ot 
state, and judges of the highest courts. (3) In its 
most extended application, the direct primary sys- 
tem is made to cover nominations for local and 
county offices, all State offices, representatives and 
senators in Congress. This is called a " State- wide" 
direct primary and now exists in about thirty States. 
(4) One State, Iowa, applies the direct primary elec- 
tion method to the nomination of Federal officers, 
State and local officers, except judges of the State 
courts, but supplements the primary by the action of 
a delegate convention in case candidates for certain 
offices do not receive thirty-five per cent of the total 
party vote. 

With a few exceptions, the direct primary systems Provi- 
in operation in the different States, although differing commonly 
greatly in details, have the following points in com- io ^ in . 

mon : mary laws 

(1) The primaries of the different parties are held 
on the same day and at the same place. 

(2) Some form of the Australian secret ballot is used. 

(3) Usually the ballots are of uniform size, shape, 
and color and are printed at public expense. 

(4) All names printed on the official ballot appear 
there as the result of filing nomination petitions a 
certain number of days before the day of the primary 
election, and are usually printed in alphabetical order. 

(5) The regular election officials preside and are 
paid out of the public funds. 

(6) The polls are open a specified number of hours, 
as at a regular election. 



L44 



Political Parlies- and Practical Politics 



Hughes's 
plan for 
nomina- 
tions by 
party com- 
mittees 



(7) Nominations arc generally made by plurality 
vote, although in some States a certain percentage 
of the total party vote is required. In a few States 
the voters indicate their first and second choices on 
the ballot, and a majority vote is required for nom- 
ination. 

(8) The statutes against corrupt practices at elec- 
tions are extended to cover these primary elections. 

(9) The more recent laws generally provide for the 
choice of party officers that is, the members of the 
different party committees at the time when Other 
nominations are made, and on the same ballot. In 
New York, Governor Hughes strenuously urged the 
adoption of this feature, with the added provision 
that the party committees so chosen should be al- 
lowed to present a party ticket for approval or rejec- 
tion by the party voters at each primary election. 
The aspirants named by the party committees should 
be announced some time prior to the primary elec- 
tions. If, for any reason, any or all of the names 
thus suggested are not satisfactory to the party vot- 
ers, others may be added to the ballot by the usual 
petition. At the primary election which follows the 
voters would have an opportunity to indicate their 
approval or disapproval of the candidates put for- 
ward by the party officials. Four advantages are 
claimed for this proposed innovation. First, the 
party organization would be preserved intact, while, 
at the same time, the party voters would have the 
opportunity, now ordinarily lacking, to repudiate as 
well as to ratify the selections made by the party 
leaders. Thus, it is believed, the leaders could be 



The Direct Primary 14o 

made to feel a greater sense of responsibility to the 
voters at large. Secondly, in States where party 
organizations are strong and well disciplined it is 
probable that the organization would have its own 
candidates for nomination under any system that 
might be devised, and it is urged that it would be 
better that the organization should show its hand 
than that it should act in an irresponsible or secret 
manner. In the third place, by this method the 
support of, and, in equal degree, opposition to, the 
party committee's candidates could be concentrated; 
thus insuring fewer nominations, avoiding the ne- 
cessity of requiring a large number of signatures to 
petitions, and incidentally effecting a corresponding 
economy. Finally, fusion on judicial and other offi- 
cers would, it is claimed, be easier to initiate. 1 

(10) Most direct primary election systems attempt Test of 
to prescribe some test of party membership in order S S^ * 
to prevent the members of one party interfering 
with the nominations of an opposing party. This 
problem of the party test is one of the most serious 
questions which has arisen in connection with the 
direct primary system of nominations, and no gen- 
eral or wholly satisfactory solution has yet been 
reached. "It is difficult to prescribe conditions of 
party allegiance without at once preventing that in- 
dependence in voting which is the hope of decent 
politics." 

The experiments along this line may be grouped 
into three classes: 2 

1 Direct Primary Nominations . . . for New York, 42. 
* Beard, 687 ff . 



118 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Where personal registration is a prerequisite to 
voting, the voter on registering is given an opportu- 
nity (which he is usually permitted to decline) of de- 
claring his party affiliation. From the record of such 
declarations a list of party voters is made up, and this 
serves as the voting list for the ensuing primary elec- 
tion. Such a system exists at present in New York. 
The voter is there required to fill out a blank stat- 
ing the party with which he intended to participate. 
At the same time he subscribes to the following dec- 
laration: "I am in general sympathy with the prin- 
ciples of the party which I have designated by mark 
hereunder; it is my intention to support generally 
at the next general election, State or national, the 
nominees of such party for State and national offices; 
and I have not enrolled with or participated in any 
primary election, or convention, of any other party 
since the first day of last January." * 

In other States, the voter at the direct primary 
election asks for and receives the ballot of the party 
in whose nominations he wishes to take part. If 
challenged, he takes an oath to the effect that he is 
a member of that party, that he supported it at the 
last election, or intends to vote for at least a majority 
of that party's candidates at the coming election. 
Frequently an official party list is made up from 
such requests and declarations under oath. 

A third method, prevailing in the Southern States, 
is one by which the imposition of any test of party 
allegiance is left to the respective party officials 
operating under organization rules. 
1 Laws of iqi6. 



The Direct Primary 147 

The movement to substitute the direct primary 
for the delegate convention has spread rapidly in 
the last decade, until at the present time (191 7) 
forty-three States employ the direct primary method 
in varying degrees. 1 

One of the most recent developments of the direct The non- 
primary system has been the so-called non-partisan primary 
primary. The feeling that the choice of municipal 
officers, and especially the judges of our State courts, 
should be freed as much as possible from national 
partisanship has led to the enactment in a number 
of States of laws requiring the nomination of such 
officials 2 by direct primary election, but with this dis- 
tinguishing feature: the names of all candidates of all 
parties for such offices are printed upon a special 
ballot, separate and distinct from the party primary 
ballot for other nominations, and this special ballot 
contains no indication whatever as to the party affili- 
ations of those whose names appear thereon. Hence 
it is called the " non-partisan ballot." This innova- 
tion was greeted with delight by some political re- 
formers, but the results have proved disappointing, 
notably in Pennsylvania. 3 Partisanship has been 
eliminated only nominally, for where political ma- 

1 American Year Book, 1915, p. 86. Only Rhode Island, Connecti- 
cut, Delaware, New Mexico, and Utah are without the direct pri- 
mary in some form. 

2 In 19 1 3 Minnesota passed a law providing for the election of 
members of the legislature on a non-partisan ballot. 

3 The non-partisan primary in Philadelphia in September, 1913, 
for judges of the State courts became "in the hands of the Organiza- 
tion a veritable burlesque." Its futility as an instrument of inde- 
pendent choice was shown "to the disgust of independents and the 
satisfaction of the Organization." — Public Ledger, September 28, 
1913- 



148 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

chines are highly developed the party managers be- 
fore the primary have simply agreed upon the can- 
didates whom the " organization" will support and 
passed the word along to the rank and file who vote 
in the manner thus indicated. 

"The master force which impels the direct primary 
movement/' as one of its opponents 1 truly says, "is 
the desire for popular control of government." It 
commends itself to the masses as a means of giving 
power to the people. If the people are wise enough 
to elect their officers, are they not wise enough to 
nominate them,? The most optimistic believed that 
the new institution would be a panacea for all our 
political ills; that it would, like a magnet, draw ev- 
ery recalcitrant voter to the polls, where he would 
promptly put the rascals to flight and inaugurate 
an era of political purity. The specific advantages 
claimed for the direct primary may be enumerated 
as follows: 
Advan- (i) Active political work on the part of the rank 
direct ° an d file of the party is encouraged because the direct 
primary primary makes it easier for the ordinary voter to 
exert an influence on the choice of the committee- 
men and candidates. 

(2) It brings out a larger vote to the primaries. 
From twenty-five to seventy-five per cent of the 
party voters quite regularly come out to the direct 
primary, and when an especially sharp contest is on 
from fifty-five to eighty-five per cent come out. 2 

(3) The direct primary is simpler than the conven- 

1 H. J. Ford, in No. Am. Rev., CXC, 1 (1909). 

2 Direct Primary Nominations . . . for New York, 15. 



The Direct Primary 149 

tion system. Under the latter there is a primary fol- 
lowed by the various conventions. Under the direct 
system, one day's primary election usually settles 
everything, and the whole cumbrous and expensive 
machinery of the delegate convention is abolished. 

(4) Where the party committeemen are chosen 
directly by the voters, the system " promotes true 
party leadership by making it less susceptible to 
misuse and more in accord with general party senti- 
ment." 

(5) It is claimed that the direct primary " secures 
the nomination of better men by making their nom- 
ination depend upon the presentation of their claims 
to the voters, instead of upon secret manipulations.' ' 
A more conservative statement would be that the 
direct primary is an institution for bringing out a 
conspicuously fit person or for attacking a conspic- 
uously unfit one or one whose alliances are conspicu- 
ously unfit. 

(6) The direct primary, it is claimed, takes away 
from the politicians much of their former control over 
nominations and places that control more nearly in 
the hands of the people. The result is to make "the 
elective officer more independent of those who would 
control his action for their own selfish advantage 
and enables him to appeal more directly to his con- 
stituency upon the basis of faithful service." Thus 
it proves "a strong barrier against the efforts of 
those who seek to pervert administration to the ser- 
vice of privilege or to secure immunity for law- 
breaking." l 

1 Governor Hughes, quoted in Outlook, XCI, 91 (1909). 



150 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

(7) Bribery and corruption are rendered, if not 
more difficult, at least less potent than formerly in 
determining nominations. 

(8) The simplification of our large and confusing 
ballot is a result that may ultimately be looked for. 
While the direct primary does not reduce the num- 
ber of elective offices, it will have a constantly in- 
creasing influence to that end, because it will serve 
to keep before the voter the magnitude of the politi- 
cal burden unnecessarily loaded upon his shoulders. 1 

Objec- Against the direct primary system a large number 

direct pri- °^ objections have been raised. They are often ad- 
maf y vanced by the old type of machine politician and 

bosses, who appear to believe that their power and 
influence will be destroyed by the new system. Ir- 
respective, however, of the character of the objec- 
tors, the objections themselves deserve consideration. 
They may be briefly enumerated as follows: 

(1) The character and efficiency of public officials 
have not been improved under the direct primary 
system. 

(2) Corruption in politics has not been diminished. 
On the other hand, it is claimed that the new system 
" tends to promote, rather than to check, electoral 
corruption. A primary election is merely another 
election, and as elections are now conducted we have 
enough of them. A primary is merely another op- 
portunity for the ' floater' and the 'grafter.' A large 
and corrupt use of money is encouraged." 2 

1 C. R. Woodruff, in Forum, XLII, 493 (1909). 

2 Woodburn, 435. The Illinois direct primary held in April, 19 16, 
at which only the delegates to the national convention and the 
county and ward committeemen were chosen, is stated to have 



The Direct Primary 151 

(3) It makes it virtually impossible for any one 
" excepting moneyed men or demagogues to be elected 
to office/' because of the great expense involved in 
canvassing for two elections, the primary and the 
regular election which follows. 1 

cost the taxpayers of the State approximately $700,000. For some 
facts relating to the cost of the May, 19 14, primary in Pennsylvania, 
see Philadelphia Public Ledger, May 31 and June 1, 19 14. 

*In the municipal direct primary in Chicago in 191 1 Mr. Mer- 
riam, one of the candidates for the Republican nomination, made a 
demand for the publication of campaign contributions and expendi- 
tures after audit by an expert accountant. Sworn statements were 
made by all except two candidates, and they showed expenditures 
ranging all the way from $10,000 to $30,000. Another case in point 
is that of Mr. Stephenson, who expended $107,000 in a recent cam- 
oaign for the direct primary Republican nomination for United 
States senator in Wisconsin. Later this campaign was made the 
subject of an exhaustive congressional investigation. A majority of 
the committee reported that evidence was lacking which would 
prove that even this enormous sum was corruptly expended. In 
Pennsylvania a candidate for representative in Congress spent over 
$47,000 in a direct primary campaign. The expenditures by Mr. 
Vance McCormick, Democratic candidate for governor in Pennsyl- 
vania in 19 14, in connection with the direct primary, were over 
$33,200; and in the same primary Senator Penrose expended over 
$14,600 for renomination. These items do not include other ex- 
penditures by political committees in behalf of these candidates. 

On the other hand, " striking instances show that the lack of money 
is not a handicap, if a candidate goes to the people with issues in 
which they are interested. In Washington, Senator Jones, a com- 
paratively poor man, won against a millionaire rival who spent 
money freely. Joseph L. Bristow won the nomination in Kansas 
against Chester I. Long. Long spent seven times as much as 
Bristow. Senator Johnson, of North Dakota, a farmer of moderate 
means, spent ' almost nothing' against three competitors who spent 
altogether over $200,000. Governor Warner, of Michigan, made 
the statement that in a contest for governor, just before the change 
to the new system, 'more money was expended than will be used in 
the next ten years under the direct voting system.' One well ac- 
quainted with conditions in New Hampshire says: 'In New Hamp- 
shire less money has been spent for nominations under the primary 
than under the old system.'" — Professor G. G. Groat, University of 
Vermont. 



152 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

(4) Since the expenses connected with the conduct 
of the direct primary election are borne by the pub- 
lic, the system involves a large increase in taxation. 

(5) The petition method of placing names on the 
primary ballot has created a class of mercenaries 
hired for the purpose of soliciting signatures to such 
petitions. 

(6) The direct primary tends to weaken and dis- 
organize the party, since it renders more difficult the 
harmonizing of differences and jealousies and misun- 
derstandings. It affords no security for a geographi- 
cal distribution of the candidates which is calculated 
to strengthen the party throughout the State. As 
tried in some States, it facilitates Democrats nomi- 
nating Republican candidates and Republicans assist- 
ing in the nomination of Democratic candidates. 1 

(7) No satisfactory method has been provided for 
the making of a party platform. In those States 
where the platform is drafted by the party nomi- 
nees it is asserted to be a mere " catch vote" affair 
and not a true embodiment of the party's prin- 
ciples. 

(8) The new system has not dethroned the politi- 
cal boss or put the machine "out of business." It 
does not remove any of the conditions which have 
produced the system of machines and bosses, but in- 
tensifies their pressure by making politics still more 
confused, irresponsible, and costly. It parallels the 
long series of regular elections with a corresponding 
series of primary elections in every regular party or- 
ganization. The more elections there are, the larger 

1 Woodruff, op. cit. 






The Direct Primary 153 

becomes the class of professional politicians to be 
supported by the community. 1 

(9) The direct primary tends to a multiplicity of 
candidates, with a resulting confusion of the voters. 
The "ring" influence can easily cause a number of 
respectable candidates to be brought out, and thus 
divide the vote of the best citizens, while the ring or 
machine candidate may easily obtain a larger num- 
ber of votes than any of his opponents. 2 

(10) Direct primary elections are a blow at rep- 
resentative government and tend toward pure democ- 
racy. 

(n) State- wide direct primaries favor populous 
centres as against rural communities. 3 
In determining the weight which should be at- 

1 Ford, op. cit. 2 Woodburn, 436-437. 

3 Direct Primary Nominations . . . for New York, 28. The follow- 
ing facts collected in 19 13 by Professor G. G. Groat, of the Univer- 
sity of Vermont, tend to disprove this contention. "Facts furnished 
from authorities in twenty-two States show that the State officers 
come mostly from the smaller towns and rural districts. Of the 
twenty-one governors chosen by direct primaries, sixteen came from 
towns or cities of less than 20,000 inhabitants. 

"In Illinois, 5 out of 6 State officers came from towns of less than 
16,000. 

"In Iowa, 6 out of 7 State officers came from towns of less than 
2,500. 

"In Kansas, 7 out of 8 State officers came from towns of less than 
5,000. 

"In Missouri, 5 out of 7 State officers came from towns of less 
than 12,000. 

"In Nebraska, 7 out of 8 State officers came from towns of less 
than 8,000. 

"In Oregon, 2 out of 6 State officers came from towns of less than 
2,000. 

"In Washington, 5 out of 6 State officers came from towns of less 
than 10,000. 

"In Wisconsin, 5 out of 6 State officers came from towns of less 
than 20,000." 



154 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Compar- 
ison of di- 
rect pri- 
mary with 
the con- 
vention 
system 



Merri- 
am's con- 
servative 
conclu- 
sions 



tached to these various criticisms of the direct pri- 
mary system, it should be noted that many of the 
objections could with equal force and effect be urged 
against the convention system. It is believed that 
the new system, when fairly tried, tends to diminish 
rather than to increase the evils of the older methods. 
It is safe to say that no remedy for the evils of the 
convention system can be considered perfect " be- 
cause human nature cannot be changed by legisla- 
tion, and opportunities for political mischief will 
exist under any system." After all, the direct pri- 
mary method must stand or fall by the comparative 
value of results achieved through its use. After a 
careful examination of the practical working of the 
direct primary system in all the different States 
where it has been tried, Professor Merriam, the lead- 
ing authority on the subject, arrives at the following 
conservative and impartial conclusions: 1 

(i) The vote cast in a direct primary election is 
generally greater than in a primary for the choice of 
delegates. 

(2) The cost of campaigning where the candidates 
are chosen by direct vote is greater than under the 
other systems, partly on account of the personal can- 
vass which is necessitated especially where a few 
votes may be decisive, and also by reason of the ex- 
pense involved in advertising, printing circulars, dis- 
tributing literature, providing for meetings, workers, 
etc. Nevertheless, if this outlay results in a greater 
education of the voters and a greater interest on 
their part, the expenditure is worth while. 

1 Primary Elections, 117 ft. 



The Direct Primary 



155 



(3) The apprehension that there would be an ava- 
lanche of candidates has not been confirmed by tfte 
facts. Rarely are there more than three candidates 
for the same nomination, and the average is two 
or three. 1 There are more avowed, and fewer un- 
avowed, candidates than under the old method. 

(4) Great differences of opinion exist whether there 
is a better class of candidates under this new sys- 



1 To this generalization exceptions will appear in the following 
table showing candidates in the Democratic and Republican pri- 
maries in Illinois, September, 19 16. The existence of hostile fac- 
tions in each party, especially the Republican, goes far toward ex- 
plaining the large number of candidates. A few withdrew before 
the day of the primary. 



DEMO- 
CRATIC 



REPUB- 
LICAN 



DEMO 
CRATIC 



REPUB- 
LICAN 



Governor 

Lieutenant-Governor 

Secretary of State 

Auditor of Accounts 

State Treasurer 

Attorney-General 

Congressmen at Large (2) . . 

Representatives in Congress: 

2d district 

3d 
4th 
6th 
7th 
8th 



State Board of Equalization 
1st district 

2d 

3d 
4th 
5th 
6th 
7th 
8th 
10th 



3 
7 
7 
10 
5 
6 
9 



State Senator: 
2d district . . 
4th " 
6th " . . 



Representative in Gen- 
eral Assembly: 

2d district 

3d " 

4th " 

5th " 

6th " 

7th " 

9th " 

nth " 

13th " 

15th " 

17th " 

19th " 

2ISt " 

23d " 

25th " 

29th " 

3ISt " 



9 

10 

6 

6 

9 

10 

7 

16 

10 

18 



5 

6 

10 

17 

10 

9 

4 

5 

8 

1 

3 

9 

13 

10 

10 

9 

12 



At the primary election held in Philadelphia, May 19, 1914, there 
were more than 15,000 candidates for the ward committees of the 
different parties in that city. 



156 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

tern. The direct primary seems to possess the great 
advantage of offering an opportunity at. least to de- 
feat a conspicuously unfit candidate and for the choice 
of one conspicuously well fitted. 

(5) The direct primary election has not done away 
with the possibility of a list of candidates for nomi- 
nation being framed beforehand by the party leaders. 
There is a tendency to hold informal preliminary cau- 
cuses of the leaders, 1 but the " slates" are more easily 
broken under the direct primary than under the old 
system. Moreover, the new system provides for re- 
sponsible slate-makers. 

(6) It is unquestionably true that the press be- 
comes a much more important factor in the direct 
primary system than under the delegate plan. Since 
the candidate cannot meet personally all of his con- 
stituents, the attitude taken by the great organs of 
publicity may seriously affect his prospects. 

(7) There is much testimony to the effect that the 
direct primary method of making nominations "has 
a restraining and subduing influence upon the ruling 
authorities and tends to elevate in importance the 
will of the voter in the party." 

(8) As a whole, the relative merits of the conven- 
tion and direct primary systems is a subject upon 
which there is room for much honest difference of 
opinion. The direct primary has justified neither 

1 This practice has become notorious in Pennsylvania and Illinois. 
Pre-primary conventions have actually been held in Wisconsin and 
Oklahoma, while in Michigan, New Hampshire, Kentucky, Wash- 
ington, and New York active efforts have been made to have such 
pre-primary conventions authorized by law. In Washington the 
effort was successful in 1915. See Am. Pol. Set. Rev., IX, 310-31 1 
(1915). 



The Direct Primary 157 

the lamentations of its enemies nor the prophecies of 
its friends: it has not destroyed the party organiza- 
tion, nor, on the other hand, has it smashed the 
machine. 

In concluding this brief outline of perhaps the Direct pn- 
most important subject in practical politics at the mary no 
present time, we may add that "the direct primary 
is not a direct route to the political millennium. 
The most that may be hoped from it is that it may, 
by making possible a fair field and no favor, enable 
an honest candidacy to earn success. It gives the 
honest candidate his chance. It takes from the dis- 
honest candidate some, at least, of the unfair advan- 
tage that was formerly his." l It is "an opportunity, 
not a cure." It appears to work very well wherever 
there is any general desire among the citizens to take 
advantage of it. "No conceivable statutory regu- 
lations will take the place of an intelligent and ac- 
tive public spirit, and where that spirit is present 
the statutory regulations are of comparatively slight 
importance." Under the new order the people can- 
not resort to the old trick of blaming the bosses. 
They will find the fault within their own household. 
The primary is thus at its worst a means of fixing 
more clearly than ever upon the voter his responsi- 
bility for the welfare of his government. 2 

The best results under the direct primary will not 
be attained until other important political changes 
have been introduced. For example, there must be 
a material reduction in the number of elective offices 

1 W. B. Shaw, in Outlook, XC, 383 (1908). 
2 Nation, LXXXVII, 132 (1908). 



lf>8 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

for which nominations have to be made; a further 
extension and strict enforcement of the merit system 
in the civil service, so as to prevent the "organiza- 
tion" from throwing an army of office-holders into 
the field in support of a particular slate; and also 
elimination of the party circle or the party column 
on the ballot, thus compelling each candidate to 
stand more upon his own merits and compelling 
parties to be more careful in their choice of candi- 
dates. 1 
Nomina- In concluding this discussion of the direct primary, 

petition attention may properly be called to the fact that a 
and pref- considerable number of people who have been sup- 

erential , . 

voting. porters of the direct primary as an improvement 
upon the old convention system are now advocating 
the abolition of the nominating primary altogether 
and the substitution of nomination by petition, this 
to be followed by the regular election, in which each 
voter is not restricted to the expression of a single 
choice among candidates for a given office but is at 
liberty to indicate a second and even a third choice 
among the candidates. Such a system is known as 
"preferential voting." 

In a very few States the direct primary has been 
retained and the preferential system of voting merely 
applied to the primary election. This has been done 
in the hope and expectation of securing for party 
nominees the backing of a majority or an approxi- 
mate majority in place of a mere plurality which is 

1 See McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government. 
111,55- 



The Direct Primary 159 

often nothing more than a minority of the party 
when three or more candidates are seeking the same 
nomination. The system of preferential voting in 
connection with the direct primary has not, however, 
gained much favor, having been tried in only half 
a dozen States, and recently abandoned by two of 
these, Minnesota and Wisconsin. Discussion of pref- 
erential voting in connection with regular elections 
will be reserved for the chapter dealing with election 
and ballot laws. 1 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. The origin and operation of the so-called " Crawford 
County System" in Crawford County, Pennsylvania. (See 
Hempstead.) 

2. The old primary system of Bucks County, Pennsyl- 
vania, before 1906. (See Annals, XX, 640 (1902).) 

3. What political conditions in your State led to, or seem 
to make desirable, the adoption of the direct primary sys- 
tem? 

4. Governor Hughes and the struggle for direct primaries 
in New York, 1908-1911. 

5. Where the direct primary system is in force, what pro- 
vision is made for additional nominations after the day of 
the primary election ? 

6. What effect has the open primary system in Wisconsin 
had upon the Democratic party in that State? 

7. What may be urged for and against giving nominations 
by party committees the first place on the direct primary 
ballot ? 

8. What facts tend to support or to disprove the objec- 
tion that State-wide direct primaries favor populous centres 
against rural districts? 

9. Answer the objection that direct primaries are a direct 
blow to representative government. (See Woodruff.) 

10. Does experience prove or disprove that the man with 

1 Chapter XIII. 



160 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

limited means is debarred from obtaining nomination for, or 
election to, public office under the direct primary system? 

ii. What answers can be made to the other objections to 
the direct primary system? 

12. Explain the operation of the direct primary where a 
majority, instead of a plurality, vote is required to nominate 
and the voters indicate their first and second choices. 

13. How are party platforms formulated where the direct 
primary prevails? 

14. Direct primary legislation in the different States. 
(See Aylsworth.) 

15. The Levy direct primary election law in New York 
(191 1). (See Bard.) 

16. The operation and limitations of the non-partisan di- 
rect primary. (See Munro.) 

17. Arguments for and against the abolition of all prima- 
ries and the substitution of direct elections. (See Miller.) 

18. Governor Sulzer's fight for direct primaries in New 
York, 1913. 

19. The operation of the second choice or preferential 
feature in primary laws, notably in Wisconsin. ■ 

20. The extent to which the pre-primary caucus or con- 
vention has become established either by law or custom, 
and the effects. 

21. What are the distinctive features of the Indiana direct 
primary law of 191 5. (See American Year Book, igi 5.) 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Allen, W. L., "The Trend toward a Real Democracy, ,, in 

Outlook, LXXXIV, 120 (1906). Map showing extent of 

recent primary legislation. 
American Political Science Review, IX, 309 (191 5), "Direct 

Primaries. ,, Legislation of 191 5. 
American Year Book, IQ12, pp. 60-61, "The Direct Primary.'' 

Especially on South Dakota primary law. 
Anderson, F. M., "Test of the Minnesota Primary Election 

System, " in Annals, XX, 616 (1902). 
Aylsworth, L. E., "Primary Election Legislation for 1909- 

1910," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VI, 60 (191 2). 
Bard, A. S., "The Levy Election Law," in New York, 191 1. 

Pol. Sci. Quar., XXVII, 36 (191 2). 



The Direct Primary 161 

Barnett, J. D., " Forestalling the Direct Primary in Oregon/' 
in Pol. ScL Quar., XXVII, 648 (191 2). 

Beard, C. A., "The Direct Primary Movement in New 
York," in Am. Pol. Sci. Assn. Proceedings, VII, 187 (1 910). 

Bickel, K. A., "The Direct Primary and the Preferential 
Method," in Rev. of Rev., XLVIII, 596 (1913). 

Blair, Emily N., "Every Man His Own Campaign Manager," 
in Outlook, XCVII, 426 (191 1). 

Bourne, Jonathan, Jr., "Popular Government in Oregon," in 
Outlook, XCVI, 321 (1910). 

"Popular versus Delegated Government." Speech in 

United States Senate, 3 May, 1910. 

Brackett, E. T., "The Direct Primary versus the Conven- 
tion," in Acad. Pol. Sci. Proceedings, III, 172 (1913). 

Cheney, C. B., and Simpson, D. F., "Political Organization 
and Primary Legislation in Minnesota," in Nat. Mun. 
League Proceedings, XI, 327 (1905). 

Cleveland, F. A., Organized Democracy (1913), ch. 16. 

Direct Primary Nominations: Why They Should Be Adopted 
for New York. Pamphlet published by the Citizens' 
Union, 1909. A strong presentation of the case for di- 
rect primaries. 

Dunn, A. W., "The Direct Primary: Promise and Perform- 
ance," in Rev. of Rev., XL VI, 439 (1912). 

Fanning, C. E., Selected Articles on Direct Primaries (1905). 

Ford, H. J., "The Direct Primary," in No. Am. Rev., CXC, 1 
(1909). Takes strong ground against the direct pri- 
mary. 

Greeley, L. M., "The Present Status of Direct Nominations," 
in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XVI, 328 (191 o). 

Hart, A. B., "The Direct Primary versus the Convention," 
in Acad. Pol. Sci. Proceedings, III, 162 (1913). 

Hemphill, J. C, "How the Primary System Works" (in 
South Carolina), in Independent, LXVI, 730 (1909). 

Hempstead, E. A., "The Crawford County or Direct Pri- 
mary System," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, VII, 
197 (1901). 

Holcombe, A. N., "Direct Primaries and the Second Ballot," 
in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., V, 535 (191 1). 

Horack, F. E., "Primary Elections in Iowa," in Am. Pol. 
Sci. Assn. Proceedings, VII, 175 (191 o). 



16% Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Howland, H. J., "The Battle of Saratoga/' in Outlook, XCVI, 
305 (1910). On the fight for direct primaries in the 
New York Republican convention. 

Johnson, L. J., "The Preferential Ballot as a Substitute for 
the Direct Primary/ ' in Senate Documents, 3d session, 
63d Congress, No. 985 (191 5). 

Jones, W. C, "Primary Elections in Illinois," in Am. Pol. 
Sci. Assn. Proceedings, VII, 138 (191 o). 

Lester, C. B., "Primary Legislation and Present Organiza- 
tion in Wisconsin," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, 
XII, 329 (1906). 

Library of Congress, List of References on Primary Elections 

(1905). 
Literary Digest, The, XLII, 445 (191 1), "Chicago's First 

Direct Primary' ' (191 1). 
Loeb, Isidor, "Direct Primaries in Missouri/' in Am. Pol. 

Sci. Assn. Proceedings, VII, 163 (1910). 
Lowrie, S. G., "Second Choice Nomination Laws," in Am. 

Pol. Sci. Rev., V, 600 (191 1). 
Ludington, A., "The New York Direct Primary Bill of 1909" 

(embodying the new features advocated by Governor 

Hughes), in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., Ill, 371 (1909). 
"The Geran Law in New Jersey," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., 

V, 579 (1911). 

Lush, C. K., "Primary Elections and Majority Nominations," 
in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., II, 43 (1907-8). 

McClure's, XXXVIII, 479 (1912), "What the Direct Pri- 
mary Did for California." 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, 

III, 51, "Primary, Direct." 

Macy, Jesse, "The Influence of Primary Elections upon 
Party Organization," in Am. Pol. Sci. Assn. Proceedings, 

IV, 175 (1907). 

Mearkle, A. L., "The Minnesota Election Law," in Rev. of 

Rev., XXIV, 465 (1901). On direct primary. 
Merriam, C. E., Primary Elections (1908). The best general 

study of the subject. 
"Some Disputed Points in Primary Elections/' in Am. 

Pol. Sci. Assn. Proceedings, IV, 179 (1907). 
Meyer, E. C, Nominating Systems: Direct Primaries versus 

Conventions in the United States (1902). 



The Direct Primary 163 

Michigan Political Science Association Proceedings, 1905. 
Series of papers on primaries in Wisconsin, Minnesota, 
Ohio, Illinois, and New York. 

Miller, J. D., "The Failure of the Primary, Direct or Other- 
wise," in Forum, L, 48 (1913). 

Millspaugh, A. C, " Operation of the Direct Primary in 
Michigan," in Am. Pol. Set. Rev., X, 710 (1916). 

Munro, W. B., Government of American Cities (1912), ch. 6. 

National Municipal Review, IV, 305 (191 5), "Chicago's May- 
oralty Direct Primary Campaign" (191 5). 

Nation, The, LXXXVII, 131 (1908), "The Primary No 
Cure-all." 

New International Year Book (1909), article on "Election Re- 
form," on Governor Hughes's campaign in New York 
for direct primaries. 

New York, Report of the Joint Committee . . . to Investigate 
Primary and Election Laws . . . (1901). 

Outlook, The, XCI, 91 (1909). "Governor Hughes on Party 
Nominations." 

Ibid., 370, "Nominations by Conventions and Direct 

Nominations." 

Ibid., 426, "Direct Nominations." 

Ibid., 654, "The New York Direct Nomination Bill" 

(1909). 

XCVII, 525 (1911), "Chicago's Mayoralty Contest." 

Review of Reviews, XXXIX, 274 (1909), "Direct Nomina- 
tions in New York." 

XLIII, 466 (1911), "The People's Primaries in Chi- 
cago." 

Schaffner, Margaret A., Primary Elections: The Test of Party 
Affiliations, Wisconsin Legislative Reference Dept., Bul- 
letin No. 13 (1908). 

Schaper, W. A., "New Primary and Corrupt Practices Acts 
in Minnesota" (191 2), in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VII, 87 

(1913)- 
Senate Reports, 2d session, 6 2d Congress, vol. A, No. 349, and 
Senate Documents, 2d session, 62d Congress, vols. X-XI, 
No. 312 (1911-12). Gives the testimony before, and 
the report of, the Senate Committee on Privileges and 
Elections concerning the campaign expenditures of 
Senator Isaac Stephenson, of Wisconsin. 



164 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Shaw, W. B., "The Direct Primary on Trial," in Outlook, 
XC, 383 (1908). 

Spahr, C. B., "Method of Nomination to Public Office: An 
Historical Sketch," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, X, 
321 (1904). 

"Direct Primaries," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, 

VII, 184 (1901). 

Taylor, C. F. (editor), Equity. A quarterly review devoted 
to the direct primary, preferential voting, the short 
ballot, and the initiative, referendum, and recall (Phil- 
adelphia). 

Wilson, W. H., " Primary Elections as an Instrument of 
Popular Government," in Case and Comment, XXIII, 
396 (1916). 

Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems (1014), 
ch. 21, "Primary Election Reform." 

Woodruff, C. R., "Nomination Reform in America," in 
Forum, XLII, 493 (1909). States and answers objec- 
tions to the direct primary. 

Woollen, Evan, "The Direct Primary Experiment," in At- 
lantic Monthly, CX, 41 (191 2). 

World's Work, XXXIII, 7 (1916). "Recent Experiments 
with the Primary." 



CHAPTER VII 

NOMINATION OF REPRESENTATIVES AND SEN- 
ATORS IN CONGRESS. POPULAR ELECTION 
OF SENATORS. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS 

Of the vast body of Federal office-holders, number- Confess- 
ing nearly 400,000, only 533, including President, ^'1843, 
Vice-President, representatives, and senators, obtain n °mi- 

, . • • i . t r • i nated by 

their positions by the process of nomination and state 
election. * onven - 

tions 

Members of the House of Representatives, com- 
monly called congressmen, are apportioned among 
the various States according to population by an act 
of Congress passed soon after each decennial census. 
Prior to 1842 the different States provided for popu- 
lar election of their congressmen in their own way. 
In the majority of States they had been elected at 
one time or another on a general or common ticket 
by the voters of the State at large, as we now choose 
Presidential electors. Under this system it usually 
happened that the party which carried the State got 
all the congressmen from that State, although the 
vote might have been very close. The candidates 
were nominated by the State conventions of the dif- 
ferent parties. 

In 1842 Congress passed an act which did away 
with the general ticket method of election and re- 
quired that henceforth representatives in Congress 
should be elected by districts composed of nearly 

165 



166 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



After 
1842 

nomi- 
nated 
(i)by 
district 
conven- 
tions 



(2) Con- 
gressmen 
at large 
by State 
conven- 
tions or 
direct pri- 
maries 



equal population and of contiguous territory. The 
determination of the boundaries of these districts was 
left to the various States. This change in the method 
of electing congressmen led to a change in the method 
of their nomination. From 1842 until the adoption 
of the direct primary, congressmen were almost uni- 
formly nominated by delegate conventions in each 
congressional district, composed of delegates chosen 
at caucuses or primaries conducted under State laws 
in the various wards, towns, cities, or assembly dis- 
tricts forming the congressional district. The call for 
the convention was issued by the congressional dis- 
trict committee, and in the call was stated the num- 
ber of delegates to which each unit of representation 
was entitled. The convention was called to order 
by the chairman of the district committee. 

It sometimes happens that after a new apportion- 
ment act has been passed by Congress a State finds 
that it has received an increase in the number of rep- 
resentatives to which it is entitled. If the legislature 
fails to redistrict the State before the next congres- 
sional election, the additional representatives may be 
nominated by the State conventions of the different 
parties or by direct primary, and elected on a general 
ticket, as was the practice before 1842. Representa- 
tives so elected are known as congressmen at large. 
A State is also permitted to elect all of its congress- 
men upon a general ticket when its representation in 
Congress has been reduced and there has not been 
sufficient time in which to rearrange the districts. 
The nominations are then made by State conventions 
or by the direct primary. 



Congressmen and Senators 167 

Nomination by district conventions was the prevail- (3) Gener- 
ing method of nominating congressmen until within %I ec i 
a few years. Recently a majority of States have primaries 
substituted the direct primary election method, so 
that in 191 5, 397 out of the 435 members of the 
House of Representatives had been nominated in 
that way. The names of aspirants appearing on the 
primary election ballot are placed there as the result 
of filing petitions in the manner provided for local 
and State offices described in the preceding chapter. 
Congressmen at large from States where the direct 
primary election method is in force continue, in some 
States, to be named by the State conventions; while 
in others they are nominated by a State-wide direct 
primary election. 

The processes of nominating and electing the Senators 
United States senators have, in some particulars, be- n^_ y 
come so interrelated that the two processes will be natedby 

party leg- 

considered together. Until the ratification of the isiative 
Seventeenth Amendment, in 19 13, the election of sen- caucus 
ators had been vested by the Constitution in the legis- 
latures of the respective States. The formal nomi- 
nation of senatorial candidates was made either on 
the floor of each house of the legislature or before 
the two houses in joint session, usually but not al- 
ways before balloting began. Before the time fixed 
for the commencement of the balloting the members 
of each party represented in the legislature met in a 
caucus for the purpose of determining, if possible, 
which senatorial aspirant the members of the party 
would unitedly support. The call for this caucus 
was issued, in some States, by the chairman of the 



168 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

caucus committee of the two houses; in other States 
by a few of the most active supporters of some 
aspirant. 
Decision Usually all the members of the party in the leg- 
on^ar- islature attended the caucus. There the names of 
ticipants different aspirants were presented and arguments 
advanced in behalf of each by their respective sup- 
porters. A formal ballot usually followed, and the 
aspirant receiving the highest number of votes, or a 
majority of the votes, was declared to be the caucus 
nominee of the party. This result was often not 
reached until after there had been a bitter and pro- 
longed fight extending to more than one session of 
the caucus. Friends of the successful aspirant nat- 
urally insisted that the result of the caucus was 
morally binding upon all members of the party in 
the legislature, and it was generally regarded as 
morally binding by and upon all those who attended 
and participated in the caucus. Occasionally, how- 
ever, the rivalry between different aspirants became 
so keen and feeling so embittered that the supporters 
of one or more of the minority aspirants would leave, 
or "bolt," the caucus; or else they subsequently re- 
fused to be bound by its decision. Such conduct was 
usually made the occasion for depriving the "bolt- 
ers" of coveted committee assignments and patron- 
age and for bestowing upon them an unlimited 
amount of abuse and denunciation by the friends of 
the caucus nominee. When such bolts occurred, the 
dissatisfied element in the party presented the name 
of its candidate to the legislature either just before 
the balloting began or after it had been in progress 



Congressmen and Senators 169 

for a time without resulting in an election. Their 
object was to draw sufficient support away from the 
principal candidates or from the opposing party to 
bring about the election of their own candidate; or, if 
that seemed impracticable, at least so to divide the 
votes of the legislature that no candidate should re- 
ceive the majority required for an election. It not 
infrequently happened that the friends of a particu- 
lar candidate, being in a minority in their party, ab- 
sented themselves from the party caucus, knowing 
that they would be regarded as morally bound by its 
action if they participated. They preferred to take 
their chances on the floor of the legislature in attract- 
ing to their candidate sufficient support from mem- 
bers of the opposite party to insure his election. 

In States where one party was overwhelmingly 
predominant, the party caucus was often omitted 
altogether, and a sort of free-for-all contest was per- 
mitted on the floor of the legislature. In such States 
even unanimous elections, usually re-elections, were 
not unknown. 

The strength of the following which each senatorial 
aspirant had in the legislature was pretty accurately 
known before the legislature assembled. These as- 
pirants usually made their candidacy known before 
or during the campaign in which members of the 
legislature were to be nominated and elected, and 
sought to obtain pledges of support from the legisla- 
tive candidates. Often these candidates were ex- 
pected to declare for which senatorial aspirant they 
intended to vote, if elected. It was almost univer- 
sally the practice for the members of the majority 



170 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Objec- 
tions to 

the legis- 
lative elec- 
tion of 
senators 



party in the legislature to limit their choice to the 
aspirants who had previously announced themselves 
and who had been conducting a vigorous campaign 
in their own interests. 

During the past twenty years there has appeared 
an increasing amount of dissatisfaction with the con- 
stitutional method of choosing senators, accompanied 
by a growing demand for direct election by the peo- 
ple. This has arisen from certain defects or evils 
appearing, in some States at rare intervals, in others 
frequently, in connection with the choice of senators 
by State Legislatures. The principal objections to 
the legislative method of election arising from these 
defects were, in brief, as follows: 

(i) It was felt that the election of senators by the 
legislature diminished their sense of responsibility to 
the people whom they are supposed to represent; and 
that instead of becoming more representative of the 
people, the tendency was for senators to become less 
truly representative. 1 

(2) It was claimed that the legislative election, in- 
stead of being the free choice of a majority of the 
entire legislature, as was the intention of the framers 
of the Constitution, was, in perhaps the majority of 
cases, determined not by the legislature but by the 
caucus of the dominant party. In this party caucus 
it not infrequently happened that a bare majority, 
constituting a minority of the entire legislature, de- 
feated the evident choice of the majority of the peo- 
ple of the State. 

(3) Prolonged and stubborn contests, known as 

1 G. H. Haynes, The Election of United States Senators, 6.3. 



Congressmen and Senators 171 

'•deadlocks/' during which no candidate obtained 
the required majority, frequently ended in an ad- 
journment of the legislature without any election. 
This occurred, for example, in Delaware in 1895, 
when 217 ballots were taken during the legislative 
session of 100 days. The result in such cases was to 
leave the State only partially represented in the 
Senate until the meeting of the next legislature. 
Between 1890 and 1900 no less than ten States were 
represented for varying periods by only one senator, 
owing to the inability of a majority of the legislature 
to agree upon one candidate. One effect of a pro- 
longed deadlock was to make public sentiment to 
some extent impatient and to put the community in 
position to condone the election of an unfit man. 
This situation is conducive to " springing" a candi- 
date who had not before appeared. The election of 
Mr. Lorimer in Illinois in 1909 is a good instance in 
point. 1 

(4) Senatorial election contests in the legislature 
often seriously interfered with the transaction of the 
business of the State and at times even prevented 
the organization of the legislature. Not infrequently 
the whole time of the legislature was taken up with 
a prolonged and fruitless attempt to elect a senator, 
to the complete neglect of the State business. 

(5) Senatorial elections by legislatures produced a 
serious and objectionable confusion of national and 
State politics. Instead of dividing naturally upon 
questions of local interest and importance, the voters 

1 For a summary of the Lorimer case, see American Year Book, 
ign, p. 62; ibid, 1912, p. 66. 



172 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

in the State would divide artificially over the alleged 
necessity of electing some man as United States 
senator who would support this or that national 
policy. The attention and interest of the citizens 
were centred upon the affairs of the nation when they 
should have been devoted to the affairs of the State. 
The result was that if the legislators were not chosen 
solely to compass the election of a senator, they were 
elected at least primarily for that purpose and only 
secondarily to attend to the business of the State. 
Men of inferior character and abilities frequently 
constituted the majority in our legislatures because 
of their senatorial preferences, whereas the ablest 
and most competent men who could take the best 
care of the interests of the State were defeated be- 
cause of their senatorial preferences. 1 

(6) The opportunity and temptation which a legis- 
lative election of senators afforded for the corrupt use 
of money or promises of political reward were very 
great. In close contests where only a few votes were 
needed to turn the scale, bribery, direct or indirect, 
was a notorious accompaniment of senatorial elec- 
tions. 2 

(7) It was felt that the Senate had become "a rich 
man's club/' membership in which was regarded as 
a fitting climax to a successful business career, regard- 
less of a man's qualifications as a lawmaker or states- 
man. It was firmly believed by many people that 
this class of senators, many of whom were either 
corporation magnates or former corporation attor- 

1 J. A. Woodburn, The American Republic, 218. 
2 Haynes, op. cit. y 51. 



Congressmen and Senators 173 

neys, acting as the representatives of powerful special 
interests, had been instrumental in defeating many 
reforms desired by the general public. 

The dissatisfaction engendered by these defects in Ways of 
the legislative method of electing senators, together ^d^ect 
with the difficulty in obtaining an early amendment popular 
to the Constitution, gave rise to a number of in- omom- 
genious experiments whereby the letter of the Con- ^ ation 
stitution was respected, but popular election, or at tors: 
least popular nomination, of senators was secured by 
indirection. The result was that United States sen- 
ators in increasing numbers were selected indirectly 
by a vote of the people just prior to the adoption of 
the Seventeenth Amendment. 

(i) One means of indirectly obtaining popular con- ( x ) By 
trol of senatorial elections was to secure the nomina- ™ a ^ n s 

choice of 

tion or indorsement of some one senatorial aspirant legislators 
by the State convention of each party when meeting thek sena- 

to nominate State officers. The candidates thus in- tonal pref- 
erences 
dorsed often " stumped" the State against the can- 
didate of the opposing party, and the election of 
members of the legislature turned upon the senatorial 
question. Under such circumstances the election of 
senator was virtually determined when the members 
of the legislature were elected. 1 When, however, 
there were strong factions within a party, this method 
of influencing the choice of the legislature did not 
always yield satisfactory and certain results. Far 
more effective agencies to secure popular control of 

1 The most important instance of this occurred in 1858, when Lin- 
coin and Douglas were indorsed by the State conventions of their 
respective parties in Illinois. 



174 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

senatorial elections had been in force in some States 
before popular election was sanctioned by constitu- 
tional amendment. 

(2) By (2) The laws of some States either permitted the 
direct pri- State executive committees of the different parties to 
maf y ascertain the senatorial preferences of the party voters 

by a sort of direct party primary or else required 
these committees to ascertain such preferences when- 
ever petitioned so to do by a majority of the party 
voters. This method was common in the Southern 
States. 1 

(3) By (3) In other States there were laws permitting the 
sor dT "" voters of each party or the legislative candidates at 
primary direct primary elections to signify upon the ballot 

their preferences among the party's aspirants for the 
senatorship; the result, however, was not considered 
legally or morally binding upon the party members 
of the legislature, but merely as " advisory." 

(4) By (4) In Kansas, and in about thirty other States, 
direct 16 ^ e sena torial aspirants whose names were to be pre- 
primary sented to the legislature were nominated, like State 

officers, in a direct primary election. It was ex- 
pected that the one in each party receiving the high- 
est number of votes would be the only candidate 
presented by the party. Such direct nominations 
were probably not legally binding upon the members 
of the legislature, although they were regarded as 
morally binding; and it was usually politically inex- 
pedient for legislators to go counter to the wishes of 
their party thus clearly expressed. 2 

(5) Oregon went still further, and had not only 

1 Beard, 242. * Ibid., and Readings, 225. 



Congressmen and Senators 175 

direct primary nomination of senatorial candidates, (5) Bv 
but in addition had what was virtually a popular Jjfcniui 
election of senators. Candidates for the Senate were followed 

by vir- 

first nominated by each political party at the direct tuaiiy 
primary election. Then at the ensuing regular elec- Action 
tion the voters of the State voted for United States 
senator from among the persons previously nomi- 
nated at the primary. The person who received the 
largest popular vote in the election was declared to 
be "the people's choice/' and the legislature was 
morally bound to elect this individual So it came 
about that in 1908 the Republican legislature, faith- 
fully obeying the mandate of the people, elected 
Governor Chamberlain, a Democrat, to the United 
States Senate. When, as in this case, the legislature 
followed the popular choice indicated by the election 
returns, we had to all intents and purposes popular 
election of senators and at the same time a compli- 
ance with the letter of the Constitution. 1 The legis- 
lative election then amounted to nothing more than 
a formal ratification of the popular choice; it was 
stripped of practically all discretion and made nearly, 
if not quite, as perfunctory as the election of the 
President by Presidential electors. 

Recognizing that the result of the popular vote for 
a United States senator could not be made legally 
binding upon the legislature, the framers of the 
Oregon law of 1904 incorporated an ingenious device 
designed to prevent the defeat of the popular will in 
the legislature. A candidate for the legislature in 
Oregon might include in his petition for a place 

1 Jonathan Bourne, Jr., in Outlook, XCVI, 321 (1910). 



176 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

upon the primary ballot one of the following state- 
ments: 

STATEMENT NO. 1 

"I further state to the people of Oregon, as well as 
to the people of my legislative district, that during 
my term of office I will always vote for that candi- 
date for United States senator in Congress who has 
received the highest number of the people's votes for 
that position at the general election next preceding 
the election of a senator in Congress, without regard 
to my individual preference." 

STATEMENT NO. 2 

" During my term of office I shall consider the 
[popular] vote for United States senator in Congress 
as nothing more than a recommendation which I 
shall be at liberty to wholly disregard, if the reason 
for doing so seems to me to be sufficient." 

By including, or failing to include, one of these 
"Statements" in his petition for a place on the pri- 
mary ballot the position of each legislative aspirant 
on the senatorial question could be pretty definitely 
ascertained before the primary and election. The 
result was that the majority signed " Statement 
No. i " and fulfilled its pledge. 
The In spite of these more or less successful devices for 

mentto indirectly securing the popular nomination or election 
amend f United States senators, there was an increasing 

the Con- ' . ° 

stitution popular demand for an amendment to the Constitu- 
tion specifically abolishing election of senators by 



Congressmen and Senators 177 

the legislature and substituting therefor election by 
direct vote of the people. 

In the Populist platform of 1892, the demand for 
this change appeared for the first time in a national 
campaign. In 1900 the Democratic party included a 
similar demand in its platform, while in 1908 that 
party declared this reform to be "the gateway to 
other national reforms/ ' 

Five times, at least, a proposed amendment to the 
Constitution providing for the popular election of 
senators passed the House of Representatives only 
to be defeated in one way or another in the Sen- 
ate; in 191 1 it lacked only four votes of the neces- 
sary two-thirds. Such an amendment might have 
been secured through a convention called by Con- 
gress at the request of the legislatures of two- thirds 
of the States. There are now forty-eight States, and 
two- thirds w r ould be thirty- two. Since 1900 no less 
than twenty-eight States passed resolutions calling 
upon Congress to summon such a convention to 
frame the necessary constitutional amendment for 
popular election of senators. Similar action by only 
four more States would have made it the duty of 
Congress to call such a convention. 1 

The leading arguments advanced by those in favor Argu- 
of the election of senators by popular vote, briefly Javolable 
stated, were as follows: t0 popular 

(1) Popular election would complete the process 
which has been in progress for nearly a century 

1 W. K. Tuller, in No. Am. Rev., CXCIII, 370 (1911). An amend- 
ment drafted by such a convention would, of course, have had to 
be ratified by three-fourths of the States before it became operative. 



178 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

whereby the choice of most of the important State 
officials has been gradually taken away from the 
State Legislatures and vested directly in the people 
by means of popular elections. When the Federal 
Constitution was adopted there existed a very general 
distrust of the common people — a distrust shared by 
the framers of that document. Furthermore, at that 
time there was a practical advantage in vesting the 
selection of senators in the legislature, which does 
not exist to the same degree at the present time. It 
was difficult for public opinion to form and express 
itself effectively. Means of travel were exceedingly 
poor, means of communication were very few and 
inadequately developed, newspapers were compara- 
tively rare and of very limited circulation. The legis- 
latures furnished the best means then at hand for the 
articulation of public sentiment. They no longer 
perform this important function. 

(2) It was claimed that popular election would 
improve the tone of the Senate. In the Senate of 
the Fifty-eighth Congress, for example, one out of 
ten members had been put on trial before the courts 
or subjected to legislative investigation for serious 
crimes, or for grave derelictions from official duty, 
and in every case the accused senator either was 
found guilty or at least failed to purge himself thoi- 
oughly of the charges. 1 

(3) It would make the senators directly responsi- 
ble to the people instead of to a changing body 
meeting at infrequent intervals, like the State Legis- 
lature. 

1 Haynes, op. ctt., 165. 



Congressmen and Senators 179 

(4) Popular choice of senators would remove the 
growing distrust of the Senate due to the influence 
of individual and corporate wealth. Under popular 
elections, it is claimed that few rich men and corpo- 
ration magnates or attorneys could be chosen. At 
any rate, a senator would have to be a man who 
could command public confidence. 

(5) Popular election would make for the better- 
ment of the State and local government by tending 
to divorce national from State and local politics. 
Members of the legislature could then be chosen on 
the basis of their fitness for attending to the business 
of the State, and local questions would be uncom- 
plicated by national issues. 

(6) State Legislatures would be left free to devote 
themselves to the business of the State. Interference 
with the transaction of that business and the pro- 
longed interruptions, due to the present system of 
choosing senators, would cease. 

(7) Since legislative deadlocks over senatorial elec- 
tions would no longer occur, every State would enjoy 
its full representation in the Senate at practically all 
times. 

The opponents of popular election of senators, be- Defense 
sides entering a general denial of the validity of ° a tive 1S 
most of the arguments just enumerated, advanced election 
the following reasons, briefly stated, in defense of 
the legislative method of election: 

(1) Popular election would fundamentally change 
the character of our political system. 1 

1 This claim is ably answered by Professor Burgess in Pol. Sci. 
Quar., XVII, 650 (1902). 



180 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

(2) Popular election would essentially alter the 
character of the Senate as conceived by the wise 
framers of the Constitution. From being a conserva- 
tive body with aristocratic leanings, unaffected by 
waves of popular passion, and serving as a check 
upon the popular tendencies of the lower house of 
Congress, the Senate would become essentially dem- 
ocratic, easily moved by popular clamor, and no 
longer a check upon the House of Representatives. 

(3) Where the convention system of making nom- 
inations still prevails, popular election of senators 
would soon degenerate into a virtual transfer of the 
election from a responsible body, like the State Legis- 
lature, to irresponsible bodies like the ordinary dele- 
gate convention, the evils of which have already been 
discussed. 

(4) Popular election would give the large cities, 
where the foreign voters already constitute a most 
serious political factor, an undue influence in deter- 
mining the choice of senators, at the expense of the 
rural communities, and with possibly serious effects 
upon the character of the senators elected. 

(5) New temptations to demagogism and new op- 
portunities for fraud and other corrupt practices in 
connection with elections would be opened up, espe- 
cially in close contests. The number of disputed 
elections would increase along with the difficulty of 
their satisfactory adjustment. Thus, instead of in- 
creasing the confidence of the people in their sen- 
ators, that confidence would be greatly diminished. 

(6) Whatever evils now and then happen under the 
legislative system did not arise from any fault of the 



Congressmen and Senators 181 

system itself, but from the fault of the body of citi- 
zens themselves, due to their lack of interest and 
participation in politics, their non-attendance at cau- 
cuses or primaries, their neglect to register or to 
vote, and their slavish fidelity to party organizations 
and party names. Increase the political interest, 
activity, and vigilance of the average citizen, and 
most of the evils connected with the legislative elec- 
tion of senators would disappear. 

In May, 191 2, in the face of an increasingly strong The Sev- 
demand for popular election of Senators, both houses ^end- 
of Congress adopted a proposed amendment to the ment 
Constitution to bring about the desired change. 
The proposed amendment was promptly ratified by 
the legislatures of three-fourths of the States and 
was declared in force May 31, 19 13, as the Seven- 
teenth Amendment. Thus, after a long period of 
agitation, the direct election of senators by the peo- 
ple, already established in fact in nearly half the 
States, became established by law in all. 

The Seventeenth Amendment provides that the 
two senators from each State shall be " elected by 
the people thereof for six years . . ." and that when 
vacancies happen in the representation of any State 
in the Senate, "the executive authority of such 
State shall issue writs of election to fill such vacan- 
cies." At the same time the legislature of each 
State is authorized to empower the executive to 
make "temporary appointments until the people fill 
the vacancies by election as the legislature may 
direct. " Aside from this, the procedure for popular 
election of senators was complete without the en- 



182 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Presiden- 
tial elec- 
tors State 
officials 
though 
perform- 
ing a na- 
tional 
function 



actment of further legislation by the States. The 
Oregon and similar plans, outlined above, of course 
at once became obsolete. 

Special legislation, however, was necessary in or- 
der to bring the nomination of senators within the 
scope of the direct primary laws in those States 
which had not previously provided for direct nom- 
ination. In the majority of States this necessary 
legislation has been enacted, so that candidates for 
the United States Senate are now generally nomi- 
nated in direct primaries. 

Presidential electors are, strictly speaking, State 
officers, inasmuch as their nomination and election 
are subject to State control. They are nominated by 
political bodies within the States and are paid, when 
elected, by the States. They are, however, created 
by the Federal Constitution, and their functions are 
so related to national politics that the method of 
their nomination will be * briefly outlined in this 
chapter. 

In any State a party desiring to present candi- 
dates for President and Vice-President is entitled to 
nominate as many candidates for Presidential electors 
as the combined number of senators and representa- 
tives in Congress from that State. Furthermore, it 
is only by presenting to the voters such lists of can- 
didates for Presidential electors that a party comes 
to be regarded as a national party. It is only by 
voting for one such list of candidates that the ordi- 
nary citizen participates in the election of a Presi- 
dent and a Vice-President. 

Where the State convention still exists, all of the 



Congressmen and Senators 183 

candidates for Presidential electors are now nomi- Nomi- 
nated at the regular party State conventions held g^e by 
for the nomination of State officers in Presidential conven- 
election years. In case there are no State officers to by direct 
be nominated in those years, a special State conven- pnmary 
tion is called for the express purpose of nominating 
the Presidential electors. In States where all the 
electoral candidates are nominated in a State con- 
vention it is customary to select at least one candi- 
date from each congressional district in the State. 
In some States the State convention nominates only 
the candidates for electors at large, while each con- 
gressional district convention nominates one electoral 
candidate. Where the direct primary method has 
supplanted the State convention and the congres- 
sional district convention, special State conventions 
are called in some States to nominate the electors at 
large, while in others it is left optional with parties 
to employ either the direct primary or the conven- 
tion. 

Owing to complications which arose in Pennsylva- Fennsyi- 
nia in connection with the Presidential campaign of method 
191 2, the legislature of that State passed a law in 
1 9 13 changing the method of nominating Presiden- 
tial electors. In place of nomination by the State 
convention as formerly, electors are henceforth to be 
nominated by the Presidential candidates of the dif- 
ferent parties; and any vacancies which may arise 
in the electoral ticket before election are to be filled 
by the Presidential candidates. 

The entire list of candidates for Presidential elec- 
tors for a State, in whatever way nominated, is called 



184 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

the " electoral ticket." Vacancies occurring in the 
electoral ticket before the election are usually filled 
either by the other nominees or by the State com- 
mittee of the party concerned. In selecting candi- 
dates for the electoral ticket, preference is frequently 
shown for distinguished members of the party who 
have never held national office, or who have retired 
therefrom, and for partisans who are willing to make 
generous contributions toward meeting the expenses 
of the campaign. 1 

The only Federal officers whose nominations re- 
main for consideration are the President and Vice- 
President. The method by which the candidates for 
these highest offices in the gift of the American peo- 
ple are chosen is unique in modern politics and so 
important as to deserve a special chapter. 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. What are the qualifications for United States senators 
and representatives ? Who may vote for representatives and 
senators in Congress under the Federal Constitution and the 
laws of your State ? 

2. What different methods have been followed in appor- 
tioning representation in Congress among the several States? 
Would proportional representation be an improvement upon 
the present method? 

3. Federal supervision or interference in congressional elec- 
tions, 1870-1804. The "Force" bill of 1890 and the way in 
which it was defeated. 

4. What circumstances produced the act of 1842 provid- 
ing for the election of congressmen by districts? (See Wood- 
burn.) 

5. What methods of nominating congressmen prevail in 
your State? If by direct primary, how may an aspirant get 

1 Dallinger, 88, 



Congressmen and Senators 185 

his name upon the primary ballot ? Who is the congressman 
from your district? What qualifications does he possess 
which fit him for the office? What were the circumstances 
surrounding his nomination? 

6. How are contested congressional election cases con- 
ducted? (See Rammelkamp.) 

7. An account of the debates in the Federal convention of 
1787 over the method of choosing senators. 

8. What circumstances produced the act of 1866 regulat- 
ing the election of United States senators ? 

9. Describe the actual procedure in voting for United 
States senators in State Legislatures before and after 1866. 

10. What reasons have been deemed sufficient on various 
occasions to bring about the expulsion or rejection of per- 
sons elected to the House or the Senate ? 

n. The case of Senator Lorimer, of Illinois, 1910-1912. 
(See the Congressional Record and Reports of Senate com- 
mittee on privileges and elections which investigated this 
case.) 

12. The New York senatorial deadlock in 191 1. 

13. The debate in the United States Senate over the pro- 
posed constitutional amendment authorizing popular elec- 
tion of senators, 2d session of the 61st Congress, 1910-1911. 

14. Was there any substantial basis for the claim that the 
popular election of United States senators would change the 
whole character of our political system? (See Burgess.) 

15. Do State Legislatures have the right to instruct their 
senators and representatives in Congress how to vote on 
specific subjects? 

16. The discussions in the Federal convention of 1787 
over methods of choosing the President. 

17. The debates in Congress over the Twelfth Amendment 
to the Constitution. 

18. Arguments for and against the abolition of the office 
of Vice-President. 

19. How is the President chosen in Mexico, Brazil, Ar- 
gentina, France, and Switzerland? 

20. What arguments may be advanced for and against 
the popular election of the President ? 

21. Summarize the different plans or attempts to change 



186 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

the method of electing the President. (See Lalor, II, 69, and 
Stanwood, 358, for references.) 

22. The congressional election of President in 1800 and in 
1824. 

23. The proceedings in regard to the disqualified Presi- 
dential electors from North Carolina in 1837. (See the Reg- 
ister of Debates in Congress.) 

24. Congressional debate over the electoral vote from Wis- 
consin in 1857. 

25. The disputed electoral returns in 1876. 

26. How may vacancies in the electoral vote of a State be 
filled which occur after the date of the election ? 

27. What is the ordinary procedure of the electoral col- 
lege in each State; also in Congress relative to the counting 
of the electoral votes from the different States? 

28. What are the arguments for, and the objections to, the 
choosing of Presidential electors by districts? (See Dough- 
erty, Phelps.) 

29. At what time does a newly elected Congress ordinarily 
assemble? Should this time be brought forward, nearer the 
date of election? (See Shafroth.) 

30. Compare the political influence enjoyed by representa- 
tives and senators. (See Beard, Wilson.) 

31. The emergence of party lines in the electoral college, 
1789-1800. 

32. Is it the duty of Presidential electors to record the will 
of the people of their States in voting for Presidential candi- 
dates, or to record the will of the national convention nomi- 
nating those candidates, when there is a conflict between 
the two? 

^^. Complications in Pennsylvania and other States in 
191 2 in connection with the nomination of Republican and 
" Progressive' ' Presidential electors. (See American Year 
Book, IQI2.) 

34. The case of the Kansas Republican and "Progressive" 
Presidential electors in 191 2 and the decisions of the Federal 
courts. 

35. The Idaho Presidential electoral case of 191 2 and the 
contempt proceedings growing out of it. 

36. West Virginia's senatorial bribery scandal (1913). 

37. Senate debate on limiting the President's term, Janu- 



Congressmen and Senators 187 

ary, 1913. (See Congressional Record, 3d session, 620I Con- 
gress.) 

38. The Illinois and New Hampshire senatorial deadlocks 
in 1913. 

39. To what extent has popular election of United States 
senators in practice justified the arguments of the advocates 
and opponents of popular election? 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

American Year Book, iqii, pp. 62-64; ibid, IQI2, pp. 66-67. 
On the Lorimer case. 

Ashley, R. L., The American Federal State (1902), chs. n-12. 

Beard, C. A., American Government and Politics, and Read- 
ings, ch. 12. 

Bishop, G. R., "The Mode of Electing United States Sena- 
tors," in Forum, XLII, 142 (1909). 

Bourne, Jonathan, Jr., " Popular Government in Oregon," in 
Outlook, XCVI, 321 (191 o). 

"Popular versus Delegated Government." Speech in 

the United States Senate, 5 May, 1910. 

Burgess, J. W., "The Election of United States Senators by 
Popular Vote," in Pol. Sci. Quar., XVII, 650 (1902). 

Carlisle, J. G., "Dangerous Defects of Our Electoral System: 
A Remedy," in Forum, XXIV, 257, 651 (1898). 

Carter, T. H., "A New Dangerous Proposition," in Indepen- 
dent, LXX, 291 (191 1). 

Commons, J. R., Proportional Representation (1907). 

Congressional Record, 2d session, 61st Congress. Debates in 
Senate on popular election of senators. 

Connolly, C. P., "The Story of Montana," in McClure's t 
XXVII, 451, 629; XXVIII, 27, 198 (1906-1907). On 
the election of Senator W. A. Clark. 

Dallinger, F. W., Nominations for Elective Offices in the United 
States (1897). 

Doolittle, J. R., "The Electoral System," in Pol. Sci. Quar., 
XIX, 369 (1904). 

Dougherty, J. H., The Electoral System of the United States 
(1906). 

Edmunds, G. F., "Should Senators Be Elected by the Peo- 
ple?" in Forum, XVIII, 270 (1894). 



188 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Fanning, C. E., Selected Articles on the Election of United 
States Senators (191 2). 

Fulton, C. W., "The People as Legislators in Oregon/' in 
No. Am. Rev., CLXXXV, 70 (1907). 

Garner, J. W., "The Presidency of the French Republic," 
in No. Am. Rev., CXCVII, 335 (1913). 

Garrison, W. P., "The Reform of the Senate," in Atlantic 
Monthly, LXVIII, 227 (1891). 

Hart, A. B., Actual Government as Applied under American 
Conditions (1002). 

Haskins, F. J., "The Honorable, the Electors," in Every- 
body's, XXVIII, 215(1913). 

Haworth, P. L., The Hayes-Tilden Disputed Presidential Elec- 
tion of 18 J 6 (1006). 

Haynes, G. H., The Election of United States Senators (1906). 

"Popular Election of United States Senators," in Johns 

Hopkins University Studies, XI, 547 (1893). 

"Popular Control of Senatorial Elections," in Pol. Set. 

Quar., XX, 577 (1905). 

Hendrick, B. J., "Statement No. 1," in McClure's, XXXVII, 
505 (191 1), On the Oregon system of electing senators. 

Hoar, G. F., "Has the Senate Degenerated?" in Forum, 
XXXII, 129 (1897). 

Holcomb, J. W., "The Electoral College: Its Prerogatives 
and Possibilities," in Forum, XL VIII, 526 (191 2). 

Kennan, George, "Holding-Up a State," in Outlook, LXXIII, 
277, 386, 429 (1905). On the Addicks senatorial con- 
test in Delaware. 

Learned, H. B., "Some Aspects of the Vice-Presidency," in 
Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. (Supplement), VII, 162 (1913). 

Library of Congress, List of References on the Popular Election 
of Senators (1904). 

Additional References on the Popular Election of Senators 

(1911). 

Literary Digest, XLV, 134 (191 2), "Lorimer Out." 

XL VI, 327 (1913), "Six Year Presidents." 

Ibid., 441, "West Virginia's Bribery Scandal" (1913). 

LIII, 731 (1916), "The Johnson Victory" (in the Re- 
publican senatorial primary in California in 19 16). 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government f 
II, 8, "Presidential Elections." 



Congressmen and Senators 189 

Miller, C. R., "Has the Senate Degenerated ?" in Forum, 
XXIII, 129 (1897). A reply to Senator Hoar. 

Mulkey, F. W., "Electing United States Senators," in Inde- 
pendent, LXIII, 847 (1907). 

O'Neal, Emmet, "Elections of United States Senators by the 
People," in No. Am. Rev., CLXXXVIII, 700 (1906). 

Outlook, The, XCVII, 389 (191 1), "How We Elect Senators." 
On the New York deadlock of 191 1. 

XCVII, 13 (1911), "The Lorimer Case." 

CI, 656 (1912), "The Duty of Presidential Electors." 

CI, 663, "Presidential Electors." 

— - CIII, 151 (1913), "The Idaho Case." 

Phelps, E. J., "The Choice of Presidential Electors," in 
Forum, XII, 702 (1891-1892). 

Phillips, D. G., "The Treason of the Senate," in Cosmopolitan, 
XL, 487, 628; XLI, 3, 627; XLII, 77 (1906-1907). 

Rammelkamp, C. H., "Contested Congressional Election 
Cases, in the United States," in Pol. Set. Quar., XX, 421 
(1005). 

Raymond, C. S., "The Lorimer Scandal," in American Mag- 
azine, LXX, 570 (1910). 

Russell, C. E., "What Are You Going to Do About It?" in 
Cosmopolitan, XLIX, 592; L, 45 (1910). On senatorial 
elections in Illinois and Colorado. 

Shafroth, J. F., "When Congress Should Convene," in No. 
Am. Rev., CLXIV, 374 (1897). 

Shaw, Albert, "The Electors and the Coming Election," in 
Rev. of Rev., XXIII, 66 (1901). On the functions of the 
electors. 

Taft, G. S., Compilation of Senate Election Cases (1913). 

Townshend, R. D., "How We Elect a President," in Outlook, 
XC, 299 (1900). 

Tuller, W. K., "A Convention to Amend the Constitution," 
in No. Am. Rev., CXCIII, 369 (191 1). 

Wakeling, Arthur, "The Kansas Electoral Case" (1912), in 
Green Bag, XXIV, 517 (191 2). 

Williams, Edgar, " The Man Who Swept California," in Out- 
look, CXIV, 639 (191 6). On nomination of Governor 
Johnson for Senator. 

Woodburn, J. A., The American Republic, chs. 3-5. 



CHAPTER VIII 

NOMINATION OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESI- 
DENT. THE NATIONAL CONVENTION. THE 
PRESIDENTIAL PREFERENCE PRIMARY 



Prelimi- 
naries to 

the na- 
tional 
con- 
vention. 
The caU 



The present custom of nominating candidates for 
President and Vice-President by a national conven- 
tion supposed to represent the party voters through- 
out the nation was introduced by the Anti-Masonic 
party in 1831, and followed the same year by the 
National Republicans, the forerunners of the Whigs. 
Besides nominating candidates, the national conven- 
tion has two other important purposes: to draft "a 
formal declaration of the principles, views, and prac- 
tical proposals of the party/' which is known as the 
platform; and the appointment of a national commit- 
tee to serve for four years. 

The call for a national convention of the two 
great parties, and of minor parties which have been 
in the field for some time, is issued by the national 
committee. In the case of a new party, the call for 
a national convention may be issued by the leaders 
at a preliminary convention or it may be merely 
signed by them and published broadcast through the 
newspapers. In January or December preceding a 
Presidential election, the national committees of the 
two great parties meet in Washington and decide 
upon the time and place of holding the convention; 
and having determined that important question, the 

190 



President and Vice-President 191 

committee issues the formal call, signed by its chair- 
man and secretary. 

The call for the Democratic convention is much 
briefer than that for the Republican convention, 
merely stating the time and place of holding the con- 
vention, the number of delegates to which each State 
and Territory is entitled, and inviting those in sym- 
pathy with the principles and aims of the party to 
participate in the choice of delegates. Prior to 191 2 
nothing was said relative to the manner of choosing 
delegates, that being left for each State and Terri- 
tory to determine. 1 

The call for the Republican convention, besides 
covering the points included in the Democratic call, 
goes on to prescribe in general terms the process by 
which the delegates are to be chosen in the States 
and Territories, the period within which they must 
be chosen and their credentials forwarded to the sec- 
retary of the national committee; and it also outlines 
the procedure in cases of contesting delegations. A 
copy of the call of each party is sent to the State com- 
mittee in the several States and published in the 
newspapers of the country. The time selected for 
the meeting of the convention is usually in the month 
of June or early in July. The place chosen is usually 
a large city with adequate railway, hotel, and audi- 
torium accommodations. 2 

1 See Official Proceedings of the Democratic and Republican con- 
ventions. 

2 The preliminary arrangements for the convention are intrusted 
to an executive committee of the national committee. This com- 
mittee elects a sergeant-at-arms for the convention, and to him 
is intrusted the duty of superintending the printing of admission 



192 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Appor- Before 1852 the number of delegates from each 

of dele- State in a national convention was usually equal to 
gates fa e number of its senators and representatives in 

Congress. From 1852 to 1872 the Democratic con- 
vention consisted of twice the congressional delega- 
tion, but each delegate had only half a vote. Since 
1872 the number has remained the same, but each 
delegate has had a whole vote. This was also the 
rule in the Republican convention from i860 to 191 2, 
inclusive. 1 Each Territory and dependency and the 
District of Columbia are also given representation in 
the national conventions. In the Democratic con- 
vention of 1 9 16 six votes were allotted to Hawaii, 
Alaska, Porto Rico, the District of Columbia, and the 
Philippines, making in all 1094. In the Republican 
convention of 191 6 there were two delegates from 
Hawaii, Alaska, the District of Columbia, Porto 
Rico, and the Philippines, making in all 985.* A 
number of alternates from each State, Territory, 
and dependency equal to the number of delegates 
is also elected to serve in the absence of the dele- 
gates. They are given seats on the main floor of 
the convention directly back of the delegates. 

In most political conventions, representation from 
the various political units is based upon the size of 
the party vote in those units: the larger the party 
vote, the larger the delegation, The absence of 

tickets, the organization of a force to act as assistants, ushers, and 
pages, to seat the people, and to assist in maintaining order during 
the sessions of the convention. Woodburn, Political Parties, 273. 

1 Occasionally a State will send twice the number of delegates to 
which it is entitled, in which case each delegate has only half a vote. 

2 Porto Rico sent no delegates. 



President and Vice-President 193 

such an apportionment has long been a defect in the 
Republican and Democratic national conventions, 
where delegates have been apportioned among the 
States on practically a population basis and with- 
out the slightest regard to the size of the party vote. 
This has been an especially weak spot in the con- overrep- 
stitution of the Republican national convention, for ^ of*" 
the rule permits flagrant overrepresentation from Southern 

States 

some of the Southern States and from the Territories 
and dependencies, which never help to elect a single 
Republican Presidential elector but which at times, 
notably in 191 2, have exerted a decisive influence in 
the choice of the Presidential nominee. 1 Efforts to 
remedy this situation by the substitution of a new 
rule giving States representation in proportion to 
voting strength were made at several different times 
before 1908, but without success. At the Republican 
convention held that year the proposed change, after 
thorough debate, came within thirty-five votes of 
adoption. Had it been adopted it might have gone 
far toward preventing the disruption of the party 
four years later. 

One result of the schism of 191 2 was to convince Change in 
the Republican leaders that some change must be c^appor- 
made in the basis of representation before the elec- tionment 
tion of delegates to the convention of 191 6. Conse- 
quently a special meeting of the Republican national 
committee was held in Washington in December, 

^hus, in the Republican national convention of 191 2 fifteen 
States, including Arizona and New Mexico, in which there was no 
probability of a single Republican elector being chosen, were en- 
titled to two hundred and fifty delegates. Francis W. Dickey, in 
Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., IX, 473 (191 5). 



194 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

19 13, which, after lengthy debate, adopted a com- 
promise plan of apportionment whereby the equal 
representation of the States in the choice of delegates 
at large was retained, but some recognition was also 
granted to the varying strength of the party vote in 
the choice of district delegates. Thus the plan which 
the national committee finally recommended provided 
(1) for four delegates at large from each State, (2) 
one delegate at large for each representative at 
large, (3) one delegate from each congressional dis- 
trict, (4) an additional delegate from each congres- 
sional district in which the Republican vote for 
President in 1908 or for Republican congressmen in 
1914 was not less than 7,500, and (5), two delegates 
each from the District of Columbia, the Philippines, 
Porto Rico, and Hawaii, to be without vote unless 
granted . it by the action of the convention itself. 1 

Having no authority to bind the party to these 
changes, the national committee referred the pro- 
posal to the State conventions of the several States 
and announced that the new rule would go into effect 
when approved by the conventions of States entitled 
to cast a majority of the votes in the electoral col- 
lege. Such approval was in due time recorded, and 
the new rule thus became the basis upon which dele- 
gates were chosen to the convention of 19 16. The 
result was a convention in 191 6 consisting of 985 
delegates, or 93 less than in 191 2. The loss fell 
chiefly upon the Southern States, as was intended, 
although one or two of the Northern States also had 
their representation slightly reduced. 

1 These delegates were given a vote in the convention proceedings. 



President and Vice-President 195 

"The promulgation of the calls of the national 
convention, like the pressing of an electric button, 
starts up the whole gigantic machinery of party or- 
ganization, communicating the motions from the top 
down, from wheel to wheel and cog to cog, until it 
reaches the individual elector of each party, who, in 
theory at least, decides the destinies of candidates as 
well as of the nation/ ' x 

Delegates to the Democratic and Republican na- oidmeth- 
tional conventions, prior to 191 2, were almost uni- choosing 
versally chosen under the convention system in the delegates: 

. . by conven- 

several States; since 191 2, however, the choice of tions 
delegates by some form of the direct primary method 
has been rapidly displacing the convention system. 
We shall first outline the old method and then the 
distinguishing features of the newer method, com- 
monly called the "Presidential primary." - 

Upon receipt of the copy of the call from the 
national committee, the State committee proceeded 
to call a State convention for the purpose of choos- 
ing the four delegates at large (or six, if the State 
had a representative at large 2 ). At the same time 
the State committee notified the different congres- 
sional district committees of the State. These in 
their turn proceeded to call congressional district 
conventions to choose the delegates and alternates 
from the district. If in any congressional district 
there was no district committee, the State committee 
of the party either called the district convention or 

1 Victor Rose-water, in Rev. of Rev., XXXVII, 331 (1908). 

2 The same State conventions may also nominate candidates for 
State offices. 



196 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

appointed a committee from that district to issue the 
call. The territorial delegates were elected by con- 
ventions acting under the supervision of committees 
appointed by the national committee. 

The foregoing was the method used in all parts 
of the country for the selection of delegates by the 
Republican party. With the Democratic party, how- 
ever, the method under the convention system varied 
in some States. In New York, for example, and 
several other States Democratic State conventions 
chose the entire delegation to the national conven- 
tion. That is to say, the entire State convention 
elected the delegates at large, while the delegates in 
the State convention from the respective congres- 
sional districts caucused by themselves and nomi- 
nated to the convention the delegates from their 
district. These nominations were then usually rati- 
fied by the State convention. 1 

From what has been said above it will easily be 
seen that whether or not the national convention is a 
body truly representative of the party membership 
at large depends upon the activity of the party mem- 
bers in their local primaries where the delegates are 
chosen for the district and State conventions. A 
clique of politicians in the several districts and States 
might manipulate the district and State conventions 
and thus seriously impair the representative charac- 
ter of the national convention, 
"instruc- The conventions which chose the delegates to 
delegates the national convention frequently directed or "in- 
structed" their delegates to support a certain can- 



Dallinger, 77. 



President and Vice-President 197 

didate for the Presidential nomination and also to 
support or oppose certain important policies likely to 
be mentioned in the party platform. In the case of 
the Republican party, the instructions voted by a 
State convention applied only to the delegates at large 
chosen by that convention and not to the delegates 
chosen by the district conventions. The latter were 
subject only to the instructions given by the conven- 
tion of their own district. In the case of the Demo- 
cratic party, on the other hand, the instructions of 
the State convention were intended to bind the en- 
tire State delegation. 1 

Regarding the binding force of these instructions, it How 
may be said that a delegate would generally feel that fa£$c- 
it was expedient to vote according to the resolutions tions are 
of the State or district convention appointing him, 
but he was under no legal compulsion so to do. Re- 
peatedly in the Republican national convention dele- 
gates disregarded instructions and were sustained by 
the convention in their right to do so. Nevertheless, 
such instructions were usually observed. After the 
delegates had been chosen and instructed, something 
might come to light concerning the proposed nomi- 
nee or some policy which might make a violation of 
instructions desirable, if not necessary; but the dele- 
gates were expected to show good reasons for disre- 
garding instructions. Inability satisfactorily to jus- 
tify themselves before their constituents sometimes 
resulted in their becoming political outcasts. 2 

The newer method of choosing delegates to the 
national convention by some form of direct primary 

1 Victor Rosewater, op. cit. 2 Woodburn, 288. 



198 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

The new election is popularly known as the " Presidential 
the Presi- primary." This first appeared in the pre-convention 
dentiai campaign of 191 2, when a number of States, either 

primary 

under State laws or party rules, elected their dele- 
gations in whole or in part in direct primaries. By 
1916 the system had been adopted by law in one 
form or another by twenty-one States, comprising 
more than half the population of the country. 

The Democratic national convention of 191 2, in 
its platform, formally established the direct primary, 
conducted either under State law or party rules, as 
the legal method of selecting delegates to the national 
convention in 191 6. The Republican convention of 
191 2, on the other hand, refused to seat certain dele- 
gations chosen under State direct primary laws, on 
the ground that those laws were in conflict with the 
long-established rules of the convention which re- 
quired election of delegations by State and district 
conventions. This insistence that party rules took 
precedence over State laws roused such bitter opposi- 
tion that the national committee felt constrained at 
its special meeting in December, 19 13, to formulate 
a modification of the rules, which was afterward 
adopted, recognizing as valid the credentials of dele- 
gates chosen in direct primaries where such primaries 
were established by State law. Thus it came about 
that probably all the delegates to the Democratic na- 
tional convention of 191 6 and a large majority of the 
delegates to the Republican convention of the same 
year were chosen by this newer method. 

The Presidential primary appears in varying forms 
in the several States which have adopted it. In 



President and Vice-President 199 

some only the district delegates are elected by di- Varying 
rect primary, the delegates at large being chosen by p^fden- 
the State convention; in other States, all the dele- tial 

• • • primary 

gates are chosen by direct primary, the district dele- 
gates in district primaries and the delegates at large 
in State-wide primaries. A few States, notably Cali- 
fornia, elect all the delegates on a general ticket in a 
State-wide primary. 

Direct primaries for the choice of delegates to the Preferen- 
national convention may, and generally do, afford f eature 
some means whereby the voters may indicate their 
preferences as to who shall be the Presidential nom- 
inee of the party. 1 Where such provision is made 
the primary is more appropriately called the " Presi- 
dential preference primary." Such expressions of 
preference may be made either directly or indirectly. 
Where the indirect preference primary exists, candi- 
dates for election as delegates are permitted to state 
on the primary ballot their preference for the Presi- 
dential nomination, or they may state that they have 
no preference, or make no statement whatever upon 
the matter. By voting for delegates whose prefer- 
ences are made known in some such way, the voter 
indirectly indicates his own Presidential preference. 
Preferences may be expressed directly in States where 
a place on the primary ballot is provided for the 
voter to indicate his preference, the names of the 
aspirants for the Presidential nomination being either 
printed upon the primary ballot or written in by the 
voter. It is not uncommon, also, to find primary 

1 In about a dozen States provision is also made for a preferential 
vote for the Vice-Presidential nominee, 



200 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

laws which provide for both the direct and the in- 
direct method of indicating Presidential preferences 
on the same ballot. 

Generally the preferential vote feature is found 
combined with the direct primary method of choos- 
ing delegates, but there are a few States which, al- 
though providing for a Presidential preference vote, 
still retain the old convention method of choosing 
delegates. In Maryland, for example, under the law 
of 191 2, provision was made for a Presidential prefer- 
ence vote at primaries, but the selection of delegates 
was placed in the hands of the State convention, 
which is supposed to be guided in its selections by the 
result of the Presidential preference vote. 
Effect of a The question as to the effect which a popular ex- 
Sa vote" pression of preference in a Presidential primary shall 
or should have upon the delegates in the national 
convention is variously answered by the State laws, 
but nowhere with entire satisfaction. In Oregon and 
Montana, where a State-wide preferential vote and 
choice of delegates exists, the delegates are bound by 
oath to vote for the candidate who leads in the prefer- 
ential vote. In Iowa, on the other hand, the prefer- 
ential vote is to be regarded simply as an expression 
of the sentiment, not of the will, of the people, and 
the law makes no special provision for pledging dele- 
gates either to support particular candidates or to 
heed the people's " sentiment." Other laws require 
the delegates to carry out the preferences of the 
party as expressed at the primary to the best of their 
ability; and this seems to be the intent of most Pres- 
idential preference laws, no special precautions being 






President and Vice-President 201 

taken to prevent delegates from proving unfaithful 
to their trust. 1 

Serious complications have arisen when the results Defects in 
of a State-wide preferential vote are at variance with erentia*" 
the result of district delegate elections. Is the dis- system 
trict delegate to be guided in the convention by the 
result in his district or by the result of the State- 
wide vote ? In the Iowa law an effort has been made 
to have the people themselves answer this question. 
Upon the primary ballot the voter is requested to 
answer yes or no to the following questions: "Shall 
the district delegates to the national convention be 
instructed by the vote of the State at large?" and 
" Shall the district delegates to the national conven- 
tion be instructed by the vote of the congressional 
districts?" A further defect in the Presidential pref- 
erence primary is found in the fact that in no State 
does the law satisfactorily indicate how long the dele- 
gates in the convention must vote for the preferred 
candidate of their district or State; nor whether the 
delegates are bound merely to vote for the preferred 
candidate when the time for balloting arrives or are 
expected to vote upon all incidental questions in 
such a way as to advance that candidate's interests. 

Because the Presidential preference primary seemed Anticipa- 
te afford a means of giving the rank and file of the d \ rect 
party a greater degree of control over the actions nomina- 
of their delegates in the national conventions and Presiden- 
seemed calculated to make the results attained in JJ[J e c s andl " 
those conventions more accurately reflect the popular 

1 American Year Book, IQ13, p. 73; see also Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., X, 
1 16-120. 



202 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



President 
Wilson's 
recom- 
menda- 
tion, 
1913 



choice, it was in 191 2 greeted with enthusiasm by 
many, for it seemed likely to result in the abolition 
of the national nominating convention, then giving 
indications of having outlived its usefulness, and the 
substitution of direct popular nomination of candi- 
dates for the Presidency; and also as leading even- 
tually to an amendment to the Constitution provid- 
ing for direct popular election of President and Vice- 
President. Thus, President Wilson, in his first an- 
nual message to Congress, in December, 1913, said: 
". . .1 feel confident that I do not misinterpret 
the wishes or the expectations of the country when 
I urge the prompt enactment of legislation which 
will provide for primary elections throughout the 
country at which the voters of the several parties 
may choose their nominees for the Presidency with- 
out the intervention of nominating conventions.' 9 
He then went on to favor the retention of the national 
convention, but with its composition entirely changed 
and its function greatly restricted: ". . . This legis- 
lation should provide for the retention of party con- 
ventions, but only for the purpose of declaring and 
accepting the verdict of the primaries and formulat- 
ing the platforms of the parties: and I suggest that 
these conventions should consist not of delegates 
chosen for this single purpose, but of the nominees 
for Congress, the nominees for vacant seats in the 
Senate of the United States, the senators whose 
terms have not yet closed, the national committees, 
and the candidates for the Presidency themselves, in 
order that platforms may be framed by those respon- 
sible to the people for carrying them into effect," 



President and Vice-President 203 

Following this message, a number of bills were in- 
troduced into Congress in 19 14 providing for a na- 
tional Presidential preference primary, for the regu- 
lation of the national convention by Federal law, 
and even for the abolition of the national convention; 
but no action was taken either by Congress or by 
the Democratic leaders in control of Congress for 
carrying out the President's recommendations. 1 

At the present time (191 7) public interest in the ThePres- 
Presidential preference primary is unfortunately at a p^ary a 
very low ebb, because, on the whole, its operation has disap- 

. ... , * pointment 

proved distinctly disappomtmg, partly on account of 
the great diversity in the State primary laws, the 
difficulties arising in interpreting and enforcing the 
preferential vote, outlined above; and especially on 
account of the altogether unsatisfactory way in 
which the Presidential primary was employed or 
disregarded in the pre- convention campaigns of 191 2 
and 1916. 

Whatever the method by which the delegates are interest in 
chosen, the pre- convention contest is frequently at- vention" 
tended with great popular interest and excitement, activities 
Early in the convention year the friends of the lead- 
ing Presidential aspirants proceed to organize in each 
State and endeavor in every way to get as many 
delegates as possible pledged or instructed to sup- 
port their respective favorites at the national con- 
vention. The newspapers publish the comparative 
standing of the various aspirants, giving the returns 
from each State and district as they come in, revising 
their estimates from day to day until all the dele- 

1 See American Year Book, igi 3, pp. 72-74. 



204 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Delegates 
usually 
active 
politi- 
cians 



gates have been chosen. As a rule, it is impossible, 
even after all the delegates have been elected, to tell 
who will be the actual nominee of the convention. 
Exceptions to this rule are the nomination of Grant 
in 1868, Cleveland in 1884, McKinley in 1896 and 
1900, Roosevelt in 1904, Taft in 1908, and Wilson in 
1916; in all of these cases the nomination was practi- 
cally settled before the convention met. 

During the convention "each State delegation has 
its chairman and is expected to keep together. It 
usually travels together to the place of meeting; takes 
rooms in the same hotel; has a recognized headquar- 
ters there; sits in a particular place allotted to it in 
the convention hall; holds meetings of its members 
during the progress of the convention to decide on 
the course which it shall from time to time take. 
These meetings, if the State is a large one, excite 
great interest, and the sharp-eared reporter prowls 
around them, eager to learn how the votes will go." l 

Those who are chosen to serve as delegates to a 
national convention are usually active party men, 
politicians in their respective districts who give a 
good deal of time and attention to politics. They 
are frequently able and astute managers, frequently, 
though not always, office-seekers. They are men 
whose services to the party entitle them to some dis- 
tinction and recognition. The delegates at large are 
usually men of State or national reputation, the party 
leaders of the State, the United States senators, or 
men whose renown or power as speakers and man- 
agers will give the delegation weight and influence in 
1 Bryce, II, 180. 



the 
conven- 



President and Vice-President 205 

the convention. For example, in the Republican con- 
vention of 1900 both the temporary and permanent 
chairmen were senators; the four nomination speeches 
were made by senators; and there were seven sen- 
ators on the important committee on resolutions 
which drafted the platform. 1 

The sessions of the convention are held in a mam- Scene of 
moth auditorium decorated with flags, bunting, pic 
tures of candidates and dead statesmen of the party. tion 
A large amount of space is necessarily given over to 
the representatives of the press from all parts of the 
country. The delegates are seated on the main floor, 
with the alternates seated directly back of them. 
The place assigned to each State or Territorial dele- 
gation is indicated by standards bearing the name of 
the State or Territory. In the galleries thousands of 
spectators eagerly watch the proceedings of every 
session. Not content with being mere passive ob- 
servers of the drama before them, they often engage 
in prolonged cheering for various candidates, which 
seriously interferes with the transaction of the busi- 
ness of the convention. A European is astonished to 
see a thousand or more men prepare to transact the 
two most difficult pieces of business an assembly can 
undertake — the solemn consideration of their princi- 

1 It is customary for delegates to pay their own expenses incurred 
while in attendance at a national convention. Minnesota, it is be- 
lieved, is the only State in which the public nature of the work of 
members of national conventions has been recognized by providing 
by law that delegates shall be paid for attendance. Oregon passed 
a law in 19 10 for the payment of the expenses of delegates to the 
national convention, not to exceed two hundred dollars in any case; 
but this law was repealed in iq 1.5, See American Year Book, 191 3, 
P- 74. 



206 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

pies and the selection of the person they wish to place 
at the head of the nation — in the sight and hearing 
of twelve thousand or more other men and women. 1 

Political managers sometimes seek to "pack" the 
galleries with the friends of their aspirant for the 
nomination in order to insure a systematic and pro- 
longed demonstration for that candidate, much after 
the manner of cheering sections at a great inter- 
collegiate football contest. Formerly it was believed 
that such demonstrations from the galleries had some 
influence upon the decision of the convention. But 
it is very doubtful whether in recent years such dem- 
onstrations have produced any effect upon the final 
result. The experienced politicians in the conven- 
tion, and they are in the majority, understand that 
this enthusiasm is more or less factitious and manu- 
factured for the occasion, and they discount it accord- 
ingly. 

Those who direct or vote in a convention are ani- 
mated by four sets of motives acting with different 
degrees of force on different persons. There is the 
wish for a particular aspirant to win. There is the 
wish to defeat a particular aspirant, a wish sometimes 
stronger than any predilection. There is the desire 
to get something for one's self out of the struggle, for 
example, by trading one's vote or influence for the 
prospect of a Federal office. There is the wish to 
find the man who, be he good or bad, friend or foe, 
will give the party the best chance of victory. " These 
motives cross one another, get mixed, vary in relative 
strength from hour to hour, as the convention goes 

1 Bryce, II, 194; see also Ostrogorski, II, pt. 5, ch. 3. 



President and Vice-President 207 

on, and new possibilities are disclosed. To forecast 
their joint effect on the minds of particular persons 
and sections of a party needs wide knowledge and 
eminent acuteness. To play upon them is a matter 
of the finest skill." l 

(i) Opening Session, The national convention re- Conven- 
mains in session for a period varying between three ceedfngs 
days and an entire week. Usually about four days 
answer for the transaction of all business. At the 
appointed hour the convention is called to order 
by the chairman of the national committee. The 
secretary reads the official call of the convention, and 
then prayer is offered by some clergyman, this func- 
tion being assigned each day of the convention to 
clerical representatives of different denominations. 

The national chairman then names the person who Selection 
has previously been selected by the national com- ^£ry~ 
mittee to serve as temporary chairman, and also an- chairman 
nounces those persons who have been selected to 
serve as temporary general secretary, chief assistant 
sergeant-at-arms, and other minor officers. Although 
it is in order to make other nominations from the 
floor for these positions, ordinarily those named by 
the national committee as temporary officers are ac- 
cepted by the convention without objection. There 
are occasions, however, when, as in 191 2, factional 
feeling runs so high that rival factions nominate op- 
posing candidates for temporary chairman as a means 
of testing the comparative voting strength of the 
factions. The temporary chairman having been se- 
lected, a committee is appointed to escort him to the 

1 Bryce, II, 190. 



208 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

chair, and he is presented to the convention by the 
national chairman, who now retires from the scene. 
The temporary chairman then delivers a speech of 
some, length, prepared before the convention met, in 
which he assails the record of the opposite party, 
eulogizes his own party, pleads for harmony, and 
endeavors to arouse enthusiasm among the assem- 
bled delegates. 
Appoint- It is then in order for some one to move for a roll- 

com- \ call of the States to name members of the four great 
mittees | committees of the convention: the committee on cre- 
\ dentials, on permanent organization, on rules and 
\order of business, and on platform and resolutions. 
This motion being carried, the secretary of the con- 
vention calls the roll of States in alphabetical order. 
As each State delegation is reached, its chairman rises 
and announces the members who have been selected 
by the delegates to represent that State on the respec- 
tive committees, each State being entitled to one rep- 
resentative. It is coming to be the more common 
practice for the chairman of each delegation to fur- 
nish the secretary of the convention with a list of 
members chosen by the delegation for the different 
committees. With the naming of these committees 
the first session usually ends. 
Commit- (2) Reports of committees. The second, and some- 
ports 5 " times the third, session of the convention is usually 
devoted to receiving and considering the reports of 
committees. The committee on rules and order of 
business usually recommends the adoption of the rules 
of the preceding national convention and of the na- 
tional House of Representatives so far as they are 



President and Vice-President 209 

applicable. The committee further recommends the 
following order of business: report of the committee 
on credentials, report of the committee on perma- 
nent organization, report of the committee on plat- 
form and resolutions, the nomination of candidates 
for President, the nomination of candidates for Vice- 
President, miscellaneous motions and resolutions. 1 

The convention cannot proceed to the transaction The cre- 
of its most important business until it is finally deter- commit- 
mined who are entitled to participate in the work of tee and 

. contest- 

the convention. The determmation of this impor- ingdeie- 
tant matter is the task of the committee on credentials. gatl0ns 
It often happens that two delegations from a State or 
congressional district appear at the convention, each 
claiming that it is the duly elected delegation and 
therefore alone entitled to represent the State or dis- 
trict in the convention. Whenever such "contests" 
arise, the party rules require the contestants to file 
with the secretary of the national committee all pa- 
pers or evidence bearing upon the dispute a specified 
number of days before the meeting of the convention. 
After the national committee has passed upon these 
contested cases it makes up the temporary roll of the 
convention. As soon as the convention has organ- 
ized, the national secretary turns the evidence over 
to the chairman of the committee on credentials, and 
this committee forthwith proceeds, with varying de- 
grees of thoroughness and impartiality, to conduct an 
investigation of its own respecting the claims of the 

1 This order was slightly changed in the Democratic Convention 
of 191 2 by placing the nomination of candidates before the adoption 
of the platform. 



210 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

rival delegations. At times these disputes or con- 
tests are so numerous that the business of the con- 
vention is delayed several days, as in the Republican 
convention of 191 2, although the committee may 
be in almost continuous session, day and night. It 
sometimes happens, as in 191 2, that the fate of rival 
aspirants for the Presidential nomination and of im- 
portant planks in the platform depends upon the de- 
cision of these contests. Hence the hearings before 
both the national committee and the committee on 
credentials often become the occasion of great strife 
and bitterness. When the committee on credentials 
has finished its labors, it reports to the convention a 
list of those delegates who are entitled to sit in the 
convention and take part in its business. Ordinarily 
this report is accepted by the convention. Occasions 
have arisen, however, where a minority of the com- 
mittee has presented a dissenting " minority report/' 
opposing the seating of certain delegates, and the 
convention, usually after an exciting debate, has sub- 
stituted this for the majority report. Compromises 
are sometimes attempted by seating both contesting 
delegations but giving each delegate only half a vote. 
Perma- The committee on permanent organization nominates 

chairman a permanent chairman and a list of other permanent 
officers. These nominations are usually accepted by 
the convention without objection, although a contest 
may be precipitated, as in the case of the selection 
of the temporary chairman. When the report of the 
committee on credentials is delayed, the permanent 
organization may be effected before the membership 
of the convention is finally determined. The per- 



President and Vice-President 211 

manent chairman, after being escorted to the chair 
by a committee, makes a lengthy speech in which he 
endeavors to outline the issues of the ensuing cam- 
paign or to " sound a key-note' ' for the convention. 

While the foregoing matters have been occupying The piat- 
the attention of the convention the committee on orm 
platform and resolutions has been at work putting into 
final form the series of declarations which have been 
drafted by some party leader before the convention 
met and which, if adopted by the convention, are 
to constitute the party's platform for the next four 
years. The circumstances surrounding the drafting 
of the platform and the weight that is to be attached 
to it have already been explained. 1 The convention 
exercises its right either to accept the report of the 
committee without change or to introduce very im- 
portant modifications. 

(3) Having completed its organization, determined Nomi- 
its membership, and adopted its platform, the con- procedure 
vention is ready to take up the business of supreme 
interest and importance, the selection of its candidate 
for President. The secretary of the convention calls 
the roll of States, beginning with Alabama, and as 
each State is called the delegates from that State have 
the right to place a candidate in nomination. In case 
a State which is reached in the early part of the roll- 
call has no candidate to propose, it has the privilege 
of yielding its place to a State farther down the list, 
like Ohio, in order to give some member of the Ohio 
delegation an opportunity to place in nomination a 
candidate from that State. The average number of 
1 See chapter II. 



212 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

nominations in a convention is seven or eight, and it 
rarely exceeds twelve. These nominations are ac- 
companied by most elaborate speeches, characterized 
by extravagant eulogy of the claims and merits of the 
candidate named. The enthusiasm evoked by some 
examples of convention oratory has taken the form 
of wild demonstrations lasting over an hour and 
wholly interrupting the proceedings of the conven- 
tion. 1 

After the nominating and seconding speeches are 
concluded, the convention settles down to the ballot- 
ing. The roll of the States is again called by the sec- 
retary, and as each delegation is named its chairman 
rises and announces how the delegates from that 
State vote. His announcement may be challenged by 
a delegate, and thereupon the secretary proceeds to 
"poll" the delegation — that is, to call the roll of 
members from that State, each member announcing 
his vote as his name is called. In order to win the 
nomination, a candidate in the Democratic conven- 
tion must receive the votes of two-thirds of the dele- 
gates, while in the Republican convention a bare 
majority is sufficient to nominate. 
"Two- This "two-thirds rule" of the Democratic conven- 

ruie " and ^ on * s c l° se ly bound up with another peculiar feature 
"unit" of that party's national convention, namely, the 
"unit" rule. According to the unit rule, if the majority 
of a State delegation so decides, or if the State conven- 
tion so directs, the entire vote of the State in the na- 
tional convention is cast as a unit. Thus, in the 
delegation from New York, consisting of 90 members, 

1 See Ostrogorski, II, pt. 5, ch. 2. 



President and Vice-President 213 

there may be 46 in favor of one candidate and 44 in 
favor of another. By the unit rule, the 46 are able 
to cast the entire 90 votes of the State in favor of 
their candidate. The unit rule does not obtain in 
the Republican convention except in so far as it 
may, in effect, have been established by the Presiden- 
tial preference primary. There each delegate hith- 
erto has had the right to vote as he chose and to have 
his vote so recorded, being held responsible only to 
his constituents at home. The Republican conven- 
tion recognizes no other political body superior to 
itself, and therefore will not recognize the binding 
force of instructions issued by the conventions which 
chose the delegates. The unit rule reflects the early 
State-rights antecedents of the Democratic party by 
recognizing the right of a " sovereign" State, as rep- 
resented in its delegation in the national convention 
or in its State convention, to determine how the 
entire vote of that State shall be cast. As long as 
the unit rule prevails, the two-thirds rule is also likely 
to remain in force, for there is a close connection 
between the two rules. "If the two- thirds rule be 
abrogated while the unit rule prevails, a few of the 
large States, though their delegations may be nearly 
equally divided, may, by enforcing the unit rule, 
secure a majority of the convention for a candidate 
whom only a minority of the delegates really favor. 
The two- thirds rule lessens the probability of this." * 
New conditions created by the spread of the Pres- 

1 Woodburn, 278-280. The two- thirds rule was first adopted by 
the Democratic convention of 1832. It was used in 1836 but not 
in 1840. It was revived in 1844 and has since been in constant use. 
Ibid. See Dallinger, 40-43. 



214 Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Unit rule idential primary and particularly the complications 

modified, 
1912. 



resulting therefrom in Ohio led the Democratic na- 
tional convention in 191 2 to adopt a modification 
of the unit rule. That rule is still to be recognized 
and enforced when enacted by a State convention, 
except in States which require by law the nomination 
and election of delegates in congressional districts 
and have not subjected delegates so chosen to the 
authority of the State committee or the State con- 
vention. 1 

Sometimes it happens, as in the Republican con- 
ventions of 1904 and 1908, that one candidate re- 
ceives a sufficient number of votes to be nominated 
on the first ballot; but usually more than one ballot 
is necessary. In 1852 Franklin Pierce was nominated 
on the forty-ninth and General Scott on the fifty- 
third ballot; in 1880 Garfield was nominated on the 
thirty- sixth ballot; and in 191 2 Woodrow Wilson was 
nominated on the forty-sixth ballot. Such prolonged 
contests, however, are about as rare as the cases in 
which nominations are made on the first ballot. 
Factors Among the important factors in determining the 

affecting se i e ction of a candidate by the national convention 
"avail- the following have been noted: A candidate is de- 

ability "of . 

candidates sired who is likely to gain the most support and at 
the same time excite the least opposition within and 
without the party. His ability is taken into account, 
also the length of time he has been before the public, 
his oratorical gifts, his personal magnetism, his fam- 
ily and business connections, his face and figure, his 
morality and business integrity, his political record, 

1 Democratic National Convention, 191 2, Official Report, 59-76. 



President and Vice-President 215 

the personal jealousies or hatreds which he has ex- 
cited, and, finally, the State in which he lives. Other 
things being about equal, a candidate coming from a 
large and doubtful State is preferred to one coming 
from a State whose electoral vote is small or from a 
State which can always be relied upon to give the 
party a majority. 1 

Whenever a candidate finally receives a number of 
votes sufficient to nominate, it is customary for a 
prominent supporter of the next highest aspirant to 
move to make the nomination unanimous. This 
done, the convention is worn out if the contest has 
been long and exciting, and usually takes a recess 
until the next day. In the meantime the managers 
of the aspirants for the nomination for Vice-President 
are busily at work in the interests of their favorites. 

Upon reconvening the following day, the conven- Naming 
tion proceeds to the nomination of its candidate for p r e S iden- 
the Vice-Presidency. The method used is precisely tiaicandi- 

date 

the same as that used in nominating the Presidential 
candidate. It seldom happens that there is a pro- 
longed contest over the Vice-Presidency. The busi- 
ness is despatched as hastily as possible. It is usu- 
ally considered good policy to award the nomination 
to a prominent representative of a faction which has 
been defeated in the race for the Presidential nomi- 
nation, as happened in the case of General Arthur in 
1880. Especially is this likely to happen if such a 
man can be found in an important or doubtful State. 
When we consider that the Vice-President may be 
called upon to perform the duties of President, it 

1 Bryce, II, 187. 



216 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Commit- 
tees on 
notifica- 
tion 



would seem that far too little consideration is given 
to the choice of a fit and capable man for this posi- 
tion of great potential importance. 

With the naming of the candidate for Vice-Presi- 
dent, it only remains for the convention to authorize 
the appointment of a committee consisting of one 
from each State, formally to notify the Presidential 
candidate of his nomination and a similar committee 
to notify the Vice-Presidential candidate. The busi- 
ness of the convention then being at an end, it ad- 
journs sine die. These committees on notification 
subsequently visit the nominee at his home or meet 
him at some appointed place. The chairman, or 
some other previously selected member, makes a for- 
mal speech notifying the candidate of the action of 
the convention. Thereupon the candidate delivers 
his " speech of acceptance." Frequently this is fol- 
lowed a few weeks later by a lengthy " letter of ac- 
ceptance.' ' In comparison with the platform adopted 
by the convention, these speeches and letters, as we 
have already seen, 1 have come to be regarded as of 
equal or even greater significance. 

Within the last few years the national convention 
system has been almost as vigorously assailed and 
convention severely criticised as the convention system for local 
and State nominations; for many, if not all, of the 
evils which have characterized the convention sys- 
tem generally have commonly — one may almost say 
regularly — appeared in connection with the national 
convention. The following may be noted as constitut- 
ing the principal defects of the national convention. 

1 See chapter II. 



Defects of 
the na- 
tional 



President and Vice-President 217 

(i) The presence of ten thousand or more specta- 
tors plus a thousand delegates and an equal number 
of alternates constitute an assembly in which real 
deliberation and debate are impossible. Control and 
leadership inevitably gravitate into the hands of a 
small coterie who meet and deliberate in secret. 

(2) The basis upon which representation in the 
convention is allotted to the several States — upon 
population rather than voting strength — is deemed by 
many to be a most serious defect. In the case of the 
Republican party, as stated above, this has developed 
into nothing less than a scandal, which, however, has 
in part been eliminated by the changes taking effect 
in 1916. 

(3) The local politicians in control of the State 
and local party machinery are constantly seeking to 
secure the election of delegates to the convention 
who can be relied upon to execute their orders or 
plans, in the popular slang, delegates who "will stand 
without hitching." To some slight extent, perhaps, 
the introduction of the direct primary method of 
choosing delegates has mitigated this evil. 

(4) The presence of Federal office-holders, often in 
large numbers, has not infrequently given the ad- 
ministration an undue influence in determining nom- 
inations. 

(5) Too much power has been vested in an unrep- Power of 
resentative national committee in making up the tionai" 
temporary roll of the convention. For the delegates committee 
who are seated temporarily are the ones who deter- 
mine the personnel of the committees and especially 

the strategically important committee on credentials. 



218 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

This defect stood out most glaringly in the Republi- 
can convention of 191 2, when on the committee on 
credentials were found " members whose seats were 
contested, representatives of delegations whose seats 
were contested, and even members of the national 
committee who had assisted in the preliminary deci- 
sion of contests. The acceptance or rejection of the 
report of the committee on credentials depends upon 
the votes of delegates whose names are on the tem- 
porary roll. Thus the unedifying spectacle was un- 
folded of delegates passing upon their own credentials 
— assisting by their votes to seat themselves." l The 
key to the control of the national convention is there- 
fore to be sought in the control of the national com- 
mittee, a body which until recently was a hold-over 
body from the preceding convention. The choice of 
national committeemen by direct primary, ordered 
by the Democratic national convention in 191 2 and 
established by law in some States, is likely to make 
that committee more truly representative of party 
sentiment. 

(6) The irresponsibility of the national convention 
as a body is also an objectionable feature. The ab- 
sence of any Federal statute regulating either the 
organization or the procedure of a national conven- 
tion has made it possible for convention rules to over- 
ride State laws prescribing the way in which dele- 
gates shall be elected. A convention may admit or 
reject any delegation it pleases, the laws of any State 
to the contrary notwithstanding. In a close contest 
the exercise of such a power may be fraught with the 
1 F. W. Dickey, in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., IX, 170-172 (1915) 



President and Vice-President 219 

most serious consequences to the country and should 
therefore be subject to legal control. 

Altogether the national convention as a method for 
naming candidates for the principal office in the 
country is anything but satisfactory. The direct pri- 
mary, including the preferential vote feature, is in 
such an imperfect stage of development as to afford 
slight improvement in the unfortunate conditions 
now surrounding the convention. The following vig- 
orous indictment of the national convention hardly 
overstates the feeling of those who have closely scru- 
tinized convention activities in the recent past from 
a detached point of view: 

"A national convention represents more wasted 
energy, more futile, bootless endeavor, more useless 
expenditure of noise, money, and talent, than any 
other institution on earth. It has grown into a cum- 
bersome, frightfully expensive, terribly laborious ma- 
chine which spends months getting under way and 
once under way devotes nine-tenths of its time of 
operation to buncombe and claptrap which deceives 
no one, not even the men who create this buncombe 
and this claptrap. At last, when the shouters have 
grown weary and the lesser booms, being punctured, 
have lost the only thing they ever contained — which 
is wind — the real leaders go ahead and do the thing 
they might have done earlier, except for the belief 
among them that the fetish of tradition must be 
coddled, and the convention, obeying an ancient 
precedent, must be permitted to drag out a foregone 
conclusion, which twice out of three times was a 
foregone one from the start. . . ." l 

1 Irvin S. Cobb, in the Chicago American, June 10, 1916. 



820 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Bad as the national convention system undoubt- 
edly is, one has to admit that no satisfactory substi- 
tute has yet appeared upon the political horizon. 
The most noteworthy attempt to mitigate these evils 
has been the adoption of the Presidential primary, 
including the preferential feature, described above. 

QUESTIONS AXD TOPICS 

i. The rise and decline of the congressional caucus and 
other methods of nominating the President and Vice-Presi- 
dent before iS^;:. 

2. The debate in Congress in [824—5 over the congressional 
caucus. (Sec ssional Debates.) 

3. A series of reports on Presidential campaigns, beginning 
with 1 $60, including convention proceedings. 

4. What do the following terms mean: "favorite son." 
"favorites," "dark horses," "break." "stampede," applied 
to national nominating conventions ? Give illustrations from 
the Democratic and Republican conventions since 1S60. 

5. Specimens of early and recent convention oratory. 

6. "Why Great Men Are Xot Chosen Presidents." See 
Bryce, I, ch. 8.) 

7. Make a chronological list of the cities where national 
conventions have been held. 

S. What is the basis of representation in the national con- 
ventions of the Prohibitionist, Populist, and Socialist parties? 

0. The origin of the "unit" rule in the Democratic con- 
vention and the attempt to introduce it into the Republican 
convention of 1SS0. 

10. The contest over the temporary chairmanship of the 
Republican conventions in 1SS4 and 1012 and in the Demo- 
cratic conventions of 1S06 and 1012. 

n. The expulsion of members from the Democratic na- 
tional committee in 1S06. 

12. The proceedings before the Democratic national com- 
mittee in 100S relative to the place of holding the convention 
of that year. 

1 ;. The debate in the Republican convention oi 100S over 



President and Vice-President 221 

the proposed change in the apportionment of delegates among 
the States. 

14. The contests over the seating of delegates in the 
Democratic convention of 1908. 

15. The contests over the seating of delegates in the Re- 
publican convention of 191 2. 

16. The different ways in which delegates are influenced 
and manipulated by the managers at a national convention. 

17. Is it true, and, if so, in what sense, that the national 
conventions dictate the selection of Presidential electors and 
congressional legislation? (See Morgan.) 

18. How do State primary election laws regulate the selec- 
tion of delegates to the national convention? 

19. Arguments for and against the choice of delegates to 
the national convention by direct primary method, and the 
nomination of President and Vice-President by the same 
method. 

20. The anti-third term sentiment, applied to the Presi- 
dency: its origin, subsequent history, and arguments for and 
against. 

21. Arguments for and against one term of six years for 
the President and his ineligibility for a second term. 

22. The Democratic and Republican national conventions 
of i860. 

23. The fight in the Republican national convention of 
191 2 over the temporary roll. 

24. The rulings of Senator Root as temporary and as per- 
manent chairman of the Republican convention of 191 2. 

25. In case of a conflict between State laws regulating the 
election of delegates to a national convention and the rules 
of the convention itself, which should prevail? For exam- 
ple, the case of the California delegation to the Republican 
convention in 191 2. 

26. During his term as President, did Mr. Taft follow or 
abandon the so-called Roosevelt policies? (See Garfield, 
McVeagh.) 

27. What were John C. Calhoun's objections to the na- 
tional convention system in 1844? (See McMaster's History 
of the People of the United States, VII.) 

28. What is to be said for and against the payment of 



222 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

delegates to the national conventions as tried in Oregon 
recently and in Minnesota? 

29. Proposals and plans for the reorganization of the Re- 
publican party, 1913-16. 

30. The debate before the Republican national committee, 
December, 1913, over changing the basis of apportionment 
of delegates. 

31. The debate in the Democratic national convention of 
191 2 over the effect of the Presidential preference primary 
votes upon the unit rule. 

32. Why were the delegates from the Philippines denied 
seats in the Democratic national convention of 191 2? 

S3. Summarize the different Presidential primary bills be- 
fore Congress in 19 14 and bills for regulating the national con- 
vention. (See American Year Book, igi 4.) 

34. What are the principal legal and practical obstacles 
to the enactment by Congress of a Presidential preference 
primary law? (See Dickey, American Year Book, ip/J.) 

35. Should Congress endeavor to secure the enactment by 
the several States of a uniform Presidential primary law? 
If so, what should be the main features of such a law ? (See 
Dickey.) 

36. The operation of the Presidential preference primary 
in 191 2 and 1916 in Oregon. (See Barnett.) 

37. The operation of the South Dakota Presidential pref- 
erence primary law in 191 2, especially in connection with 
the choice of delegates to the Democratic national conven- 
tion. The modifications of the law in 191 5. (See Dickey.) 

38. Trace step by step the negotiations between the Re- 
publican and the Progressive national conventions of 191 6. 

39. Can any practicable plan be devised whereby the elec- 
toral college can be substituted for the national conventions 
in nominating Presidential candidates? (See Holcombe.) 

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Abbott, E. H., "The Progressive Convention" (191 2), in 

Outlook, CI, 857 (1912). 
"The Progressives at Chicago, " in Outlook, CXIII, 423 

(1916). 



President and Vice-President 223 

Abbott, L. F., "The Roosevelt Campaign: A Review," in 
Outlook, CI, 331 (191 2). Pre-convention campaign, 191 2. 

"The Chicago Convention and the Birth of a New 

Party," in Outlook, CI, 470 (191 2). 

"The Game at Baltimore," in Outlook, CI, 522 (1912). 

Democratic convention, 191 2. 

American Year Book, IQI2, pp. 1-40, "Parties, Politics and 
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i 9 i 3j PP- 62-64, " Republican National Committee"; 

pp. 72-74, "Presidential Preference Primary." 

1 gi 4, pp. 68-71, "National Presidential Primary." 

American Political Science Review, X, 116 (191 6), "Presiden- 
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Aylsworth, L. E., "Presidential Primary Election Legislation 
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Barnett, J. D., "The Presidential Primary in Oregon," in 
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Beard, C. A., American Government and Politics, and Read- 
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Becker, Carl, "The Unit Rule in National Nominating Con- 
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Beeler, Dale, "The Election of 1852 in Indiana," in Indiana 
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Beveridge, A. J., "The Fifth Wheel in Our Government," in 
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Bigelow, Poultney, "What I Saw at Kansas City," in Con- 
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Bishop, J. B., Our Political Drama (1904). On national con- 
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Presidential Nominations and Elections (19 16). 

Black, J. S., "The Electoral Conspiracy," in No. Am. Rev., 
CXXV, 1 (1877). 

"The Third Term: Reasons Against It," in No. Am. 

Rev., CXXX, 197 (1880). 

Blythe, S. G., "In Convention Assembled," in Saturday Eve- 
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Bourne, Jonathan, Jr., "Federal Patronage," in Congressional 
Record, February 27, 191 1. Favors Presidential pri- 
maries. 



224 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Boutwell, G. S., " General Grant and a Third Term," in 
No. Am. Rev., CXXX, 356 (1880). 

Bryan, W. J., A Tale of Two Conventions (1913). On the 
Republican and Democratic national conventions of 
1912. 

Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, II, chs. 69-70 
(4th edition). 

Congressional Record for July 24 and 31, 191 2. For debate 
on Republican convention of 191 2. 

Dallinger, F. W., Nominations for Elective Offices in the United 
States (1897), ch. 4. 

Davenport, F. M., "The Failure of the Presidential Pri- 
mary," in Outlook, CXII, 807 (1916). 

"Preliminary Impressions of the Chicago Convention" 

(Republican, 1916), in Outlook, XIII, 354 (1916). 

"Passing the Crisis in the Republican Party," in Out- 
look, CXIII, 418 (191 6). On Republican convention of 
1916. 

"Making the Issue Clear," in Outlook, CXIII, 460 

(1916). On Democratic convention of 1916. 

Davis, R. H., "The Two Conventions at Chicago" (191 2), in 
Scribner y s, LII, 259 (191 2). 

Democratic National Convention, Official Report of the Pro- 
ceedings, published quadrennially. 

Dennis, A. P., "The Anomaly of Our National Conventions," 
in Pol. Sci. Quar., XX, 185 (1905). Points out defects 
in the national convention system. 

Dickey, F. W., "The Presidential Preference Primary,". in 
Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., IX, 467 (191 5). 

Dudley, T. H., " The Inside Facts of Lincoln's Nomination," 
in Century, XL, 477 (1890). 

Dunn, A. W., "Campaigning for the Presidential Nomina- 
tion," in Rev. of Rev., XLV, 427 (191 2). 

Fite, E. D., The Presidential Campaign of i860 (191 1). 

Fowler, J. A., "The Reorganization of the Republican Party," 
in No. Am. Rev., XCVIII, 289 (1913). 

Garfield, J. R., "How President Taft Pledged Himself to 
Follow the Roosevelt Policies and Failed," in Outlook, 
CI, 116 (1912). 

Halford, E. W., "General Harrison's Attitude toward the 
Presidency," in Century, LXXXIV, 305 (1912). 



President and Vice-President 225 

. .alstead, Murat, "Our National Political Conventions," 
"The Convention at Minneapolis" (Republican, 1892), 
and "The Chicago Convention" (Democratic, 1892), in 
Cosmopolitan, XIII, 194, 507, 585 (1892). 

Caucuses of i860: A History of the National Political 

Conventions of the Current Presidential Year (i860). By 
an eye-witness. The best description of these epoch- 
marking conventions. 

"Tragedy of Garfield's Administration," in McClure's, 

269 (1895-6). 

Harger, C. M., "The Democratic Convention" (1908) and 
"The Republican Convention" (1908), in Independent, 
LXV, 19, 181 (1908). 

"The Two National Conventions" (191 2), in Indepen- 
dent, 1^X11, 6 (1912). 

Harpers Weekly, files of, for Presidential election years, con- 
tain numerous articles and illustrations relating to na- 
tional conventions since i860. 

Hart, A. B., "Two for His Heels: A Study in Convention 
Ethics," in Outlook, CI, 822 (1912). 

Harvey, C. M., "The Chance Drama of Conventions," in 
World's Work, XXIV, 234 (1912). 

Harvey, George, "The Unwritten Law and the ' Great Emer- 
gency/" in No. Am. Rev., CXCV, 433 (1912). Against 
the third term. 

"The National Conventions" (of 191 6), in No. Am. 

Rev., CCIV, 1 (1916). 

Hill, A. S., "The Chicago Convention" (Republican, 1868), 
in No. Am. Rev., 167 (1868). 

Hoar, G. F., Autobiography, I, 388 ff. On the Republican 
convention of 1880. 

Holcomb, J. W., "A Presidential Preference Vote and the 
Electoral College," in Forum, XL VIII, 681 (191 2). 

Howe, T. O., "The Third Term," in No. Am. Rev., CXXX, 
116 (1880). 

Howland, H. J., "The Republican Convention," in Outlook, 
LXXXIX, 417 (1908). 

"One Convention and Another," in Outlook, CI, 476 

(191 2). Contrasting Republican conventions of 1908 
and 1912. 



226 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Howland, H. J., "The Conventions at Chicago" (in 1916), 
in Independent, LXXXVI, 475 (1916). 

Hoxie, R. F., "The Convention of the Socialist Party" 
(1908), in Jour. Pol. Econ., XVI, 442 (1908). 

Johnston, A., "Nominating Conventions," in Lalor, II, 1039. 

"Congressional Caucus," in Lalor, I, 355. 

Julian, G. W v "The First Republican Convention" (1856), 
in Am. Hist. Rev., IV, 313 (1898-9). 

Laprade, W. T., "Nominating Primary," in No. Am. Rev., 
CC, 235 (1914). 

Leupp, F. E., "The Dark Horse Convention," in Outlook, 
CI, 297 (191 2). Democratic convention of 1896. 

Literary Digest, XLIV, 579 (191 2), "The Hunt for Delegates." 
On Presidential primaries in 191 2. 

Ibid., 1086, "The One-Term Movement." 

XLV, 87 (1912), "The Third-Party Call." 

McClure, A. K., Our Presidents and How We Make Them 
(1003). 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, II, 
550, "Nomination of the President." 

McMaster, J. B., "The Third Term Tradition," in Forum, 
XX, 257 (1895-6). 

With the Fathers, pp. 57-70, "The Third Term Tradi- 
tion." 

McVeagh, F., "How President Taft Has Followed the Roose- 
velt Policies," in Outlook, CI, no (191 2). 

Michigan State Library, Legislative Reference Department, 
Laws of the Various States Relating to Presidential Pri- 
maries. (Pamphlet, February, 191 2.) 

Moffett, S. E., "Mr. Bryan's Convention" (1908), in Rev. of 
Rev., XXXVIII, 178 (1908). 

Morgan, J. T., "Party Conventions," in No. Am. Rev., CLV, 
237 (1892). 

Morrison, S. E., "The First National Nominating Conven- 
tion, 1808," in Am. Hist. Rev., XVII, 744 (1912). 

Morton, O. P., Report . . . on the Mode of Electing President 
and Vice-President, in Senate Reports, 1st session, 43d 
Congress, II, No. 395. Outlines a scheme for popular 
election. 

Murdock, J. S., "The First National Nominating Conven- 
tion" (181 2), in Am. Hist. Rev., I, 680 (1895-6). 



President and Vice-President 227 

Nation, The, XCIV, 556 (191 2), " Defects of the Presidential 
Primary/ ' of 191 2. 

XCV, 4 (1912), "Remodelling Conventions." On de- 
fects of the national convention. 

North American Review, CXIV, 147 (1872), "The Butler 
Canvass," in Massachusetts in 1872. 

CXV, 401 (1872), "The Political Campaign of 1872." 

CXXIII, 426 (1876), "The Independents in the Can- 
vass." On campaign of 1876. 

Orr, Lyndon, "Famous Speeches at National Conventions," 
in Munsey's, April, 1908. 

Ostrogorski, M., "Rise and Fall of the Nominating Caucus," 
in Am. Hist. Rev., V, 253 (1899- 1900). On the con- 
gressional caucus. 

Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties, II. 

(See index.) 

Democracy and the Party System. (See index.) 

Outlook, The, LXXXIX, 582, 595, 645 (1908), "The Demo- 
cratic National Convention at Denver" and "The Can- 
didates and Platforms" (1908). 

C, 164 (191 2), "The Presidential Primary: A Poll of the 

Press." 

Ibid., 387, "The Presidential Primary." 

Ibid., 615, "The Third Term." 

CI, 56, 102 (191 2), "Presidential Primaries." 

Ibid., 287, "The Campaign as a School of the People." 

Ibid., 463, "A New Party." 

Ibid., 517, "The Baltimore Convention" (1912). 

Ibid., 528, "The Republican Convention" (1912). 

Ibid., 805, "The Defense of the Republican Conven- 
tion" (1912). 

Ibid., 912, "The Progressive Convention" (1912). 

CV, 783, 792 (1913), "Presidential Primaries." On 

President Wilson's message. 

Ibid., 875 (1913), "The Republican Party." On pro- 
posed reorganization. 

Piatt, T. C, "Reminiscences of Senator Piatt," in McClure's, 
XXXV, 115 (19 10). On Roosevelt's nominations. 

Potts, C. S., "The Unit Rule and the Two-Thirds Rule," in 
Rev. of Rev., XLV, 705 (1912). 



228 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Potts, C. S., "The Convention System and the Presidential 
Primary," in Rev. of Rev., XLV, 561 (1912). 

Ray, P. O., The Convention That Nominated Lincoln. (Pam- 
phlet, 1916.) 

Republican National Convention, Official Report of the Pro- 
ceedings, published quadrennially since 1856. 

Review of Reviews, XLV, 699 (191 2), " Roosevelt and the 
Third Term." 

XL VI, 191 (1912), "The Nominating Conventions of 

1912." 

LIV, 1 (1916), "Presidential Candidates Nominated." 

Rhodes, J. F., "The National Republican Conventions of 
1880 and 1884," in Scribner's, L, 297 (191 1). 

Rice, W. G., "Cleveland's First Election," in Century, 
LXXXIV, 299 (191 2). 

Rice, W. G., and Stetson, F. L., "Was New York's Vote 
Stolen?" (in 1884), in No. Am. Rev., CXCIX, 79 (1914). 

Rinehart, M. R., "Conventions a Farce," in Philadelphia 
Public Ledger, June 18, 1916. On conventions of 1916. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, "A Naked Issue of Right and Wrong," 
in Outlook, CI, 327 (1912). 

"The Orchestra Hall Speech" (Chicago, 1912), in Out- 
look, CI, 479 (1912). 

"Mr. Taft's Majority: An Analysis," in Outlook, CI, 

520 (1912). On Mr. Taft's renomination in 1912. 

"Two Phases of the Chicago Convention," in Outlook, 

CI, 620 (1912). 

Rosewater, Victor, "Nominating a President," in Rev. of 
Rev., XXXVII, 331 (1908). 

"President Choosing: Old Ways and New," in Rev. of 

Rev., XLIII, 333 (1911)- 

"Republican Convention Reapportionment," in Pol. 

Set. Quar., XXVIII, 610 (1913). 

Stan wood, Edward, A History of the Presidency (1906). 

A History of the Presidency from i8gy to igog (191 2). 

Stoddard, W. O., "The Story of a Nomination" (Lincoln, 
1864), ™ No. Am. Rev., CXXXVIII, 263 (1884). 

Stoughton, E. W., "The ' Electoral Conspiracy' Bubble Ex- 
ploded," in No. Am. Rev., CXXV, 193 (1877). 

Thompson, C. S., Rise and Fall of the Congressional Caucus 
(1902). 



President and Vice-President 229 

Tweedy, John, A History of Republican National Conventions 
from 1856 to iqo8 (19 10). 

Vale, Charles, "Is the Third Term Negligible?" in Forum, 
XLVII, 441 (191 2). 

Watterson, Henry, "The Humor and Tragedy of the Greeley 
Campaign, 1872/' in Century, LXXXV, 27 (191 2). 

"The Hayes-Til den Controversy for the Presidency, " 

in Century, LXXXVI, 3 (1913). 

White, A. D., "The Presidential Convention — A Blot on 
American Democracy/' in McClure's, XXXIX, 719 
(1912). 

Woodburn, T. A., Political Parties and Party Problems (191 4), 
chs. 11-13. 

Woods, G. B., "The New York Convention" (Democratic, 
1868), in No. Am. Rev., CVII, 445 (1868). 

World's Work, The, XXIII, 260 (191 2), "Presidential Pri- 
maries." 

XXIV, 257 (1912), "Shall a Third Term Be Forbid- 
den?" 

XXIV, 365 (191 2), "The Conventions as Great Shows." 



PART THREE 

CAMPAIGNS AND ELECTIONS 

CHAPTER IX 

PARTY MACHINERY. NATIONAL, STATE, AND 
LOCAL COMMITTEES. ORGANIZATIONS OF 
WOMEN VOTERS 

Nominat- The preceding chapters have indicated the most 

ing proc- 
ess the 



important methods by which political parties present 
to the voters their candidates for various local, State, 
and national offices. Although the nominating proc- 
tem SyS " ess * s k u ^ a preliminary, an incident in the realization 
of the ultimate aim of a political party, the control 
of the government, it is in reality the strategic posi- 
tion in our whole political system. This the machine 
politicians fully realize. But the average citizen and 
also the political reformer too often neglect these all- 
important preliminaries to a political contest. They 
seem to forget that the character of the elected offi- 
cials really depends upon the character of the nomi- 
nations, and that in many States and cities a nomina- 
tion by one party is equivalent to election. 

Between the completion of the nominations and 
the day of election each political party engages in a 
contest, or " campaign/' to enlist the majority of 
voters in support of its candidates. In the prosecu- 
tion of campaigns each party relies upon a more or 

230 



Party Machinery 231 

less elaborate organization, resorts to a great variety Party 
of methods to enlist public interest and support, and S^sl^ 
is compelled to raise and expend large sums of money, dentiai 
Party organizations or machinery and the conduct of typical of 
campaigns are most clearly seen in a year in which f tat ? and 
a Presidential election occurs, for in such years the paigns 
campaign is prosecuted with the greatest vigor in 
every State, county, city, and rural district, and with 
maximum efficiency. The work done in State and 
local campaigns in other years does not differ essen- 
tially from that done in the Presidential campaign. 
The difference is chiefly one of degree and not of 
kind. State and local campaigns are usually less 
expensive, less exciting, less spectacular, and involve 
less elaborate organization. The description of cam- 
paign work which follows will, therefore, be based 
upon conditions existing in a Presidential election 
year. A Presidential campaign is carried on simul- 
taneously with the campaign for the election of rep- 
resentatives in Congress, and very often for the elec- 
tion of governor or other important State officers, of 
members of the State Legislature, and of local officers 
as well. 

The public has a very exaggerated idea of the part Thorough 
which conspiracy, cunning, and corruption play in £0? of 2 *" 
the conduct of a campaign. A certain amount of ^ Time 

. unpor- 

shrewdness is called for in efforts to outmanoeuvre tance 
the opposing party, and corruption is present in all 
too great a measure in probably every warmly con- 
tested campaign. But it is the work of organization 
that, after all, is the essential thing in most campaigns. 
"This implies no phenomenal capacity for devising 



232 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

expedients of more or less doubtful morality, but 
rather a knowledge of men in all parts of the country 
and a capacity to do big things in a big way." l In 
most recent national campaigns the two great parties 
have had such a thorough organization that those in 
charge of the campaign have been able to keep in 
direct touch and communication with any city ward 
or rural district of the remotest town in the Union. 
The organization or machinery through which the 
great national parties carry on their campaigns to 
win elections takes the form of a great network of 
committees extending over the entire country and 
ramifying into every community no matter how ob- 
scure. 
The na- (i) First in importance among these committees is 

commit- the national committee of each party, consisting, in 
tce the case of the Democratic and Republican parties, 

of one member from each State and Territory. 

The national committee first appeared in the Demo- 
cratic party in 1848, and was originally designed only 
as a temporary agency of party activity. But since 
the close of the Civil War the importance and influ- 
ence of the national committee has steadily increased, 
until now it is an important political force from year 
to year and not merely through a Presidential cam- 
paign. In theory the national committee represents 
the whole party constituency of the country. Its 
members are usually keen observers of the trend of 
political sentiment in their respective States and 
often find themselves in a position to smooth over 
dissensions within the party and thus to promote 

1 W. J. Abbott, in Rev. of Rev., XXII, 556 (1900). 



Party Machinery 233 

harmony. They are selected for their known or 
assumed interest in party affairs. "They are in a 
position to render many services to the President, 
the cabinet, and the members of Congress; more 
especially in promoting mutual understanding and 
sympathy between these high officers and the rank 
and file of the party in the States. They may also 
actively assist both in discovering and determining 
the will of the party and of the country.'' l 

Until 191 2 the national committees of the two New 
great parties were named at the national convention JJjJjjJ of 
to serve for the four years ensuing, each State being national 
represented by one member chosen by the delegation teemen" 
from that State in the national convention. The Re- 
publican national committee in that year proved so 
misrepresentative of the real sentiment of the party 
that the Democratic convention of the same year, 
taking a lesson from Republican misfortunes, enacted 
that in the future Democratic national committee- 
men should be chosen by direct primary election 
conducted either under party rules or State laws. 
The Republican party has not yet reformed the 
method of naming national committeemen, except 
where it has been obliged so to do by State laws 
which provide for popular election of national com- 
mitteemen, as, for example, in Pennsylvania. 2 

(2) For the more efficient performance of the vast Auxiliary 
amount of work incidental to a Presidential cam- J^ees 
paign, the national committees call into existence a 
number of subordinate auxiliary committees and sub- 

1 Jesse Macy, Party Organization and Machinery, 69. 

2 See Democratic platform, 191 2. 



234 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

committees. Thus in the campaign of 191 6 the 
Democratic and Republican organizations had, under 
slightly varying names, (a) a campaign committee, 
consisting mainly of the heads of other committees 
and bureaus, a sort of " general staff" or " board of 
strategy"; (b) an advisory or associate committee, 
made up principally of leaders of the Progressive 
party of 191 2; (c) a finance committee, whose mem- 
bers were charged with the duty of raising campaign 
funds and turning them over to the treasurer and his 
staff for disbursement; (d) a publicity committee or 
bureau to look after the preparation and distribution 
of campaign literature and news items for the press; 
(e) a speakers' bureau; (/) a campaign club com- 
mittee, to promote the formation of clubs and leagues 
among young men, first voters, college men, railroad 
employees, and business men; (g) a woman's bureau, 
to look after the organization of women voters, a 
new feature due to the increased numerical impor- 
tance of women voters; (h) the organization bureau, 
to keep in constant touch with various State, county, 
and municipal organizations and correlate their work 
with that of the national committee; (i) various 
other bureaus to enlist special classes of voters, such 
as the labor bureau, the foreign voters' bureau, the 
educational bureau, and the farmers' bureau. 1 

At the head of the national committee is the 
national chairman, who may or may not be a mem- 
ber of the committee. He is so important a func- 
tionary in the conduct of the campaign as to call for 

1 See T. H. Price and Richard Spillane, in World's Work, XXXII, 
663 (1916). 



Party Machinery 235 

special consideration. Nominally he is chosen by The na- 
the national committee, but in reality he is selected chairman 
by the Presidential candidate. He is the campaign a skilful 

,, , • r a r i i politician 

manager, the captam of the forces, the commander- and an 
in-chief, the head master of the machine." The posi- ^cutive 
tion calls for a political manager of the first rank, 
energetic, forceful, skilful, and astute. He must be 
a master of details, and at the same time capable of 
taking a correct view of the general situation and 
endowed with an unlimited capacity for hard work. 
He must possess the confidence of party leaders and 
have an almost intuitive grasp of the popular feeling. 
He must keep in touch with every fibre of the organ- 
ization, holding frequent conferences with State chair- 
men in the most important and doubtful States. He 
must be capable of arousing in them a degree of en- 
thusiasm which shall radiate to all the county and 
local committees. Such conferences enable him to 
know where the weak spots are and why they are 
weak and what can best be done to strengthen them. 
A national chairman will ordinarily classify the States 
in three divisions: doubtful, with chances favoring his 
candidate; doubtful, with chances favoring the oppos- 
ing candidate; and those States absolutely certain 
either for the Republicans or Democrats. The chair- 
man gives the last class scant attention, concentrating 
his efforts in the main upon the first two classes. 1 
Perhaps the severest test to which the national chair- 
man is subjected lies in determining which States may 
be considered safe without extra effort, which States 
need the concentration of party energy, and in meet- 

1 W. J. Abbott, op. cit. 



236 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

ing unexpected issues or developments as they arise. 
He must ascertain just where money may be advan- 
tageously spent in hiring men and vehicles to make 
sure of getting voters to the polls. It may happen, 
as it has happened, that a State conceded to the 
other party can be won by properly directed efforts 
along this line; that a close State is carried by a 
party on account of the greater perfection of its 
machinery for getting out the vote. Among other 
qualities essential to a successful national chairman 
the following may be noted: cool-headedness, tact, 
patience, resourcefulness, and decision. He must be 
conciliatory, secretive yet approachable, keen in his 
choice of helpers, able to command the services of the 
most effective workers in the party, and capable of 
making them work in unison and without overlapping. 

The early functions of the national chairman were 
very modest in comparison with his present func- 
tions and influence. 1 Until recently most people 
could not have told who was the national chairman 
of their party. The office was regarded only a as a 
passing instrumentality of the party in a Presidential 
campaign. " With the campaign of 1884 the national 
chairman suddenly came into great prominence and 
has since remained one of the most potent party offi- 
cials. This was partly due to the party revolution of 
that year in the election of Mr. Cleveland, and to 
the personality of the Democratic national chairman, 
Senator A. P. Gorman, of Maryland. 

In his capacity as chief manager of a national cam- 

1 The description in the text is largely a condensation of an article 
by Rollo Ogden, in Atlantic Monthly, LXXXIX, 76 (1902). 



Party Machinery 237 

paign, the national chairman has the control of vast impor- 
sums of money forming the party campaign fund, j^onai 
He collects much of this money and issues orders for chairman 
its disbursement. With many of the collections goes control of 
an express or tacit party obligation of which he alone £ *J^ p s aign 
is fully cognizant and which it is his peculiar duty and Fed- 
to see carried out. " Money is power in politics as ronage" 
everywhere else. A chairman who may determine 
how much is to be allotted to this State, that con- 
gressional district, this city, and the other county 
becomes inevitably the master of many political 
legions. There is no need of a hard-and-fast under- 
standing between giver and recipient — least of all, 
any corrupt bargain. Common gratitude and the 
expectation of similar favors to come are enough to 
bind fast the nominee for Congress, the candidate 
for a senatorship, or the member of the national com- 
mittee for any given State, a large part of whose cam- 
paign expenses has been kindly paid for him from 
headquarters." 

Furthermore, it cannot be doubted that a success- 
ful Presidential candidate owes his election in no 
small measure to the efforts and efficiency of the 
national chairman. Naturally, therefore, Presidents 
have felt moved by gratitude and party considera- 
tions often to place an enormous amount of patron- 
age in the form of appointments at the disposal of 
the chairman, who uses it to reward campaign ser- 
vices and to fulfil campaign promises. Notable in- 
stances of great political influence thus exercised by 
successful national chairmen are the cases of Senator 
Gorman of the Democratic party during Cleveland's 



238 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Vice- 
chair- 

man 



Secretary 
of national 
commit- 
tee is the 
chair- 
man's 
adjutant 



administrations, and Senator Hanna of the Republi- 
can party under McKinley. Even the national chair- 
man of a defeated party enjoys a large measure of 
political power, due solely to his position as head of 
the party organization. 

In recent Presidential campaigns it has been the 
practice for the great parties to maintain national 
headquarters both in New York and in Chicago. 
The former are generally under the immediate direc- 
tion of the national chairman, while vice-chairmen are 
placed in charge of the Chicago headquarters and are 
held responsible for the direction of the campaign in 
the Western States. 1 

Closely associated with the national chairman is 
the secretary of the national committee. While sub- 
ordinate in determining the policy of the committee, 
he is one of the most effective factors in a campaign. 
"The chairman may visit different parts of the coun- 
try and may make campaign speeches; but the sec- 
retary is the constant executive worker and director 
at headquarters, and no man in the country is more 
familiar with the details of actual campaign work 
than he. He is an able business manager, he occu- 
pies a position of first-rate importance, and he prob- 
ably knows more of the actual forces in practical poli- 
tics than any other man in the country." 2 



1 In New York City the Democratic national headquarters in 191 6 
were located at 30 East 4 2d Street and the Republican headquarters 
were a short distance away, at 511 Fifth Avenue. In Chicago the 
Democratic headquarters were in the Karpen Building, on Michigan 
Avenue, and the Republican in the Conway Building, Washington 
Street. 

2 J. A. Woodburn, Political Parties, 300. 



Party Machinery 239 

(3) Congressmen are chosen at every Presidential Congres- 

election and midway between. Therefore, existing campaign 

independently of the national committee is the con- commit- 

gressional campaign committee, with headquarters in after eiec- 

Washington, which devotes itself to the work of se- tlonof 

congress- 

Curing the election to Congress of as many candidates men 

as possible who bear the party label. Upon the 
opening of the Presidential campaign the congres- 
sional committee places all its resources at the dis- 
posal of the national committee, and becomes its 
close ally, foregoing its own initiative even in what 
concerns the congressional elections. This is due to 
the fact that in the " Presidential year" all the con- 
gressional elections follow the fortunes of the contest 
for the Presidency. But in "off years" this com- 
mittee intervenes actively in the congressional cam- 
paign. 1 It is then in entire charge of the campaign 
for the election of congressmen, relying, of course, 
upon the co-operation of State and local committees. 
It distributes political literature, maintains a bureau 
of campaign speakers, raises and distributes money 
in considerable sums, giving special attention to 
doubtful districts. It often interposes to smooth out 
local differences. In the interval between elections 
it keeps in more or less close touch with the congres- 
sional district committees of the different States, 
endeavoring to strengthen in every way possible the 
party organization. 

The Republican congressional campaign committee 
is chosen by a joint caucus of Republican senators 
and representatives in Congress for the time being. 
1 Ostrogorski, II, 285. 



240 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Composi- 
tion of 
Republi- 
can and 
Demo- 
cratic 
congres- 
sional 
campaign 
commit- 
tees 



The State 

central 

committee 



Each State and Territory is represented by one mem- 
ber on the committee. When a State happens to 
have no Republican senator or representative it is 
left unrepresented. Senators are sometimes mem- 
bers of this committee, although as a rule the com- 
mittee consists wholly of members of the House. 1 

The Democratic congressional campaign commit- 
tee is differently constituted. The members are 
chosen from both the Senate and the House by sepa- 
rate caucuses. The Senate has nine members and 
each State or Territory represented in the House has 
a member. If a State is unrepresented, some promi- 
nent member of the party from that State is elected 
to serve on the committee. This makes the Demo- 
cratic committee considerably larger than the Repub- 
lican committee. 2 

(4) Below these committees whose field of action is 
nation-wide, and working in harmony with them, are 
the State committees or State central committees, which 
are directly in charge of the campaigns in their re- 
spective States. The greater part of the work per- 
formed by the national committee and the congres- 
sional campaign committee is of a temporary nature. 
After the close of the campaign the national com- 
mittee continues to exist, but it falls into a state of 
" suspended animation," to revive at the expiration 
of three years on the approach of the next national 
convention. The same is only less true of the con- 
gressional campaign committee, but not of the State 
committees and the local committees which work 
under their direction or supervision. These may be 
1 Jesse Macy, op. cit. } 90. 2 Ibid., 91. 



position 



Party Machinery 241 

regarded as the permanent parts of the party ma- 
chinery: they constitute the normal party organi- 
zation. 

The composition and powers of the State central its rom- 
committees vary greatly from State to State. 1 In 
the majority of States the State committee is made 
up of representatives either from the different con- 
gressional districts of the State or from the counties. 
In some cases, however, the members are chosen by a 
mixed system in which the county, legislative, and 
congressional districts form the basis of representa- 
tion. The number of members from each unit rep- 
resented also varies greatly and consequently there is 
no uniformity in the size of these committees. At 
least five such committees have one hundred or more 
members. Usually the number from each unit is 
determined by geographical rather than numerical 
considerations. 

The members of these State committees serve for 
periods varying in different States from one to four 
years. They are usually chosen by the delegates to 
the State convention. The delegates in this conven- 
tion from each area represented on the committee 
hold a caucus and choose their quota of members, 
such choice being usually, though not invariably, 
final. Of course in States where the convention sys- 
tem has been abolished, as in Wisconsin, some other 
method, generally the direct primary, is employed. 
Vacancies arising in the State committee are gener- 

1 This description of State central committees is largely a conden- 
sation of an article by Professor Merriam, in Pol. Set. Quar., XIX, 
224 (1904). 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



State 
chairman 
nominal 
head of 
State 
party or- 
ganiza- 
tion 



Influence 
of State 
com- 
mittee on 
nomina- 
tions 



ally filled by the remaining members, although fre- 
quently this is done by the local committees. 

The officers of the State central committee consist 
of a chairman, a secretary — generally the most im- 
portant officer — a treasurer, and sometimes a vice- 
chairman and a sergeant-at-arms. These officers are 
usually elected by the committee itself. They need 
not be, and frequently are not, members of the com- 
mittee. The chairman of the State committee is the 
nominal head of the party organization in the State. 
He may or may not be a dominant leader in the 
party. " Often he is merely a figurehead who obeys 
the orders of leaders, bosses, or powerful private per- 
sons who dictate party policies and use him as a 
screen." Sometimes the State chairman is a United 
States senator or a high State official. 1 In most 
States there are subcommittees, of which the most 
important is the executive or campaign committee, 
consisting of from three to nine members. This com- 
mittee is the most active part of the State party 
organization. Frequently there is also maintained a 
speakers' bureau or a literature bureau, or both. 

The powers or duties of the State committee are 
seldom defined either in writing or by tradition. 
Where the State convention exists, the committee 
usually determines the time and place of holding 
the convention, fixes the ratio of representation 
therein, issues the call, and sometimes makes up 
the temporary roll of the convention. In not a 
few States the committee has come to represent a 
more or less powerful faction or personal following 

1 Beard, 657. 



Party Machinery 243 

which exerts year after year a powerful influence in 
the choice of delegates to the convention, in shaping 
the work of the convention, and even in determining 
what persons shall or shall not be placed in nomina- 
tion by the convention. "To the ambitious aspirant 
for party authority the State central committee is a 
point of great strategic importance, and many a bitter 
fight has been waged for its control." 

Upon the adjournment of the national or State Chief 
convention, or after the direct primaries, the State the C man- 
committee assumes charge of the campaign and ex- agement 
ercises general supervision over it. In fact, the most paigns 
important, at least the most conspicuous, duties of 
this committee centre in the conduct of the campaign. 
" Given the candidates and the platform, it is the 
function of the State committee to see that these par- 
ticular persons and principles are indorsed by the 
voters of the State, or at least that the full party 
strength is polled for them." It raises funds and 
distributes them at its discretion. It prepares and 
sends out literature and assigns speakers to different 
places. In the Presidential campaign it constantly 
co-operates with the national committee. It must 
also keep in constant touch with the county and local 
committees, and in some cases it exercises great 
authority over them. 

(5) In addition to the committees already de- Local 
scribed, every national or State campaign brings into J^ ^ith 
active operation a host of local committees concerned important 
with the campaign in smaller areas. In practically 
every congressional, senatorial, or assembly district 
there is a congressional senatorial, or assembly dis- 



244 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

trict committee; in every county, a county com- 
mittee; in every township or borough, a township or 
borough committee; in every large city, a city com- 
mittee; while every ward or voting precinct has its 
committee. All of these committees co-operate with 
the national, congressional, and State committees, 
obeying their instructions and looking after a multi- 
tude of details. They are expected, for example, to 
raise money for use in their own districts, to employ 
speakers whenever possible, to distribute literature 
furnished by the national or State committee, call 
primaries, conventions, and meetings of local party 
workers, to organize and direct " rallies" and demon- 
strations, to instruct the voters about the formalities 
connected with registration, the location of voting- 
places, and the form of the ballot. They look after 
the naturalization of aliens and appoint party watch- 
ers to serve at the polls on election days. Above all, 
as the day of election approaches, they are expected 
to arrange for a thorough canvass of the voters to 
ascertain if possible the number that can be relied 
upon to support the ticket, those who are wavering, 
and those whose politics are unknown. 

The canvasses of individual voters alluded to in the 
last paragraph are, in many places, conducted with 
the utmost thoroughness during a Presidential cam- 
paign. Ordinarily there are two such canvasses: 
one occurs in September, and the last is completed 
about two weeks before the election and furnishes 
the hints for the disposition of party resources at the 
last hour. In doubtful or close States there are fre- 
quently three canvasses, at ninety, sixty, and thirty 



Party Machinery 245 

days, respectively, before election. During these can- 
vasses special party workers scour the country, taking 
down a quantity of details about the doubtful or 
wavering voters, usually quite unknown to them. 
For example, the voter's race, religion, business, cir- 
cle of acquaintances, his pecuniary position, names 
of persons to whom he owes money or to whom he is 
under any kind of obligation are all carefully noted. 
The local committees, under whose direction much 
of this canvassing is conducted, report at frequent 
intervals to the State committee, which in turn re- 
ports to the national chairman, and in that way the 
national chairman and his staff are kept constantly 
in touch with the conditions all over the country as 
they vary from week to week. 1 

The methods by which these various local com- A study of 
mittees are constituted and the rules by which they C ommit- 
are governed vary so greatly from State to State, and te f s of . 
often in different parts of the same State, that it is portance 
unsafe to attempt to formulate any general rule. 
Each student and voter should diligently inform him- 
self regarding the constitution and functions of these 
smaller committees in his own State. Correspon- 
dence with party officials will generally produce the 
information desired which often cannot be obtained 
from printed sources. In large cities like New York 
and Philadelphia each party has a more or less de- 
tailed body of printed rules, copies of which can gen- 
erally be obtained of the secretary or chairman for 

1 Ostrogorski, II, 306. For a set of instructions issued by a State 
committee to the party workers throughout the State, see Wood- 
burn, 313. 



246 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

the asking. A thorough knowledge of the constitu- 
tion and methods of these local committees is essen- 
tial to a thorough understanding of practical politics. 
For, as we have seen, although these different State 
and local committees were originally created to con- 
duct a campaign after nominations had been made 
by the rank and file of the party, they have now come 
to exercise in many localities an enormous influence 
in determining nominations through their control of 
primaries and conventions. So great has this power 
of State and local committees become in many parts 
of the country that they are often designated in 
common speech as "the organization" or "the ma- 
chine." 
Organiza- The number of women voters has so increased in 
women ^he ^ ast ^ ew y ears that politicians of the leading par- 
voters ties in some of the States having woman suffrage, 
and perhaps in all, have exerted themselves to ef- 
fect central and local organizations of the women in 
their respective parties. In Illinois, for example, we 
find the Illinois Republican League representing the 
women voters of that party in Cook County. This 
is a body of one hundred and fifty delegates, repre- 
senting all the wards in Chicago and the six "coun- 
try" districts in Cook County outside the city. To 
this league each ward is entitled to send the presi- 
dent and secretary of its ward organization and two 
other delegates. In the Democratic party there is 
a similar organization called the Illinois Women's 
Democratic League, and the constituent ward organ- 
izations are known as the "ward branches." Rep- 
resentation in the meetings of this league is not 



Party Machinery 247 

restricted to a fixed number of delegates from each 
ward, but any Democratic woman of Cook County 
may attend and participate in its deliberations. 

In the wards, and in the precincts as well, in 
Chicago one finds both parties and every faction 
maintaining women's clubs wherever they have 
men's organizations. They are frequently called the 
" women's auxiliary.' ' They are modelled upon and 
generally work in close co-operation with the male 
organizations. They appoint precinct captains after 
the manner of the men, hold joint meetings with the 
men, assist in enrolling voters and in conducting 
house-to-house canvasses, and look after the appoint- 
ment of women watchers and workers at the polls 
on primary and election days. Occasionally this co- 
operation between the two sets of organizations is 
conspicuously absent, and the women have shown a 
strong disposition to organize and act quite inde- 
pendently. Of course this has tended to complicate 
the political situation, but at times has produced good 
results, as in the case of the seventh ward women's 
Republican organization in the aldermanic election of 
1914. 

These public-spirited women started with the Seventh 
organization of a women's committee of some thirty somen's 
odd members, representing all the different groups Republi- 
of the seventh ward women. "On this committee organiza- 
were to be found ministers' wives, presidents of p?? in 
social clubs, civic club presidents, heads of card clubs, 
etc. This women's organization decided not to wait 
for the regular Republican nominee for alderman, 
but to forestall the old Republican machine by of- 



248 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

fering it their candidate before any other selection 
had been made. The women's choice fell upon one 
of the leading business men of the community, who 
had never mixed in politics before, but who had a 
very good business and personal reputation. In this 
first step the women were to meet with disappoint- 
ment. The machine rejected their man as a l hand- 
picked' candidate. However, the women were not 
to be discouraged . . . and put their man into the 
field as an independent candidate. . . . The women 
soon learned that the most effective method of win- 
ning votes for their candidate were those employed 
by the old party machines. They did not hesitate 
to adopt all of these that were legitimate. They 
formed a flying squadron in groups of two, for making 
house-to-house canvasses. They sent out a circular 
letter signed by several of the responsible women of 
the ward, calling attention to some of the needed 
reforms and setting forth the merits of their candi- 
date. Pledge-blanks promising support to their men 
were presented to every woman and most of the men 
of their ward for signing. Afternoon teas and parlor 
entertainments were staged for the women, at which 
functions one of their able speakers always presented 
the merits of their candidate. A card catalogue was 
made of all the voters, men and women, who had 
pledged their support to the independent candidate, 
and a large number of automobiles were enlisted on 
election day to get these voters to the polls. The 
result at the polls told the story. The women elected 
their candidate for alderman by a substantial plu- 
rality over the regular Republican and Democratic 



Party Machinery 249 

nominees. This taught the men a lesson. So effec- 
tive was this seventh ward women's club's machin- 
ery and so thoroughgoing its methods that the old 
Republican machine of the seventh ward . . . de- 
cided to welcome this women's organization into its 
fold and to indorse its candidate" for re-election in 
19 16, when he was again nominated and elected. 1 

Party committees, like other committees, are sub- in theory, 
ordinate bodies and should be the servants, not the teeTare 

masters, of those who created them. They should in servants 

, ! 1 r of the 

a very positive sense represent the body of voters party, but 
from whom they derive their authority, and there £ *£*" 
should be some means by which they may be held responsi- 
accountable for the satisfactory performance of their ters 
duties. In practice, however, it has too often come 
to be the case that party committees are irresponsible 
bodies, representing the worst and most unscrupu- 
lous elements of a party instead of its best and most 
trusted elements. The secrecy and the irresponsibil- 
ity that surround the activities of most political com- 
mittees form a very objectionable feature of their 
work, since therein lurk the various kinds of political 
corruption which have become so notorious. 2 

A certain degree of responsibility and popular con- 
trol has been introduced b}^ many of the laws which 
require publicity of campaign expenditures by politi- 
cal committees, and also by means of the direct pri- 
mary. In a number of States, perhaps in the ma- 

1 For the facts given above relative to women's political organiza- 
tions in Chicago, I am indebted to one of my graduate students, 
Mr. C. M. Yount, from whose thesis on Party Organization in Chi- 
cago the above quotation is taken. 

2 Herbert Welsh, in Forum, XIV, 26 (1892). 



250 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

jority, provision is made for the election of some, if 
not all, party committees by a direct vote of the 
party membership at the direct primary election. 
This affords an opportunity at least for the better 
element of a party to gain control of the party ma- 
chinery, though it may be doubted whether very 
much permanent improvement in this respect has yet 
been achieved. The suggestion of Governor Hughes, 
of New York, already explained, 1 would tend to se- 
cure a much greater degree of responsibility on the 
part of those in control of the party organization, 
and was for that very reason vigorously opposed by 
the machine politicians. 

The efficiency of all this party machinery varies 
greatly. Political conditions in a doubtful State, like 
Indiana or New York, tend to the most complete 
development of the party " machine," and to keep it 
at its maximum efficiency and always in good work- 
ing order. Sometimes, however, where one party is 
overwhelmingly in control of the State or municipal- 
ity, as in Pennsylvania and New York City, other 
causes serve to maintain year after year a party 
organization which is at once the admiration and de- 
spair of its opponents, especially the reformers. 
Party or- (6) This elaborate and nation-wide party organiza- 
tion'nke ^ on ^ as ^ een likened to a great army in which the 
an army national chairman corresponds to the commander-in- 
officers chief, the national committee, the congressional cam- 
^vateJ 1 ' P a *S n committee, the State committee, the county 
and district committees, and the township commit- 
tees roughly correspond to the commanders of corps, 

1 See chapter VI. 



Party Machinery 251 

divisions, brigades, regiments, and companies. Be- 
low this great body of party officials, estimated at 
about fifty thousand, is the vast army of privates, num- 
bering perhaps a million. 1 These are the active party 
workers representing the party organization in the 
precinct, ward, or election district, whatever the low- 
est political subdivision in the State may happen to 
be — the unit where the polling-place is located. Here 
it is that the party workers come into immediate con- 
tact with the voters; here it is also that public opinion 
may be organized to bring pressure to bear upon the 
party machinery. It is of fundamental importance, 
therefore, that the party should have in each pre- 
cinct, ward, or election district, as the case may be, 
at least one loyal and tried worker, 2 personally ac- 
quainted with a large number of the voters and 
trained in the art and the science of winning votes. 
If this party worker, in the lowest political subdivi- 
sion, represents the interests and aspirations of the 
party voters in his district, we have a truly represen- 
tative party organization. Too often, however, these 
workers are in the pay of party officials higher up, 
and seek to carry out their orders regardless of pub- 
lic opinion and the public interest. 3 

In concluding this description of party machinery, 
brief mention should be made of a new practice 
instituted in the Presidential campaign of 1900 by 
the chairman of the Democratic national committee. 
This innovation consisted in the selection of a special 

1 Ostrogorski's Democracy and the Party System, 164. 

2 Usually called, in great cities, the district captain. 

3 Beard, 663. 



252 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



In 1900 
Demo- 
crats 
added a 
new 

feature to 
party or- 
ganiza- 
tion 



representative of the national committee in every 
election precinct in the United States. So compre- 
hensive an organization could not be completed dur- 
ing a single campaign, but in the doubtful States in 
1900 there were over 30,000 such official representa- 
tives of the national committee. It was found that 
they could deliver campaign documents and make 
canvasses of voters more effectively than the county 
and local committees. The supervision and organiza- 
tion of such a vast body of workers, of course, im- 
poses a heavy additional burden upon the national 
chairman; but when effectively done it will mark an 
important step toward the perfecting of the national 
organization of the great parties. 1 



QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

1. How are the national committees of the Prohibitionist, 
Populist, and Socialist parties constituted? 

2. The political influence wielded by Senator Hanna as 
chairman of the Republican national committee and by Sena- 
tor Gorman as chairman of the Democratic national com- 
mittee. (See Ogden, Croly.) 

3. Frank H. Hitchcock as chairman of the Republican 
national committee in 1908. 

4. Thurlow Weed as a campaign manager. (See Weed's 
Autobiography.) 

5. A description of the Republican and Democratic organi- 
zation in (a) a typical Republican State, e. g., Pennsylvania; 
in (b) a typical Democratic State, e. g., Missouri; and in (c) 
a typical doubtful State, e. g., Indiana or New York. 

6. How are the State central committees in your own 
State constituted ? How are vacancies filled ? What powers 
do these committees exercise? 

7. How are the State committees chosen in States where 
the convention system has been abolished ? 

1 W. J. Abbott, op. cit. 



Party Machinery °25S 

8. How are the various party committees below the State 
central committee constituted in your own State? 

9. The composition of and the work done by the Demo- 
cratic and Republican committees in large cities, like Boston, 
New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, New Orleans, Chicago, 
and San Francisco. 

10. What are the qualifications and duties of an election 
district captain in our large cities? (See Beard, 665 ff.) 

11. Under what circumstances have national committees 
assumed the right to expel members of the committee ? (See 
Woodburn.) 

12. Party organization before the Revolution — the com- 
mittees of correspondence. 

13. Party organization in New England in the Jeffersonian 
period. (See Robinson.) 

14. The prominent part taken by the Republican national 
committee in connection with the national convention of 
1912. 

15. The debate in the Democratic national convention of 
191 2 over the federation of Democratic precinct clubs. (See 
Official Proceedings, pp. 461 ff.). 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

American Year Book, iqio, pp. 146-148. " Reform of Party 
Organizations." 

Beard, C. A., American Government and Politics, pp. 657-667. 

Becker, Carl, " Growth of Revolutionary Parties and Meth- 
ods in New York Province, 1765-74," in Am. Hist. Rev., 
VI, 56 (1901-2). 

Collins, E. D., " Committees of Correspondence of the Ameri- 
can Revolution," in Am. Hist. Assn. Report, I, 243 (1901). 

Croly, Herbert, Marcus Alonzo Hanna (191 2). 

Ford, H. J., The Rise and Growth of American Politics (1898), 
ch. 23. 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, I, 
361, " Committees, Party"; II, 631, " Party Organization 
in California"; 634, " Party Organization in Massachu- 
setts"; 636, " Party Organization in Pennsylvania"; 638, 
"Party Organization in the South"; 645, "Party System 
in Doubtful States " ; 649, " Party System in Sure States," 

Macy, Jesse, Party 'Organization and Machinery (1904), 



254 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Merriam, C. E., " State Central Committees," in Pol. Sci. 
Quar., XIX, 224 (1904). 

Munro, W. B., Government of American Cities (191 2), ch. 7. 

Ogden, Rollo. "The New Powers of the National Committee," 
in Atlantic Monthly, LXXXIX, 76 (1902). 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties (1902), II, pt. 5, ch. 4. 

Democracy and the Party System (1910), ch. 9. 

Parsons, Herbert, "Why a Political Party Needs Money," 
in Outlook, XCVI, 351 (1910). On the work of the 
New York County Republican committee. 

Price, T. H., and R. Spillane, "Stalking for Nine Million 
Voters," in World's Work, XXXII, 663 (1916). On the 
management of the Presidential campaign of 191 6. 

Review of Reviews, XIV, 421 (1896), "The Three Strategic 
Chiefs of the Presidential Campaign." 

Robinson, W. A., "Party Organization and Campaign Meth- 
ods in New England in the Jeffersonian Era," in Wash- 
ington University Studies, III, pt. 2, no. 2 (1916). 

Smith, Snell, "Chairman Frank Harris Hitchcock," in Rev. 
of Rev., XXXVIII, 439 (1908) . 

Trowbridge, J. R., "The Political Machine," in Yale Review, 
XIII, 287 (1904). 

Webster, H. J., History of the Democratic Party Organization 
in the Northwest, 1 824-1 840 (191 5). 

Welsh, Herbert, "Campaign Committees: Publicity as a Cure 
for Corruption," in Forum, XIV, 26 (1892). 

White, W. A., "Hanna," in McClure's, XVI, 57 (1900). 
Sketch of Mark Hanna's political career and methods. 

Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems (1914), 
ch. 14. 



CHAPTER X 

CAMPAIGN METHODS 

So far as a specific campaign is concerned, the elab- Purpose 
orate party organization or machinery described in machinery 
the preceding chapter exists for the purpose of (i) 
instructing the voters respecting the issues of the 
campaign, the principles and policies of the party, the 
merits of the candidates, and the misdeeds and weak- 
nesses of opposing parties; (2) of arousing the enthu- 
siasm of the rank and file of the party and quicken- 
ing the loyalty of the wavering; (3) of attracting the 
increasingly large class of independent voters to the 
support of the party ticket; (4) of making thorough 
canvasses of the voters before the day of election in 
order to ascertain the drift of political sentiment; and 
(5) of seeing that the full party vote is polled and 
recorded on the day of election. In the attainment 
of these results the various campaign committees em- 
ploy a great variety of means which, for convenience, 
may be considered in two main groups : those agencies 
or methods designed primarily to stir the emotions 
of the voters; and those agencies or methods which 
are directed chiefly to the intelligence of the voters. 

Among methods coming in the first group are (1) 
thousands of mass-meetings of the voters, held in every 
Presidential campaign. These meetings are of all 
sorts and sizes and are held in all kinds of places. 
They vary in size from a few score of persons on a 

255 



1 



256 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Campaign 
methods 
which ap- 
peal to 
emotions 
include 
mass- 
meetings 
or " ral- 
lies" 



"Stump" 
speakers, 
or " spell- 
binders" 



street corner to thousands in a great auditorium or at 
a State or county fair. Similar meetings, though less 
frequent and as a rule less well attended, are also 
held in the "off years." 

Oftentimes State or county "rallies" are held. 
These are mass-meetings of voters from all over the 
State or county, held sometimes in a huge tent, at 
other times in some large park or at a county fair, 
and usually preceded by a big parade or followed by 
a torchlight procession in the evening. Mass-meet- 
ings and rallies are seldom attended by members of 
other parties than the one which organizes them, al- 
though outsiders are always welcomed. The object 
of American political meetings is not so much to in- 
struct and tc convert those who attend as it is to 
strengthen the party members in the party creed and 
to arouse enthusiasm. These political meetings are 
addressed by several speakers, who are often men of 
national reputation as orators. The arrangements 
for such political meetings are always made by the 
State or local committees concerned. The speakers, 
or "spellbinders," at all the larger gatherings are 
usually provided by the State committee or by the 
speakers' bureau of the national committee. 

(2) The work of the speakers' bureau in selecting, 
coaching, and assigning speakers is of very great im- 
portance in every national and in many State cam- 
paigns. In some campaigns as many as five thou- 
sand persons have applied for positions as campaign 
speakers, although only a comparatively small num- 
ber were finally employed. In the campaign of 1900 
the Republicans employed about six hundred speak- 



Campaign Methods 2.37 

ers. United States senators, congressmen, governors, 
ex-Presidents, members of the cabinet, lawyers, jour- 
nalists, business men who can talk well in public, 
sometimes clergymen, and the Presidential and Vice- 
Presidential candidates themselves are to be found in 
the list of speakers. They are sent from State to State 
and may or may not be paid for their services. Some 
have been paid as high as one hundred dollars a night 
and expenses. The most important speakers are as- 
signed, paid, and have their itinerary planned by the 
speakers' bureau, while speakers of less note are se- 
lected, assigned, and perhaps paid by the State or 
local committees. Those in charge of this part of a 
campaign must exercise great care and discrimination 
in making these assignments : funny men must not be 
sent to audiences requiring reasoners; while the for- 
eign-speaking element must be provided, if possible, 
with speakers who can address them in their own 
tongue. Fifty Germans, 25 Swedes, 25 Norwegians, 
10 Poles, 10 Italians, 5 Frenchmen, and 6 Finns were 
employed as speakers by the Republicans in 1900. 
Use is also made of good workshop or factory talkers 
to address their fellow employees, and sometimes 
"fake" debates among wage-earners are gotten up. 1 

(3) Another common agency for rousing party en- Cam- 
thusiasm is the formation of temporary associations JJJjj^ 
of citizens who in ordinary times pay little or no at- 
tention to politics. These associations are known as 
campaign clubs. The members meet, perhaps every 
evening during the campaign, and listen to speeches 
which glorify their candidates. They sing political 

1 Edward Lissner, in Harper's Weekly, XL VIII, pt. 2, p. 13 15 (1904). 



258 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

songs, absorb enthusiasm for the party ticket, and 
diffuse this enthusiasm around them in the club and 
outside. Generally these clubs are formed in each 
locality soon after the national convention has ad- 
journed, and they are most active in September and 
October of Presidential-election years. In towns of 
considerable size one finds a large number of such 
clubs in each of the great parties; while in great 
cities such clubs frequently maintain a continuous 
existence from year to year. One is apt to find a 
Republican and a Democratic commercial travellers' 
club, a lawyers' club, a merchants' club, a railroad 
employees' club, working-men's clubs, often one in 
each large factory, clubs of colored men, and clubs 
composed solely of Irish, Jewish, Polish, French, 
German, or other foreign-born voters. Not infre- 
quently these clubs have a sort of military organiza- 
tion, the members wearing uniforms and calling 
themselves " marching clubs." This kind appeals 
with special force to the younger voters. In 1892 the 
Republicans began to organize clubs among students 
in the colleges and universities, and a federation of 
such clubs was formed the same year called the 
American Republican College League. Four years 
later the Democratic party instituted similar clubs. 1 
A serious effort was made by the Republican party, 
beginning in 1888, to weld all these temporary cam- 
paign clubs, described above, into a permanent fed- 
eration known as the Republican National League. 
This was soon followed by the organization of 
the National Association of Democratic Clubs. Al- 

1 Ostrogorski, II, 290 ff. 



Campaign Methods 259 

though the total enrolment of these two leagues has 
at times been as high as two million, representing 
from two to four thousand different clubs, most of 
the clubs have, after the campaign, only a nominal 
existence. Hardly one club in a hundred has prem- 
ises of its own; generally they hire a room for the 
occasion, and their meetings in non-Presidential years 
are infrequent. During the campaign, however, they 
are very active. It has been estimated that between 
a million and a half and two million voters are then 
enrolled in one club or another, or, in other words, 
that about one in every four or five voters is identi- 
fied with some political organization, temporary or 
permanent. 1 

(4) Other devices for arousing the interest and en- Miscei- 
thusiasm of the voters take the form of parades or jj^°)£ 
torchlight processions, picnics or barbecues, accom- 
panied by athletic contests, and even dances, theatri- 
cal performances, and moving-picture shows are em- 
ployed. Political emblems, such as badges, banners, 
or flags bearing the names or likenesses of the leading 
party candidates are also very common. Bets on the 
success of the party in the coming election are re- 
sorted to and widely advertised by political commit- 
tees with the expectation of influencing certain classes 
of voters. National committees have been known to 
provide large sums for bets with a view to influencing 
doubtful States. " Charges " or " campaign lies," con- 
sisting of more or less libellous accusations brought 
against prominent candidates of the opposing party, 
appear in almost every campaign, national and State. 

1 Ibid., 289, 



260 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



"Hoopla" 
and 
"gum- 
shoe" 
campaigns 



Such personal attacks create something of a sensation 
for the moment, especially among the readers of the 
more unscrupulous newspapers, and have even been 
known seriously to affect elections. Campaign man- 
agers are also fond of putting forth extravagant 
" claims" or pre-election estimates respecting the 
probable size of the party majority. Some voters, 
especially those who desire above all things to be on 
the winning side, may be influenced by such predic- 
tions. Where these claims are based upon careful 
and exhaustive canvasses of the voters for a large 
area some reliance may be placed upon them; but 
ordinarily they are not to be taken seriously. Where 
important economic issues have been prominent, em- 
ployers have been known to attempt to influence the 
votes of their employees by placing slips inside of 
their pay envelopes urging them to support a certain 
party; or such efforts may take the form of threats, 
open or veiled, to reduce wages or to close the shops 
if the other party wins. 

Campaigns in which party managers resort to every 
available device to rouse the interest and enthusi- 
asm of the voters are sometimes called " hoopla' ' or 
" hurrah" campaigns. There are campaigns, however, 
when it is deemed better policy to dispense with this 
noisy "Chinese business," as it has been called, and 
to pursue instead a "still hunt," or "gum-shoe" 
campaign in which the voters are reached and influ- 
enced by quiet personal interviews and a house-to- 
house canvass. A minority party will adopt these 
tactics occasionally in the hope of inducing in the 
managers of the other party a feeling of false security 



Campaign Methods 261 

and overconfidence, owing to which they may neg- 
lect to see that the full party vote is registered and 
polled. Consequently, when the day of election ar- 
rives an unpleasant surprise may be in store for the 
usually victorious party. 1 

The agencies designed primarily to appeal to the Methods 
reason and intelligence of the voters fall into two *o the ng 
main classes — campaign documents and the newspa- mieUi- 
pers. (i) Campaign documents assume a great vari- include 
ety of forms, and vary in size from a one-page dodger campaign 
or small card to a volume of two or three hundred ments 
pages. Each party in a Presidential campaign issues 
its campaign text-book, a volume filled with all kinds 
of political information likely to prove useful to cam- 
paign speakers and other prominent party workers. 
These text-books are not for general distribution, but 
copies may be obtained by any one for a small sum. 
In some of the large States a similar volume is com- 
piled and published by the State committee for use 
in important State campaigns. Each Presidential 
campaign also produces a crop of campaign biographies 
of the party candidates for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent, sold at popular prices. These biographies are 
prepared for partisan purposes and of course are not 
always accurate in their statements of fact regarding 
the public life of candidates. Speeches of representa- 
tives and senators in Congress are widely circulated 
during every Presidential and congressional campaign. 
Posters, especially pictorial ones, are peculiarly effec- 
tive with voters who will not take the time, or have 
not the interest or ability, to read other campaign 
1 Woodburn, 307, 308. 



262 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

documents. In 1896 the Republicans circulated some 
five hundred different kinds of posters. 
The Ore- The State of Oregon has recently inaugurated a 
Ucity pam" novel scheme for educating the public regarding the 
phiet" merits of different candidates and the policies and 
principles for which they stand. Before every pri- 
mary election a " publicity pamphlet" is prepared, 
under the supervision of the secretary of state, in 
which all candidates for nomination to State and Fed- 
eral offices may publish a statement of their qualifi- 
cations and the principles or policies which they ad- 
vocate or favor, or anything else in support of their 
candidacy. Each candidate is required to pay for at 
least one page in the publicity pamphlet. Additional 
pages may be had for one hundred dollars a page, but 
no candidate may use more than four pages in all. 
At the same rates, space in the pamphlet may also 
be used against any candidate if this matter is first 
submitted to the candidate opposed and signed by 
the author, subject, of course, to the ordinary law of 
libel. One copy of this pamphlet is mailed by the 
secretary of state, at State expense, to every registered 
voter. Similar pamphlets relating to candidates for 
the county offices are issued by the county clerks and 
mailed to each voter in the county at the expense 
of the county. The pamphlets must be mailed at 
least eight days before the primary elections. The 
charges per page vary from ten dollars for candidates 
for the minor offices to one hundred dollars for can- 
didates for the highest offices. 1 

Again, before the regular election party officers or 
the executive committee of a party may submit to 

Jonathan Bourne, Jr., in Outlook, XCVI, 321 ff. (1910). 



Campaign Methods 263 

the secretary of state portrait cuts of candidates and 
typewritten statements and arguments for the suc- 
cess of the party's principles and the election of its 
candidates; also statements opposing or attacking the 
principles or candidates of all other parties. The same 
privilege is extended to all independent candidates. 
These statements are printed in another publicity 
pamphlet, which is mailed at public expense to the 
voters not later than the tenth day before the election. 
No party may use more than twenty-four pages in 
this pamphlet. The charge is fifty dollars per page. 1 
There is much in this new method to commend itself 
to the people of other States, both as a means of edu- 
cating the voters and also as a means of placing the 
poor candidate on more nearly an equal footing with 
the rich candidate so far as concerns ability to bring 
his claims directly to the consideration of the peo- 
ple. Recently the publicity-pamphlet idea has been 
adopted in about one-fourth of the States. 2 

The total output of campaign documents in a Pres- 
idential year is enormous. In the campaign of 1900, 
for example, the Democrats published one hundred 
and fifty-eight different documents and distributed 
over twenty-five million copies, and the Republican 
party probably surpassed this record. In that year 
eight million copies of one of Mr. Bryan's speeches 
were printed in eleven different languages and seven 
million copies of Mr. McKinley's letter of acceptance 
were distributed. In one day four and a half million 
copies of a single speech were sent out from the Re- 
publican headquarters in Chicago, and over three tons 
of other documents were shipped on the same day. 

1 Ibid. 2 1916. 



papers 



264 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

These documents are usually sent out by the press 
bureau of the national committee to the State com- 
mittees and distributed by them to the subordinate 
committees. 1 

News- (2) Extensive use has been made in recent years of 

newspapers, especially newspapers circulating in small 
towns and rural districts. Press bureaus at State and 
national headquarters prepare copy for these news- 
papers in the form of telegraphic despatches, edito- 
rials, correspondence, etc., and often buy space for 
political advertisements. Thousands of country news- 
papers are supplied, free of charge, with patent "in- 
sides," or "plate" matter, relating to campaign issues 
or the candidates. Such newspapers will be furnished 
with a political sheet to be inserted in each copy 
issued; in other cases, only the heading and local 
items will be set up in the local printing-office, the 
balance of the issue being prepared and printed at 
some distant establishment under the direction of a 
political press bureau. "Plate" or stereotyped mat- 
ter is furnished by the column to papers of larger cir- 
culation and influence. Some papers which desire to 
assume an "independent" attitude in the campaign 
have a department in their columns called the "cam- 
paign forum," or "daily debate," in which appears 
matter furnished by both leading parties. In the 
campaign of 191 6 both great parties made an unprece- 
dently extensive use of advertisements in newspapers 
and periodicals in appealing to voters. 2 

• Review of Reviews, XXII, 529 (1900). 

2 See T. H. Price and R. Spillane, in World's Work, XXXII, 667 
(1916). 



Campaign Methods %65 

Regarding the practical value of all these different Practical 
devices, one who has been prominent in the conduct t he g* 
of a national campaign says: " After all, I doubt much devices 
whether even the hard work, the systematic work, 
the astute political devices upon which the politicians 
so greatly rely, really have as much weight in deciding 
the fate of an election as people who live entirely in 
a political atmosphere sometimes think. The success 
or failure of a candidate for office, and particularly 
for an exalted national office, depends very much upon 
conditions similar to those which determine the suc- 
cess or failure of a book. Many a good book well 
pushed by its publishers has fallen flat. ... It is 
somewhat so with a Presidential election. Admitting 
all the use of money properly and corruptly; admit- 
ting that this campaign manager is cleverer than his 
opponent, still you will find that rising above either 
of these factors comes, as the determining element in 
the situation, the temper of the public. Doubtless 
the newspapers, the documents, and the speakers 
help, in some slight degree, to form this public senti- 
ment; but if it be against one candidate, the most 
herculean efforts on the part of his managers cannot 
stem it. If it be for him, all his associates have to 
do is to guide it rightly and see that its expression at 
the polls is correctly recorded." 1 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. The present-day value of political editorials in England 
and the United States. (See Porritt, and ch. 9 in WeyPs 
The New Democracy.) 

1 W. J. Abbott, in Rev. of Rev., XXII, 562 (1900). 



266 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

2. The influence of the political press in the Jacksonian 
period. (See Niles' Register, biographies, and general his- 
tories.) 

3. The methods used in the Presidential campaign of 1840 
and contemporary opinion of them. 

4. Compare English and American campaign methods. 
(See Brooks, Colby, Porritt.) 

5. The novel political exhibitions or " rival political shows" 
used in the New York municipal campaign of 1909. (See 
Outlook.) 

6. The effect of Presidential campaigns upon business. 
(See R. W. Babson, Business Barometers, condensed in Phila- 
delphia Public Ledger, February 4, 191 2.) 

7. The Morey letter in the campaign of 1880 and the 
Murchison letter in the campaign of 1888. 

8. The abuse of the congressional franking privilege in 
connection with political campaigns. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Abbott, W. J., "The Management of the Democratic Cam- 
paign" (1900), in Rev. of Rev., XXII, 556 (1900). 

Bishop, J. B., Our Political Drama. A number of old cam- 
paign cartoons are reproduced. 

Blair, Emily N., "Every Man His Own Campaign Manager," 
in Outlook, XCVII, 426 (191 1). 

Bourne, Jonathan, Jr., "Popular Government in Oregon," 
in Outlook, XCVI, 321 (1910). 

Brooks, Sydney, "English and American Elections," in 
Harper's, CI, 329 (1900); also in Fortnightly Review, 
LXXXVII, 246 (1910). 

"Election Manners in England and America," in Har- 
per's Weekly, LIV, 13, February 12, 1910. 

Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, II, chs. 71-73 
(4th edition). 

Buxton, C. R., Electioneering Up to Date (1906). On English 
campaigns. 

Century, LXXXIV, 677 (191 2), "The Hard Cider Campaign 
of 1840." Illustrations only. 

Colby, Everett, "An American Politician in an English Elec- 
tion," in Outlook, XCIX, 319 (191 1). 



Campaign Methods 267 

Daniels, Josephus, "Mr. Bryan's Third Campaign," in Rev. 
of Rev., XXXVIII, 423 (1908). 

Fite, E. D., The Presidential Campaign of i860. 

Guild, Curtis, Jr., "Spellbinders," in Scribner's, XXXII, 561 
(1902). 

Kellor, F. A., "A New Spirit in Party Organization," in 
No. Am. Rev., CXCIX, 879 (1914). 

Lissner, Edward, "How a National Campaign Is Run," in 
Harper's Weekly, XL VIII, pt. 2, pp. 13 14 ff. (1904). 

Literary Digest, LIII, 1087 ( I 9 1 ^), "Political Reports from 
3,000 Communities." Results of a straw vote. 

LIII, 1 1 55 (1916), "30,000 Straw Votes in Five Doubt- 
ful States." 

McConnell, G. M., Presidential Campaigns from Washington 
to Roosevelt. 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, 
I, 208, "Campaigns, Political." 

Nation, XCV, 348 (191 2), "Campaigns and Votes." 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties (1902), II, pt. 5, chs. 4-5. 

Democracy and the Party System (1910), chs. 9-10. 

Outlook, XCIII, 360 (1909), "Rival Political Shows." 

XCVI, 523 (1910), "Campaign Methods." 

XCVIII, 861 (1911), "An American Epidemic." On 

the slander of public men. 

Porritt, Edward, "Political Campaigning in England and 
America," in Atlantic Monthly, CII, 156 (1908). 

Review of Reviews, XXII, 529 (1900), "How the Republican 
National Committee Works for Votes." 

Robinson, W. A., "Party Organization and Campaign Meth- 
ods in New England in the Jeffersonian Era," in Wash- 
ington University Studies, III, pt. 2, no. 2 (191 6). 

Ruhl, A., "Campaigning in Costa Rica," in Outlook, CVI, 35 

(1914). 

Shaw, W. B., "Methods and Tactics of the Campaign," in 

Rev. of Rev., XIV, 550 (1896). 
Turner, G. K., "Manufacturing Public Opinion," in Mc- 

Clure's, XXXIX, 316 (1912). 
Wellman, Walter, "Management of the Taft Campaign," in 

Rev. of Rev., XXXVIII, 432 (1908). 



CHAPTER XI 

PARTY FINANCE. REVENUES. LEGITIMATE AND 
ILLEGITIMATE EXPENDITURES. CORRUPT 
PRACTICES ACTS AND OTHER REMEDIAL 
LEGISLATION. PUBLICITY LAWS 



Size of 
campaign 
funds 
enor- 
mously 
increased 
since i860 



The employment of the various agencies or methods 
described in the preceding chapters involves the col- 
lection and expenditure of large sums of money. In- 
deed, the first work of campaign organization is to 
raise money, or a " campaign fund/' as it is called. 
The amount of money spent by the great political 
parties in a Presidential campaign has increased to 
enormous proportions in recent years. In the Bu- 
chanan campaign of 1856 the total sum at the com- 
mand of the Democratic national committee was less 
than $250,000, while the amount expended by the 
Republican national committee in the Lincoln cam- 
paign of i860 was only a little over $100,000. l After 
the Civil War the amount expended in a national 
campaign steadily rose until it reached its high-water 
mark in the campaign of 1896, when, it is believed, 
the Republicans alone had a fund of $7,ooo,ooo. 2 In 
the last three campaigns the Democratic and Repub- 
lican funds have been much smaller. Mr. Cortelyou, 
chairman of the Republican national committee in 

1 Perry Belmont, in No. Am. Rev., CLXXX, 166 (1905). 

2 Rollo Ogden, in Atlantic Monthly, LXXXIX, 76 (1902). 

268 



Tarty Finance 269 

1904, testified before a Senate committee in 191 2 that 
the Republican fund for 1904 amounted to $1,900,- 
000. Mr. Mack, chairman of the Democratic na- 
tional committee in the same campaign, testified be- 
fore the same committee that the Democratic fund 
amounted to about $700,000. Mr. Hitchcock testi- 
fied that the Republican fund in 1908 amounted to 
$1,655,518.27. In the campaign of 191 2 the Demo- 
crats expended over $1,130,000, the Republicans over 
$1,070,000, and the National Progressive party over 
$670,000. 

In 191 6 economy was the declared policy of both 
great parties. It was believed. that public sentiment 
had come to oppose lavish expenditures for political 
purposes, and neither the Republicans nor the Demo- 
crats cared to have it said that they carried the elec- 
tion by force of money. Nevertheless, the expendi- 
tures of the Republicans in that campaign amounted 
to $3,829,260.02, while Democratic disbursements 
amounted to $1,958,508.19. 

The work of collecting money for a Presidential Work of 
campaign falls principally to the chairman and mem- ^ance 
bers of the finance committee. To facilitate the col- commit- 
lection of funds in 1908, the Republicans found it 
advisable to organize finance committees in all the 
Northern States. In the same year the Democratic 
national committee collected a large sum through the 
assistance of about one hundred leading Democratic 
newspapers. Large sums are disbursed directly by 
the national committee, but even greater sums, per- 
haps, are disbursed directly through the State and 
local committees. Probably every party committee 



270 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

has something in the way of a campaign fund col- 
lected either through its own efforts or advanced to 
it by committees higher up. 1 It will be convenient 
to treat the subject of party finance under the three 
main headings of party revenue, party expenditures, 
and remedial legislation. 
The The principal sources of party revenue are: (i) Vol- 

(rfparty* untary subscriptions by the rank and file of the 
revenue party. The total amount of these subscriptions is 

or cam- 
paign much larger than is generally supposed. One little 

funds town in Indiana, for example, with a population of 

only 4,000, in 1888, when party enthusiasm ran high, 
raised in this way $i,2oo. 2 Money comes from men 
in moderate circumstances as well as from rich men. 
One feature of the campaign of 1904 was the start- 
ing of a "one dollar" subscription list by President 
Roosevelt for the benefit of the Republican fund; 
and among the contributions to the Democratic fund 
in 1908 a surprising amount came in small sums, such 
as dollar bills, small checks, and money-orders, from 
private persons of moderate means. 3 On the other 
hand, instances have come to light in recent years of 
thousands of dollars subscribed by rich men with 
the expectation, if not the express promise, that they 
should be rewarded with appointments to high offices 
if the party is successful in the election. In the cam- 
paign of 1 91 6 there was again manifested a desire 
to democratize the source of campaign funds. An 
effort was made to obtain small amounts from the 

1 Walter Wellman, in Rev. of Rev., XXXVIII, 432 (1908). 

2 J. W. Jenks, in Century, XLIV, 940 (1892). 

3 Josephus Daniels, in Rev. of Rev., XXXVIII, 423 (1908). 



Party Finance 271 

many rather than large amounts from a few. The 
Democrats, for example, tried to appoint finance 
committees in every place of more than five hundred 
inhabitants, and hoped through these committees to 
induce every Democrat to contribute a moderate 
amount toward the cost of the campaign, in the be- 
lief that all who gave would come to feel a proprie- 
tary interest in the party. An engrossed receipt was 
sent to every contributor. The Republicans devel- 
oped a similar plan. Advertisements were inserted 
in newspapers and magazines and circular letters 
sent out asking for voluntary contributions of ten 
dollars from each Republican voter. Those who re- 
sponded were designated as " contributing members" 
and received an engraved certificate. 1 

(2) Until recently corporations have been known 
to make generous contributions to party funds. Such 
contributions may be made with perfectly innocent 
and worthy motives, but in many instances it has 
been demonstrated that they have been made with 
the express or implied understanding that legislation 
favorable to the contributing corporations would be 
enacted, or at least that the corporate interests would 
be protected by the party managers from unfavorable 
legislation. 2 

(3) There are known instances when the agents of 
the party in office have secretly appropriated public 
funds of the city, county, or State to campaign pur- 

1 See T. H. Price and R. Spillane, in World's Work, XXXII, 666 
(1916). 

2 See Mr. Havemeyer's testimony in the investigation of the sugar 
trust, Senate Reports, 2d session, 53d Congress, X, 351 ff.; also quoted 
in Beard's Readings. 



272 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

poses to the advantage of their own party. This 
practice is, of course, illegal, and when exposed usu- 
ally meets condign punishment. 

(4) Before popular election of United States sen- 
ators became established by law, candidates for the 
State Legislature often found an important source of 
revenue for their personal campaign funds in the 
generous contributions of aspirants for election to 
the United States Senate. The recipient, if elected, 
was, of course, expected to vote for his benefactor. 

(5) In large cities and in some States, especially 
where boss domination and machine rule are most 
securely intrenched, large sums are obtained from 
persons desiring the party nomination for different 
offices. Among several aspirants for a given nomi- 
nation, the boss or machine awards the nomination 
to the one who is willing to make the largest contri- 
bution to the campaign fund. In other words, there 
is virtually a sale of the nomination to the highest 
bidder. 

(6) The contributions of candidates is another im- 
portant source. These may be perfectly voluntary 
or they may be in the nature of assessments made by 
the party managers or committees in charge of the 
campaign in the locality most concerned. In the 
latter case, the contributions sometimes follow a 
regular scale, as a certain percentage of the salary 
attached to each office. 1 In some places a man is not 
allowed to become a candidate, his name is not even 
permitted to go before the party convention, until 
he pays an assessment to help defray the party ex- 

1 See Lalor, I, 152. 



Party Finance 273 

penses. 1 This practice promotes the candidacy of 
rich men, for it is only they who can stand the assess- 
ments, while the community is deprived of the ser- 
vices of abler men of only moderate means. 

(7) Keepers of gambling-houses, saloons, disrepu- 
table resorts, and others who desire police protection 
in the violation of municipal ordinances and State 
laws, constitute in some parts of the country an im- 
portant source of campaign funds, especially in mu- 
nicipal and State campaigns. 

(8) Contractors hoping to obtain large contracts for 
State, county, or municipal work, by means of which 
large fortunes are sometimes made, often contribute 
generously to the party fund, hoping thereby to in- 
sure the election of friends who will be in a position 
to award them the contracts desired. 

(9) A very important source of campaign funds Assess- 
takes the form of assessments levied upon all the ^^_ of 
office-holders of the party. Until the enactment of holders 
the Federal civil service act in 1883, Federal office- 
holders had for many years been more or less openly 
assessed for campaign purposes. This act, however, 
largely put an end to the practice by prohibiting any 
Federal officer or employee from soliciting or receiv- 
ing, directly or indirectly, any political contribution 

or assessment from any Federal officer or employee. 
Payment of any such contribution by an officer or 
employee to another is also prohibited, as is the solic- 
itation or receiving of political contributions or as- 
sessments in any room or building used for official 
purposes by the Federal Government, or on any 

1 Woodburn, 400-401. 



274 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

other Federal premises. Although prohibited and 
practically eradicated in the case of Federal office- 
holders, the practice of levying political assessments 
upon State and local officials prevails in practically 
all States which have not adopted stringent civil ser- 
vice acts, and is probably seen at its worst in the 
large cities. Even in cities having civil service acts 
covering municipal offices, the acts are often violated 
or evaded, office-holders being virtually • subject to 
assessments in the form of a request from party man- 
agers for a " voluntary" contribution to the cam- 
paign fund. Failure thus to contribute " volunta- 
rily" is usually followed by failure to secure a re- 
nomination or is punished in some other way equally 
effective. 1 
Evils of Some of the more conspicuous evils connected with 

assess- ^ e practice of assessing office-holders for party pur- 
ments poses should be noted in this connection. Where the 
practice prevails there is a tendency to cause public 
office to be regarded as a party resource, a reward for 
party services, and not as a public trust. It promotes 
the candidacy of the venal and corrupt. "The cor- 
rupt politician who submits to the extortion of party 
assessments does so with the fixed purpose of recover- 
ing the money by corrupt means or using his place 
for corrupt ends after he is elected. -This is a part 
of the calculation of the corrupt candidate. There 
will be city jobbery, connivance with criminals, trea- 
sury defalcations, fraudulent franchises, for in some 
way the heavy assessments must be recovered. . . . 

1 See Philadelphia Public Ledger, October 31, 191 1, for an account 
of the assessment of municipal office-holders in Philadelphia. 






Party Finance 275 

The system tends directly to political temptation and 
the ruin of character. The man who stays in politics 
and submits to these exactions suffers severely in 
moral tone, unless he is a notable exception to the 
rest of mankind. On the other hand, the public- 
spirited, the conscientious, the upright, who object 
to corrupt methods, cannot afford to stand for public 
office. No practice tends more directly toward the 
debasement of our political morals and degeneracy 
in the character of the public service. " l The politi- 
cal assessment of office-holders who receive their sal- 
ary from the public treasury is in effect making the 
public help pay the election expenses of the party in 
power, and this without the sanction of law. Some 
advanced political reformers have advocated that all 
legitimate expenses connected with a political cam- 
paign should be paid by the State, and there is much 
to be said in favor of the proposal. Until, however, 
this has been definitely sanctioned by law, party ex- 
penses should be paid exclusively from the party 
treasury and not directly or indirectly from the pub- 
lic treasury. 

Party expenditures may be divided into those made 
for legitimate purposes and those made for illegitimate 
purposes. Although it is impossible to ascertain with 
complete accuracy the total amount of money spent 
in any important campaign to influence the result of 
the election, it can safely be asserted that the amount 
spent for illegitimate purposes falls far short, even in 
a Presidential campaign, of the amount expended in 
ways perfectly legitimate. 

1 Woodburn, 400-401. 



276 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Legiti- It is impossible to enumerate all the purposes or 

pendltures Ejects for which money may be legitimately ex- 
pended, but some of the more obvious and important 
may be indicated. In recent national campaigns two 
sets of headquarters, each with a staff of clerks 
and stenographers, have been maintained for several 
months in Chicago and New York by both the Re- 
publican and Democratic parties, at an estimated 
cost of about $3,000 a day. In addition to this there 
are heavy expenses connected with the maintenance 
of State and local headquarters. The hire of halls 
for conventions and mass-meetings is another impor- 
tant item. In some years in New York County 
eighty different political conventions have had to be 
provided with a place of meeting, not to mention 
their incidental expenses. For a single mass-meeting 
in New York City the expense of hall hire, music, 
and decorations has amounted to $3,000; while the 
expense connected with a great meeting in the Madi- 
son Square Garden at which Mr. Taft and Governor 
Hughes spoke in 1908 footed up about $io,ooo. 1 Spe- 
cial trains and automobiles have to be hired at great 
cost for the transportation of the leading candidates 
and speakers. The expenses of campaign speakers have 
to be met, and sometimes they are also paid a salary 
of $100 a week, and in very exceptional cases $100 a 
night. New York and other cities have been known 
to have torchlight processions the equipment and ar- 
rangements for which have cost as high as $1 2,000. 2 

1 Herbert Parsons, in Outlook, XCVI, 351 (191 o). 

2 Edward Lissner, in Harper's Weekly, XL VIII, pt. 2, p. 1314 
(1904). 



Party Finance 277 

The amount expended on printing is enormous. 
The printing of one speech for distribution has 
cost $5,000, and there have been campaigns when 
twenty such speeches have been printed and distrib- 
uted. Then there is the printing of other campaign 
documents, the preparation of " plate' ' and " patent 
inside'' matter for newspapers, tickets for caucuses 
and conventions; and in a few States the primary 
ballots have to be printed at the expense of each 
party. Large sums are also required for cartoons, 
lithographs, posters, badges, banners, flags, and ad- 
vertisements in the newspapers. For the last item, 
$28,500 was expended in a recent campaign in New 
York County alone. It has been estimated that the 
printing bill of the Republican national committee in 
the campaign of 1900 was not less than $200,000, 
and this does not include the sums expended by State 
and local committees. 1 

In large cities like New York, where the leading Legiti 
parties maintain open headquarters and employ a 
staff of officials the year round, there is need of a pensesin 
permanent campaign fund, and the amount required city 
for perfectly legitimate purposes is very large. Some 
idea of these expenses in a large city may be gathered 
from a list of the most important items of expense 
which have to be met by the Republican county com- 

1 In the Presidential campaign of 1916, the Republican national 
committee created an " economy and efficiency bureau' ' in connec- 
tion with the Chicago headquarters, to analyze appropriations for 
each campaign committee and the expenditures actually made; the 
purpose being to forestall all possible criticism that money contrib- 
uted to the campaign had been spent in ill-considered and resultless 
projects. 



mate cam 
paign ex- 



278 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

mittee of New York County. 1 In every election dis- 
trict in the city there is a headquarters club open 
during the entire year, the expenses of which are in 
part met by the membership dues, entertainments, 
and chowder parties, the balance being defrayed from 
the treasury of the county committee. An effective 
campaign in a Republican district costs, including the 
expenses of headquarters of local candidates, about 
$4,000. The maintenance of county headquarters, 
open throughout the year, 2 costs over $14,000 — rent, 
$2,000; secretary's salary, $3,500; stenographer and 
clerk hire, $4,000; printing and stationery, $3,000; 
postage, telegraph and telephone, and miscellaneous, 
$1,500. It is exceedingly important to get the full 
party vote registered prior to the day of election, and 
to do this effectively workers are needed and must be 
paid. This costs, in a Presidential campaign, about 
$13,500. A corps of paid speakers is employed dur- 
ing a campaign. The amount paid for speakers in a 
Presidential campaign and the expenses connected 
with meetings do not fall far short of $20,000. Sten- 
ographic reports of speeches furnished to the press 
cost $1,500 in 1908. In that campaign the county 
committee established three noonday tent meetings, 
at a cost of $15,000. In guarding against fraudulent 
registration and voting, $27,000 is easily spent. For 
use on election day in getting out the vote, usually 
about $40,000, or $40 to each election district — not 

1 The description which follows is a condensation of Herbert Par- 
sons's article, "Why a Political Party Needs Money," in Outlook, 
XCVI, 351 (1910). 

2 For the explanation of the necessity of such a permanent staff, 
see Parsons, op. cit. 



Party Finance 279 

an excessive sum — is required. Altogether and in- 
cluding the printing of the primary ballots and a va- 
riety of other expenses, fully $200,000 is needed to 
carry on a vigorous and effective campaign by the 
Republican county committee of New York County 
alone, while $100,000 additional could be spent legiti- 
mately for a personal canvass of the county prior to 
election. 

Of the illegitimate expenditures connected with po- niegiti- 
litical campaigns no more complete list can be given ^ndttures 
than in the case of the legitimate expenses. Both 
are limited, in the absence of restrictive statutes, 
only by the size of the fund available and the inge- 
nuity and scruples of the party managers. The prin- 
cipal illegitimate use of money in a campaign takes 
the form of bribery of voters. This may be accom- 
plished directly by the payment of money, or other 
valuable consideration, to a voter, in return for which 
he votes the party ticket favored by the bribe-giver; 
or indirectly by paying the voter to stay away from 
the polls. 

The extent to which bribery figures in any cam- Bribery 
paign depends largely upon the locality, being found ™° e s nt [* 
most extensively practised, as a rule, in " close' ' dis- *?& 
tricts and the city wards. " Careful investigators and 
practical politicians agree in placing the corruptible 
vote of the country at two per cent of the whole"; 
or rather that it would be necessary to corrupt 
only two per cent to swing a general election. 1 Lo- 
calities are not uncommon where from ten to thirty- 
five per cent of the voters are purchasable. Some 

1 P. McArthur, in Forum, XL VII, 30 (191 2). 



280 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

years ago in a township in Indiana having about two 
hundred voters, all were found to be more or less 
purchasable. In one township in eastern New York 
with about four hundred voters there were only 
thirty who could not be purchased. 1 In New York 
City it has been estimated that the number of venal 
voters is in excess of 170,000 — men who expect to 
be paid for their votes in one form or another, chiefly 
in cash. 2 An investigation into venal voting in the 
State of Connecticut made in the early nineties 
brought out the fact that in a voting population of 
166,000 from 17,000 to 25,000 were liable to be 
bought and sold at every election. This same inves- 
tigation and recent revelations of political corruption 
in Adams County, Ohio, and Vermilion County, Illi- 
nois, prove conclusively that vote-buying politicians 
and purchasable voters are not confined to large 
cities or to any one racial stock, and that, contrary 
to a widely prevalent opinion, foreign immigrants 
Some of are not the worst offenders. Of the venal voters in 
flagrant* Adams County, Ohio, the large majority were of 
instances native American stock, living in rural communities; 
rural dis- while in the districts investigated in Connecticut, 556 
tncts j n ever y thousand were of American stock, 173 were 

Irish of the second generation, 136 Irish-born, 28 were 
Germans of the second generation, and 53 were na- 
tive Germans. 3 In many localities little money goes 
to the voters directly, but is paid to men of influence 
to use on or just before the day of election in " treat- 

1 $• W. Jenks, in Century, XLIV, 940 (1892). 

2 J. G. Speed, in Harper's Weekly, XLIX, pt. i, pp. 386 ff. 

3 J. J. McCook, in Forum, XIV, 1, 159 (1892). 



Party Finance 281 

hag" the voters with cigars, drinks, etc. Sometimes 
efforts are made to get the voters of the opposite 
party so intoxicated that they will be unable to go to 
the polls. 

Money spent in " colonization" or bringing in 
" floaters" or voters from other districts constitutes 
another illegitimate expenditure and is extensively 
practised in large cities with a strong foreign element. 
Considerable sums are also expended to pay the ex- 
penses of students at colleges and universities, and 
others, incurred in returning to their homes in order 
to vote. Some regard this as a mild form of indirect 
bribery, since it is expected that the student will vote 
for the party which pays for his transportation. On 
the other hand, some regard the custom merely as a 
part of the legitimate expenses of " getting out the 
vote" on election day. A number of other expendi- 
tures may be regarded as at least of doubtful legiti- 
macy. 1 

Increased knowledge on the part of the general Remedial 
public of the sources and magnitude of campaign t^ei- 
funds, especially in national and State elections, and Acting 
of the nature and extent of the illegitimate purposes finance 
to which such funds have been applied, has produced 
a universal demand for remedial legislation. Such 

1 For a graphic description of the way in which candidates are often 
"bled" for various purposes incidental to a political campaign, espe- 
cially when the candidate is a wealthy man, one who is willing to 
"loosen up" or "tap his barrel " in order to win, see W. J. Desmond, 
in The Municipality (Milwaukee), November, 1910, p. 56. This de- 
scription also illustrates the way in which the small and perfectly 
legitimate expenditures by worthy candidates often lead step by step 
to expenditures for objects of doubtful legitimacy and finally for 
purposes which are positively corrupt. 



282 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

legislation falls into four main classes: corrupt prac- 
tices acts, laws which restrict the sources of campaign 
funds, laws which restrict or define legitimate ex- 
penditures, and laws which require publicity of cam- 
paign contributions or expenditures, or both. 
(i) Cor- (i) Corrupt practices acts are statutes enacted to 

tices acts" prevent the infraction of the election laws and to pro- 
hibit practices which injuriously affect the elective 
franchise. The subjects dealt with in such statutes 
vary greatly in the several States, and they usually 
cover a number of practices not directly related to 
the use of money in campaigns. Among the more 
important things included, the following may be 
noted: 1 bribery; treating, which sometimes covers the 
giving of cigars and tobacco; betting by a candidate 
on any pending election, or furnishing money there- 
for; seeking a nomination for a venal consideration or 
motive, and not in good faith; soliciting or begging 
from candidates contributions to any so-called public 
benefit scheme, charitable, religious, or otherwise; the 
payment of naturalization fees or poll-taxes by others 
than the persons directly concerned; and requiring 
political committees and candidates to appoint and 
maintain a treasurer or an agent who shall receive 
and disburse all money used in a campaign. 

1 Most of these offenses are included in the advanced Oregon 
statute adopted in 1908. See Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. y III, 51 (1909). 
Other matters dealt with in corrupt practices acts are: (1) fraudulent 
registration and tampering with the registration lists; (2) " repeat- 
ing," or personating a voter, and " stuffing" ballot-boxes; (3) using 
undue influence upon voters, including (in Oregon) threats of even a 
"spiritual injury." Laws restricting the sources of campaign funds 
and their expenditure, together with publicity laws, are often indis- 
criminately treated as corrupt practices acts. 



Party Finance 283 

Newspapers and magazines are now commonly re- 
quired by law to label all paid articles of a political 
nature as "Paid Advertisements" or " Political Ad- 
vertisements.' ' Minnesota, following the example of 
Wisconsin, went much further in 1912, and provided 
that before publishing any such advertisement or 
editorial a newspaper or magazine must file with the 
secretary of state a sworn statement giving the name 
of the owner or, in case of corporations, the stock- 
holders of the publication. Any candidate owning 
a paper or periodical, or owning an interest in one, 
must file a statement with the county auditor specify- 
ing the nature of his interest or control before cam- 
paign articles or political advertisements can be in- 
serted therein. Publishers are also not permitted 
to solicit payment from candidates for printing 
articles in their behalf, nor may any person offer to 
pay a publisher for space except for advertisements 
labelled as required by law. All campaign literature, 
indeed, must bear the name of the author. 1 

(2) Closely related to corrupt practices acts are ^Federal 
laws which restrict the sources of campaign funds. \w ST l* 
Contributions by corporations were first prohibited stricting 
in 1897 i 11 the statutes of Tennessee, Florida, and sources 6f 
Nebraska; and at the present time a large number of ] 
States have similar prohibitions. Congress, in 1907, 
passed an act prohibiting contributions by any corpo- 
ration to any campaign in connection with the elec- 
tion of President, Vice-President, representatives and 
senators, and further prohibiting national banks 2 and 

1 Professor W. A. Schaper, in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VII, 92 (1913). 

2 On the contributions by banks in the campaign of 1896, see 
Woodburn (1914), 409, n. 2. 



enue 



orado 



284 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

other Federal corporations from contributing to any 
campaign whatsoever. 1 Other laws place a limitation 
upon the amount which may be solicited from candi- 
dates or prohibit the solicitation of candidates for 
contributions except by duly authorized party offi- 
cials. State and Federal laws have been enacted to 
prohibit the assessment of public officers and gov- 
ernment employees. 2 Wisconsin, and perhaps a few 
other States, have laws prohibiting contributions by 
non-residents of a legislative district to aid in the 
nomination or election of any person to the legisla- 
ture. This was designed to check the contributions 
of aspirants for the United States Senate. 3 
e. g., Col- In Colorado an act was passed in 1909 which de- 
clared that "the expenses of conducting campaigns 
to elect State, district, and county officers at general 
elections shall be paid only by the State and the can- 
didates." Contributions by other persons or by cor- 
porations was made a felony. Candidates were per- 
mitted to contribute only a certain percentage of the 
salary or fees connected with the office sought, and 
the State contributed to each political party twenty- 
five cents for every vote cast at the last preceding 
election for its candidate for governor. The State 
treasurer paid the entire amount due each party to 
ite State chairman, who was placed under bonds to 
distribute one-half among the various county chair- 
men, according to the party vote in their respective 

1 Margaret A. Schaffner, Corrupt Practices at Elections, 31; Perry 
Belmont, in No. Am. Rev., CLXXX, 166 (1905); United States Statutes 
at Large, XXXIV, 864, approved, January 26, 1907. 

2 See chapter XV. 

3 This is also found in the Federal act of 191 1. 



Party Finance 285 

counties. 1 Unfortunately, this interesting innovation 
met an early death, being held to be unconstitutional 
by one of the State courts in 191 1. In December, 
1907, President Roosevelt, in his annual message to 
Congress, advocated partial payment of campaign 
expenses by the Federal Government when he said: 
"The need for collecting large campaign funds would 
vanish if Congress provided an appropriation for the 
proper and legitimate expenses of each of the great 
national parties, an appropriation ample enough to 
meet the necessity for thorough organization and 
machinery which requires a large expenditure of 
money. Then the stipulation should be made that 
no party receiving campaign funds from the Treasury 
should accept more than a fixed amount from any 
individual subscriber or donor; and the necessary 
publicity for receipts and expenditures could without 
difficulty be provided." 

(3) There are numerous laws prohibiting or limiting (3) Laws 
certain expenditures. This is frequently done by de- r limit- 
fining what are to be regarded as legitimate expenses, ***%?' 
leaving the amount which may thus be expended un- tures, (a) 
restricted. The enumeration contained in the Penn- M l™° y ' 
sylvania statute 2 may be taken as fairly typical: Penn -. 
printing and travelling expenses, and personal ex- or (6) di- 
penses incidental thereto; stationery, advertising, J^Qregon 
postage, expressage, freight, telegraph, telephone, and 
public messenger services; expense incurred in the 
dissemination of information to the public; for politi- 
cal meetings, demonstrations, and conventions, and 
for the payment and transportation of speakers; for 

1 L. E. Aylsworth, in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., Ill, 382 (1909). 

2 Act of 1906. 



286 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

the rent, maintenance, and furnishing of offices; for 
the payment of clerks, typewriters, stenographers, 
janitors, and messengers, actually employed; for the 
employment of watchers at primary meetings and 
elections; for the transportation of voters to and from 
the polls; for legal expenses, bona fide incurred, in 
connection with any nomination or election. 

Some laws limit the number of workers at the polls 
on election day and the number of conveyances 
which may be used to get voters to the polls. Other 
laws restrict the amounts which may be expended for 
bands, torches, badges, etc. In some States the ex- 
penditures of candidates for State and local offices are 
restricted to a certain stated percentage of the salary 
attached to the office sought or to the number of 
voters in the district affected. In Oregon, for ex- 
ample, by the act of 1908, no candidate is allowed to 
spend in his campaign for nomination more than fif- 
teen per cent of the first year's salary, nor, if nomi- 
nated, more than ten per cent additional in the cam- 
paign for election; but any candidate is permitted to 
spend at least $100, regardless of the salary of the 
office sought. 1 The maximum expenditures are fixed 
in the Minnesota act of 191 2 at $7,000 in the case 
of a candidate for governor, $3,500 for other State 
officers, $600 for State senators, $500 for representa- 
tives, and, in the case of local officers, one-third of 
the first year's salary. 2 In California the amount of 
permissible expenditure is based upon the number of 
votes cast at a preceding election. 

1 Jonathan Bourne, Jr., in Outlook, XCVI, 321 (1910). 

2 Professor W. A. Schaper, in Am, Pol. Scl, Rev., VII, 91-92 (1913). 



Party Finance 287 

An act of Congress approved August 19, 191 1, Act of 
contains clauses restricting the amount which candi- of°A^ eSS 
dates for senators and representatives may spend. « ust J 9> 
Under no circumstances may a candidate for repre- 
sentative expend more than $5,000 for his nomina- 
tion and election; and ho candidate for senator may 
expend more than $10,000, exclusive of personal ex- 
penses for travel and subsistence, stationery and 
postage, writing or printing (except in newspapers), 
and distributing letters, circulars, and posters, and 
telegraph and telephone services. This law does not, 
however, restrict the amount which may be expended 
on behalf of a candidate by others or which may be 
contributed to the funds of a party. 

(4) Experience having shown that laws limiting the (4) Laws 
sources of campaign funds, and restricting or pro- publicity 
hibiting certain expenditures, were ineffectual, a de- of . cam ~ 

r 7 ; paign con- 

mand arose a few years ago for the enactment of so- tributions 
called publicity laws, designed to throw open to public pendi*" 
scrutiny the sources of campaign contributions and tures 
the objects for which they are expended. Publicity 
statutes are of two kinds: those requiring public- 
ity for campaign contributions and those requiring 
publicity for campaign expenditures. About twenty 
States now have publicity laws applicable to both 
contributions and expenditures, and the two forms of 
publicity laws may be considered together. 

The statutes which require publicity of contributions 
are aimed primarily to check the secret political con- 
tributions of rich individuals or corporations made 
with the expectation of receiving in return special 
favors of some kind. The nature and magnitude of 



288 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

such contributions were brought home to the public 
during the progress of the congressional investigation 
of the sugar trust in the early nineties, and even more 
forcibly during the investigation of .the great life- 
insurance companies in New York in 1905. 

Publicity statutes enacted by the several States, of 
course, have no direct effect upon the contributions 
and expenditures made in connection with a Presi- 
dential or congressional campaign. In the absence 
of an act of Congress, a million dollars might be spent 
during such a campaign in a single State having a 
most stringent publicity law, yet the committees re- 
sponsible for that expenditure could not be made to 
render any public accounting under the State law. 
Out of this situation arose the National Publicity Bill 
Organization, in November, 1905, for the purpose of 
educating public opinion and securing the enactment, 
by Congress, of a statute which should require pub- 
licity of campaign contributions and expenditures in 
connection with all Federal elections. This move- 
ment, " unlike almost all other reform movements, 
has had its origin among politicians. . . . Those 
who have contributed to campaign funds, who have 
been closely identified with the most important cor- 
porate and political activities, are among the most 
ardent advocates of the measure tending to restrain 
such contributions, especially on the part of corpo- 
rations." x 

The work done by this organization hastened the 
enactment of the Federal law of 1907 prohibiting con- 
tributions by corporations. The achievement of the 

1 Perry Belmont, in No. Am. Rev., CLXXX, 167 (1905). 



Party Finance 28£ 

full purpose of the organization was in part antici- Publicity 
pated and in part promoted by the action of both p r esiden- 
great parties in the Presidential campaign of 1908. tia ? cam ' 

y t\ • t paign of 

In that campaign the Democratic candidate for the 1908 
Presidency and the managers of the Democratic na- 
tional campaign voluntarily announced that the re- 
ceipt of campaign subscriptions would be promptly 
published; that small sums would be solicited from 
individuals; that no sum over $10,000 would be 
accepted from any single individual; and that no 
contributions would be accepted from corporations. 
Accordingly, on the 13th of October, 1908, the Demo- 
cratic national committee published a list of contrib- 
utors up to that date; and daily thereafter until the 
election published similar lists. Not to be outdone 
by this display of political virtue, the Republican 
national committee publicly announced that it would 
conduct the financial side of its campaign in strict 
conformity to the provisions of the stringent New 
York State corrupt practices act, and that it would 
publish not only a list of contributors but would also 
make public a list of its expenditures. Thereupon 
the Democratic national committee announced its in- 
tention of being governed in its financial transactions 
by the same statute. 1 As a result of this keen and 
unusual competition in political virtue the campaign 
funds of 1908 were tainted by contributions from 
rich individuals and corporations seeking special fa- 
vors in a far less degree than for many years. 2 

1 Josephus Daniels, in Rev. of Rev., XXXVIII, 430 (1908); Outlook, 
XCV, 8 (1910). 

2 See R. C. Brooks, Corruption in American Politics and Life, 233 ff. 
(1910). 



dential 
campaigns 



290 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Federal Largely as a result of the activity of this publicity 

acVof 7 organization and the increasingly strong sentiment 

1910 and favoring publicity in connection with Federal elec- 

191 1 cover . X • . . 

Presi- tions, Congress in 19 10 passed an act 1 requiring the 
fullest publicity for both contributions and expendi- 
tures made in connection with the election of members 
of the House of Representatives. This law was soon 
followed by the passage of an act 2 in 191 1 providing 
for the fullest publicity of contributions and expendi- 
tures made by or on behalf of all candidates for the 
offices of representative and senator in Congress in 
connection with their nomination as well as election. 
These acts have been so construed as to require pub- 
licity for contributions and expenditures in Presiden- 
tial campaigns. They command campaign commit- 
tees to keep accurate accounts of receipts and ex- 
penditures; and a sworn detailed statement of contri- 
butions received, with contributors' names and the 
objects for which the money was spent, must be 
filed with the clerk of the House of Representatives 
fifteen days before the day of election and every sixth 
day thereafter. Thirty days after the election a final 
statement must be filed. These statements are open 
for inspection and publication. 3 
Results The beneficial effects of this movement for cam- 

Ucity " paign publicity are thus summarized by the foremost 
champion of publicity for Federal elections: "The 
purchase by secret campaign contributions of impor- 
tant Federal offices, at home and abroad, has been 
rendered more difficult, and a way of stopping it al- 

1 Approved, June 25, 1910. 2 Approved, August 19, 1911. 

3 Century, LXXXV, 152 (191 2). 



Party Finance 291 

together has been provided. A check has been put 
upon the large secret contributions of corporations 
and individuals, with the understanding that politi- 
cal debts are thus incurred by party organizations. 
Stockholders and policyholders no longer helplessly 
witness the expenditure of corporate funds for po- 
litical purposes. Corporations and candidates are 
protected against exactions that were constantly in- 
creasing. The enormous and unnecessary campaign 
expenditures in recent years, affording opportunity 
and encouragement to corruption, have been mate- 
rially diminished. It is now the accepted opinion 
that a contribution to a political committee has no 
right to secrecy. The false conception that in re- 
spect to political contributions the individual has the 
right to use his money as he sees fit no longer exists 
in disregard of long-established restrictions upon the 
use of money in elections. It is now admitted that 
campaign-fund publicity is not an unnecessary inter- 
ference with alleged individual rights, and that pub- 
licity is essential to determine the propriety of mo- 
tives prompting political contributions." l 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. Some of the ways in which money has been used im- 
properly in elections other than those mentioned in the text. 
(See Jenks.) 

2. Vote-buying in New York City and State. (See Speed.) 

3. Vote-buying in New Jersey. (See Speed.) 

4. Vote-buying in doubtful States. (See Speed.) 

5. The extent and character of political corruption in 
Adams County, Ohio, and Vermilion County, Illinois. 

1 Perry Belmont, in No. Am. Rev., CLXXXIX, 35 ff. (1909). 



292 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

6. Recent violations of the United States civil service act 
in the matter of political assessment of office-holders. (See 
recent Reports of the United States Civil Service Commission.) 

7. What laws exist in your own State respecting campaign 
funds, including assessment of office-holders? How are they 
enforced or evaded ? 

8. Campaign contributions by the sugar trust and the 
New York life-insurance companies. (See Senate Reports, 
2d session, 53d Congress, X, 351 ff.; and New York Legisla- 
tive Insurance Investigation Committee Report, VII, 300; see 
also the index, p. 555. 

9. The debate in the Republican national convention of 
1908 over the attempt to insert a publicity plank in the plat- 
form. (See Report of the convention.) 

10. The work of the New York State Publicity Law Or- 
ganization and the National Publicity Law Organization. 
(See Belmont.) 

11. The actual operation of the Oregon and Minnesota 
method of restricting campaign expenditures. (See Bourne.) 

12. Political corruption in England. (See Lowell, I, Por- 
ritt.) 

13. Political corruption in Canada. (See Fyfe.) 

14. The English law governing corrupt practices in elec- 
tions. (See Henry, Lowell, I.) 

15. The political activity of the Second Bank of the United 
States in the time of President Jackson. (See Catterall's 
Second Bank of the United States, and the general histories.) 

16. Should the publication of campaign contributions and 
expenditures take place before or after the election? (See 
Brooks.) 

17. What are the legal agencies for the repression of politi- 
cal corruption, especially bribery, and the obstacles encoun- 
tered? (See McGovern.) 

18. What arguments can be advanced for and against the 
payment of national campaign expenses by the Federal Gov- 
ernment, as recommended by President Roosevelt? (See 
Brooks, Mackaye.) 

19. Is it a mistake to penalize both the bribe-giver and the 
bribe-taker? How do " immunity " laws materially assist in 
exposing and punishing bribery at the polls and in legislative 
bodies? (See McGovern.) 



Party Finance 293 

20. The details of the Federal publicity act of 1911. (See 
Statutes of the United States, 1st session, 62d Congress, 25.) 

21. What matters are covered by the corrupt practices 
acts of your own State? How might those acts be strength- 
ened? 

22. The Penrose-Roosevelt-Archbold controversy over 
campaign contributions by the Standard Oil Company and 
the resulting Senate investigation (191 2) of campaign con- 
tributions. 

23. Summarize the findings of the Senate committee on 
privileges and elections which investigated expenditures in 
connection with the election of Senator Stephenson, of Wis- 
consin. 

24. Make a list of the important contributors to the Demo- 
cratic campaign fund in 191 2 who were afterward appointed 
to important Federal offices by President Wilson. 

25. Summarize the record of contributions and expendi- 
tures in connection with the Pennsylvania Senatorial cam- 
paign of 1 9 14. (See Philadelphia Public Ledger, December 4, 
1914.) 

26. Senatorial investigation of the campaign fund and ex- 
penditures for the re-election of Senator Penrose in Pennsyl- 
vania in 1 9 14. (See Philadelphia Public Ledger, January 7, 

1915.) 

27. The Terre Haute and Indianapolis election frauds and 
trials, 1914-15. (See Stimson.) 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Abbott, E. H., "Mr. Roosevelt and the Senate Committee," 
in Outlook, CII, 296 (191 2). On campaign contribu- 
tions, 1904 and 1908. 

American Year Book, IQIO, pp. 1 50-1 51, "Corrupt Practices 
Acts; ibid, IQH, pp. 62-64, "Political Corruption''; 
ibid, 188-191, "Publicity of Campaign Funds." 

Aylsworth, L. E., "Campaign Expenses a Public Charge," 
in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., Ill, 382 (1909). Summary of the 
Colqrado law. 

Baldwin, S.E., "State Assumption of Nomination and Election 
Expenses," in Yale Law Journal, XXIII, 158 (1913). 

Beard, C. A., Readings in American Government and Politics, 
ch. 30, quoting Senate Report on the sugar trust. 



294 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Belmont, Perry, " Publicity of Election Expenditures," in 

No. Am. Rev., CLXXX, 166 (1905). 
" Progress of Campaign Fund Publicity,' , in No. Am. 

Rev., CLXXXIX, 35 (1909). 
Blair, A. Z., " Seventeen Hundred Rural Vote-Sellers," in 

McClure's, XXXVIII, 28 (191 1). On conditions in 

Adams County, Ohio. 
Bliss, W. D. P. (editor), New Encyclopedia of Social Reform, 

article " Corruption." 
Bolce, H., "The Legitimate Use of Campaign Funds," in 

Appleton's, November, 1908. 
Bourne, Jonathan, Jr., "Popular Government in Oregon," in 

Outlook, XCVI, 321 (191 o). 
Brooks, R. C, Corruption in American Politics and Life 

(1910), ch. 6. Admirable discussion of party finance, 

including publicity laws. 
Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, II, chs. 63, 66 

(4th edition). 
Carr, J. F., "Campaign Funds and Campaign Scandals," in 

Outlook, LXXXI, 549 (1905). 
Century, LXXXV, 152 (191 2), "The New Way of Financing 

a Campaign." 
Cleveland, F. A., Organized Democracy (1913), ch. 18. 
Connecticut, Report of Commission on Corrupt Practices at 

Elections (1907). 
Creel, George, and Sloane, Gordon, "The Shame of Ohio," in 

Cosmopolitan, LI, 599 (191 1). 
Desmond, W. J., "Legislation Needed to Check the Corrupt 

Use of Money in Election Contests," in The Munici- 
pality (Milwaukee), XXI, 55 (November, 1910). 
Eaton, D. B., "Political Assessments," in No. Am. Rev., 

CXXXV, 197 (1882). 
Fox, G. L., "Corrupt Practices and Election Laws in the 

United States Since 1890," in Am. Pol. Sci. Assn. Pro- 
ceedings, II, 171 (1905). 
Fyfe, H. H., "The Pure Politics Campaign in Canada," in 

the Nineteenth Century, LXII, 665 (1907). 
Gregory, G. M., The Corrupt Use of Money in Politics and 

Laws for Its Prevention (1893). 
Henry, James, "The British Corrupt Practices Act," in 

Forum, XV, 129 (1893). 



Party Finance 295 

Holcombe, A. N., State Government in the United States 
(1916), ch. 8. 

Jelf, E. A., The Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Acts, 
1883 and i88q (1905.) English statutes. 

Jenks, J. W., " Money in Practical Politics," in Century, 
XLIV, 940 (1892). 

Kennan, George, "Holding-Up a State," in Outlook, LXXIII, 
2 77> 386, 429 (1903). On Addicks and corruption in 
Delaware politics. 

Lalor, J. J. (editor), Cyclopcedia of Political Science, I, 152, 
" Political Assessments." 

Library of Congress, Select List of References on Corrupt 
Practices in Elections (1908). 

Literary Digest, XLV, 357 (1912), "Campaign Funds in 1904 
and 1 91 2." On Penrose-Roosevelt-Archbold contro- 
versy. 

XLV, 452 (1912), "Early Campaign-Fund Publicity." 

XLV, 603 (191 2), "Extracting Campaign Gift Secrets." 

L, 87 (1915), "Terre Haute's Jailed Government." 

L, 943 (191 5), "Fear of God in Terre Haute." 

LI, 6 (191 5), "In the Indiana Belfry." On Terre Haute 

indictments. 

Lowrie, S. G., "Corrupt Practices at Elections," in Am. Pol. 
Sci. Rev., V, 236 (191 1). On legislation in Indiana, 
North Dakota, and Wyoming, 191 1. Ibid., V, 575. On 
legislation in Ohio, New Jersey, and New Hampshire. 

McArthur, P., "The Science of Political Corruption," in 
Forum, XL VII, 26 (1912). 

McCook, J. J., "The Alarming Proportion of Venal Voters," 
in Forum, XIV, 1 (1892). 

"Venal Voting: Methods and Remedies," in ibid., 159. 

McGovern, F. E., "The Legal Repression of Political Cor- 
ruption," in Am. Pol. Sci. Assn. Proceedings, IV, 266 
(1907). 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, I, 
480, "Corrupt Practices Acts"; II, 623, "Party Expen- 
diture"; 624, "Party Finance." 

Mackaye, James, "A Substitute for the Campaign Fund," 
in Independent, LXIV, 1142 (1908). On President 
Roosevelt's suggestion for governmental payment of 
campaign expenses. 



296 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

National Publicity Bill Organization Report, 8 January, 1907, 
in Senate Documents, 2d session, 59th Congress, IV, 
No. 195. 

New York Legislative Insurance Investigation Committee 
Testimony and Report (1905). See index, VII, 555. 

Ogg, F. A., "The Dollars Behind the Ballots," in The World 
To-Day, XV, 946 (1908). 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties, II, pt. 4, ch. 4, on assessments. See also index, 
"Finances of Party Organizations." 

Outlook, XCVII, 42 (191 1), "Bribery as a Local Custom." 
On conditions in Adams County, Ohio. 

— — CI, 987 (1912), "Mr. Penrose's Confession." On Pen- 
rose-Roosevelt- Archbold controversy. 

CII, 65 (191 2), "Mr. Roosevelt on Campaign Contri- 
butions." 

CII, 291 (1912), "Campaign Contributions." On Sen- 
ate investigation, 191 2. 

— - CIX, 748 (1915), "Terre Haute Bribery Cases." 

Parsons, Herbert, "Why a Political Party Needs Money," 
in Outlook, XCVI, 351 (1910). 

Porritt, Edward, "Political Corruption in England," in No. 
Am. Rev., CLXXXIII, 995 (1906). 

Price, T. H., and R. Spillane, "Stalking for Nine Million 
Voters," in World's Work, XXXII, 663 (1916). On 
campaign of 191 6. 

Review of Reviews, XL VI, 387 (191 2), "The Penrose-Archbold 
Controversy." 

Russell, C. E., "At the Throat of the Republic," in Cosmopoli- 
tan, XLIV, 146 (1907-8). 

Schaffner, M. A., Corrupt Practices at Elections, Wisconsin 
Legislative Reference Bulletin, No. 3 (1906). 

Schaper, W. A., "New Primary and Corrupt Practices Acts 
in Minnesota," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VII, 87 (1913). 

Senate Reports, No. 606, 2d session, 53d Congress, X, 351 ff. 
On the sugar trust in politics. 

Senate Documents, 2d session, 6 2d Congress, vols. 10-11, No. 
312, and 



Party Finance 297 

Senate Reports, 2d session, 620! Congress, vol. A, No. 349. 
For the testimony before and report of the Senate com- 
mittee on privileges and elections concerning expendi- 
tures of Senator Stephenson, of Wisconsin. 

3d session, 63d Congress, vol. B, No. 455. Senate 

investigation of re-election expenditures for the re- 
election of Senator Penrose in Pennsylvania in 1914. 

Shaw, Albert, "The National Lesson from Adams County, 
Ohio," in Rev. of Rev., XLIII, 171 (191 1). 

Smyth, Newman, "Political Corruption in Connecticut, " in 
Outlook, LXXIX, 690 (1905). 

Speed, J. G., "The Purchase of Votes," in Harper's Weekly, 
XLIX, pt. 1, pp. 386 ff. (1906). How votes are bought 
in New York City, New Jersey, and elsewhere. 

Stimson, S. C, "The Terre Haute Election Trial," in Nat. 
Mun. Rev., V, 38 (1916). 

Welsh, Herbert, "Campaign Committees, Publicity as a Cure 
for Corruption," in Forum, XIV, 26 (1892). 

Weyl, W. E., "The Democratization of Party Finances," 
in Am. Pol. Set. Rev., VII, supplement, 178 (1913). 

Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems (1914), 
ch. 19. On party assessments. 

World's Work, I, 77 (1896), "The Cost of National Cam- 
paigns." 

■ XXV, 25 (1912), "Campaign Expenditures." 



CHAPTER XII 

SUFFRAGE QUALIFICATIONS. "GRANDFATHER" 
CLAUSES. WOMAN SUFFRAGE 



Two con- 
ceptions 
of the 
suffrage 



The 

voting 

population 



Since control of the government by the carrying of 
elections is the ultimate aim of a political party, a 
treatise on practical politics should include at least a 
brief discussion of a few topics which relate primarily 
to elections. First in logical order is the topic of the 
suffrage, or the qualifications prerequisite to partici- 
pation in elections. 

There are two conceptions of the suffrage. Accord- 
ing to one conception, it is viewed as a sort of natural 
right of man; and it is this conception which is em- 
phasized in practically all American legislation on the 
subject. According to the other conception, the suf- 
frage is looked upon not as a right but as a privilege. 
This conception is the one emphasized in the legisla- 
tion of England and other European countries. 1 

In no country are the terms voter and citizen iden- 
tical in meaning. Women and children in any coun- 
try would be classed as its citizens, but children are 
never, and women only rarely, permitted to vote in 
elections. We often fail to realize how limited the 
franchise really is, even in the United States, and how 
large a number fail to exercise the right on election 
day. Out of a total population of nearly 90,000,000, 

1 See Cyclo. Am. Govt-., Ill, 447. 
298 



Suffrage Qualifications 299 

there were in 191 2 almost 27,000,000 males of voting 
age, and something less than 1,500,000 women of 
voting age in the woman-suffrage States. To arrive 
at the number of possible voters, about 4,500,000 
should be deducted from these figures on account 
of the unnaturalized aliens. This would leave not 
far from 24,000,000 males and females of voting age. 
Of this number, however, only a few thousand over 
15,000,000 actually went to the polls and voted in 
the Presidential election of 191 2. 1 There were thus 
apparently about 8,000,000 men and women of voting 
age who remained away from the polls. 

It does not by any means follow that all of these Classes of 
were " stay-at-homes " through sheer indifference, voters* 66 
Although the indifferent class is, unfortunately, all 
too large, it is probably greatly outnumbered by 
other classes, chief among which the following may 
be noted: (1) persons disqualified by various State 
laws, e. g., paupers, convicts in prison, those who 
have failed to pay their taxes where tax payment is 
a prerequisite, the illiterate where educational quali- 
fications exist, new arrivals who have not yet fulfilled 
the residence requirement, the insane and mentally 
defective; (2) travellers for pleasure, commercial trav- 
ellers, students away from home, railway and steam- 
ship employees and sailors, contractors and workmen 
employed at a distance from home; (3) negroes in 
Southern States who are prevented from appearing 
at the polls by intimidation or by the certainty that 

1 In spite of the unusually exciting campaign in 191 2, the total vote 
for President exceeded that of 1908 by less than 145,000. See R. S. 
Baker, in Atlantic Monthly, CVI, 612 (1910). 



300 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



State, not 
Federal, 
laws de- 
termine 
who may 
become 
voters 



The usual 
suffrage 
qualifica- 
tions 



their vote will be rejected; (4) persons detained by 
sickness and physical injuries, by the death of friends 
and relatives, by unforeseen business developments 
necessitating absence from home, and by unfavorable 
weather conditions, as in the case of the aged and 
infirm. 1 

In the United States the determination as to what 
classes of citizens shall enjoy the right or privilege of 
voting is left wholly to State law. The only Federal 
enactment bearing upon the suffrage is the Fifteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution, which, although 
erroneously quoted as conferring suffrage, is of merely 
a negative character, designed to prevent the States, 
in prescribing their suffrage qualifications, from dis- 
criminating against the negro "on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude." Even the 
responsibility for determining who may vote for rep- 
resentatives and senators in Congress is thrown back 
upon the States by the constitutional provision that 
"the electors in each State shall have the qualifica- 
tions requisite for electors of the most numerous 
branch of the State Legislature." 2 In no country 
is there what may, with accuracy, be called universal 
suffrage enjoyed by all citizens. 

Every country in Europe and every State in this 
country prescribes certain qualifications which a per- 
son must possess and certain formalities with which 
a person must comply before he can participate in 
voting. Thus all States fix an age limit at twenty- 
one. All but twelve of the States restrict the suffrage 

1 See A. B. Hart, in Pol. Sci. Quar., VII, 307 (1902). 

2 Article I, section 2. 



Suffrage Qualifications 301 

to males. Every State requires a certain preliminary 
period of residence, varying from three months in 
Maine to three years in Rhode Island and six South- 
ern States; one year being the most common period. 
Nearly all the States require voters to be bona-fide 
citizens of the United States, although ten States per- 
mit aliens to vote who have declared their intention 
to become naturalized citizens. This practice was 
originally adopted by the newer and sparsely popu- 
lated Western States as a device to attract European 
immigrants. The payment of a tax or the possession 
of property is required in a few States. Payment of 
a municipal tax is required in South Carolina and a 
poll-tax in Massachusetts, Florida, and Pennsylvania; 
while one State, Rhode Island, still retains a property 
qualification, possession of property of the minimum 
value of $134 being necessary in order to vote in 
municipal elections. Compliance with some form of 
registration laws is a prerequisite in all but seven of 
the States. These laws require voters to appear in 
person and register a certain number of days before 
the election as a check upon corruption, especially in 
the form of " repeating" and personation. The ad- 
vantage of such a requirement is that it lessens con- 
tests at the polls by giving time before the election in 
which to settle contested questions as to a man's 
qualification to vote; and it affords an opportunity 
to identify him beforehand so as to prevent any 
attempt to impersonate him. 

In some States, when a person has once qualified 
his name goes permanently upon the voting-list until 
some affirmative reason is shown for striking it off. 



302 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



" Personal 
registra- 
tion " laws 
necessary 
for largest 
cities, but 
of doubt- 
ful value 
in smaller 
cities 



This practice has led to serious frauds because names 
of persons who have removed from the district or 
who have died have not been expunged, and under 
their names " floaters" have been voted in large 
numbers, especially in great cities. 1 In other States, 
especially in cities, although seldom required in rural 
districts, a voter must every year present himself in 
person in order that his name may be duly recorded; 2 
and no one can legally vote who does not appear for 
this "personal registration," as it is called. Some 
of these personal registration laws require the appli- 
cant to give quite detailed information concerning 
himself, all of which is carefully recorded for purposes 
of identification. For example, according to the 
Pennsylvania law 3 applicable to cities of the first, 
second, and third classes, the voter must give to the 
registration officers the following information: name 
in full, occupation, street and number of residence, 
whether he is a lodger, lessee, or owner; if a lodger or 
lessee of only a portion of the house, the location or 
number of the room or floor; the length of residence 
in the district and State; location of the house from 
which he last registered; place of birth and produc- 
tion of naturalization papers, if an alien; evidence of 
the payment of taxes; personal description, color, 
height, age, and weight; and the voter is required to 
sign his name in the registration books, if able to 
write. In New Jersey even more detailed personal 
information is required. 



1 See C. R. Woodruff, in Annals, XVII, 181 (iqoi). 

2 Except in a very few States which permit registration by mail. 

3 Acts of 1906 and 1911. 



Suffrage Qualifications 803 

While the personal registration system for the 
largest cities has very obvious merits, there is much 
difference of opinion as to its merits when applied to 
cities of from 25,000 to 100,000 population, where, it 
is claimed, the voters are more likely to know the 
other voters in their particular election district. It 
therefore seems like imposing an undue burden upon 
the voter to require him to register annually. It 
also seems to be the general opinion that the personal 
registration system prevents more independent vot- 
ing, on the whole, than " regular" voting. In other 
words, the people who do not register are mostly 
from the class who would vote independently. The 
party worker sees to it that the men who vote the 
partisan ticket as a regular thing register as voters. 
Probably the result of the registration system is to 
lose some votes which would not be lost under par- 
tisan control. 

Some kind of an educational test is now required in Educa- 
almost one-third of the States. In some States this q™^ ca _ 
test is merely the proof of ability to read; in others, tions 
it is the proof of the ability to read and understand 
and also of the ability to write. 1 

The first educational test was proposed in Connec- 
ticut in 1854 and adopted as a constitutional amend- 
ment in 1855, during the Know-No thing agitation 
against foreign immigration. The amendment pro- 
vided that every person should "be able to read any 
article of the Constitution or any section of the stat- 
utes of this State before being admitted as an elector." 
Massachusetts, in 1857, adopted a constitutional 

1 Beard, 455. 



304 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



In South- 
ern States 
they are 
designed 
to check 
negro 
voting 



The 

" grand- 
father" 
clauses 
of South- 
ern State 
constitu- 
tions 



amendment requiring ability to read the Constitu- 
tion in the English language and to write one's name. 
Over thirty years then passed before the next State, 
Wyoming, adopted a reading qualification (1889). 
Maine soon followed (1891) by adopting almost ver- 
batim the Massachusetts amendment of 1857. x In 
1914 no less than fifteen States had adopted educa- 
tional qualifications in some form. In recent years 
the Southern States have been the most active in 
adopting an educational test. Here it is designed 
as a check upon negro voting, although illiterate white 
persons are equally liable to exclusion from voting 
where the laws are impartially administered. Evi- 
dence of ability to " understand" what is read, satis- 
factory to the registration officers, is sometimes re- 
quired in these States. 2 

So much has been written in condemnation or ex- 
aggerated criticism of the suffrage qualifications of 
the Southern States because of the alleged injustice 
done to the negro, and especially of the so-called 
" grandfather clauses" in their State constitutions, 
that they warrant brief consideration at this point. 
The real " grandfather clauses," basing the right to 
vote on descent from a voter, have existed only in 
North Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia, and Oklahoma. 
In the first three States the clauses have expired by 
self -limitation. In the case of Louisiana three op- 
tional methods of qualifying as voters were provided 
by the constitution of 1898: 3 First, a person may 



1 G. H. Haynes, in Pol. Sci. Quar., XIII, 495 (1898), and Cych. 
Am. Govt. , III, 445 ff. 

2 Ibid. 3 F. G. Caffey, in Pol. Sci. Quar., XX, 63 (1905). 



Suffrage Qualifications 305 

qualify by demonstrating his ability to read and 
write in making written application for registration 
in the English language or in his mother tongue, this 
application to be " entirely written, dated, and signed 
by him in the presence of the registration officer, or 
his deputy, without assistance or suggestion from any 
person or any memorandum whatever except the 
form of the application" set forth in the constitution. 
Under the second method, in case a person cannot 
read or write, he may qualify by proving that he 
owns and has paid taxes upon property in Louisiana 
of the value of not less than $300. It is obvious that Not un- 
these two methods of qualifying, fairly administered, ^5^. 
would exclude not only illiterate and propertyless minis- 
negroes but would likewise exclude illiterate and 
propertyless whites. So in order to minimize the 
effect upon the white voters and at the same time 
retain the effect upon negroes, there was added an- 
other method of qualifying for the suffrage, popularly 
known as the " grandfather clause." By taking ad- 
vantage of this, white persons unable to qualify under 
the first and second methods were excepted from 
compliance with the conditions quoted above, by the 
provision, in substance, that no male person who on 
or before January 1, 1867, had been entitled to vote 
in the State, and "no son or grandson of any such 
person," at least twenty-one years of age, should be 
denied the right to register and vote by reason of his 
failure to possess the educational or property qualifi- 
cation prescribed in the constitution (provided he 
satisfied the other registration and residence require- 
ments). 1 The period during which advantage might 

1 G. H. Haynes, op. cit. 



306 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

be taken of this third method of registration was less 
than one year. Since the expiration of that time, all 
persons, whether wjiite or black, have been required 
to comply with one of the two tests first described 
above. A similar clause in the constitution of North 
Carolina ceased to operate in 1908. At the present 
time (19 1 6) no grandfather clause is in operation; 
all have expired by self-limitation except in Okla- 
homa, where, in spite of the small proportion of negro 
voters, the intention was to make it permanent. This 
intention, however, was defeated by the decision of 
the United States Supreme Court in 1914, declaring 
such a clause to be in conflict with the Fifteenth 
Amendment. 1 
Actual ap- So far as the laws are concerned, nowhere in the 
of the° n South to-day is the negro, as a negro, cut off from 
educa- \fo t ballot. Legally, any negro who can meet the 

tional 

tests open comparatively slight requirements as to education or 
cms criti- property, or both, can cast his ballot on a basis of 
cism equality with the white man; " legally the negro is 

essentially the political equal of the white man." 2 
Much, if not most, of the Northern criticism of 
Southern voting qualifications is in reality directed 
against the methods used in applying the various 
tests when negroes present themselves for registra- 
tion. However reasonable these tests may seem in 
theory, in practice so many difficulties are thrown in 
the way of the negro voters that only those who have 
a liberal allowance of patience, persistence, intelli- 
gence, and money can succeed in getting into the 

1 Guinn and Beale vs. U. S., 238 U. S., 347. 

2 R. S. Baker, op. cit. 



Suffrage Qualifications 307 

registration books. This is due chiefly to the fact 
that in each State the law is so framed as to make 
everything depend upon the spirit and integrity of 
the officers in charge of the registration machinery. 
There is abundant evidence that through undue in- 
sistence upon technicalities these registration officers 
make a regular practice of using their discretionary 
powers to disfranchise many negroes who undoubt- 
edly possess all the legal qualifications. 1 

Occasionally an attempt is made to invoke the as- Futile in- 
sistance of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Consti- ^ c t he° n 
tution in the hope of bringing about the repeal of Four - 
these State laws containing educational qualifications Amend- 
designed to exclude negroes. The Fourteenth Amend- ment 
ment provides that when the right to vote is denied 
to any of the male inhabitants of a State being 
twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United 
States, and in any way abridged except for participation 
in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation 
in Congress shall be reduced in the proportion which 
the number of such male citizens shall bear to the 
whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of 
age in the State. This amendment was adopted dur- 
ing the Reconstruction period in the expectation that 
the Southern States would prefer to grant full suf- 
frage rights to the negro rather than have their rep- 
resentation in Congress reduced. It failed, however, 
to accomplish its original purpose, but the language 
of the amendment is broad enough to justify the 
reduction of representation in Congress of all the 
States in the Union having a property, educational, 
1 See T. J. Jones, in Outlook, LXXXVII, 529 (1907). 



308 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Argu- 
ments for 
and 
against 
education- 
al quali- 
fications 



or tax qualification, for all these qualifications in- 
evitably result in the exclusion of a not inconsiderable 
number of persons from the franchise. No serious 
attempt, however, has been made to enforce this 
amendment even against the Southern States, al- 
though the Republican platform has at different times 
declared for its enforcement. 1 The practical difficul- 
ties in the way of ascertaining with any degree of ex- 
actness the number of persons who are excluded from 
voting because of such suffrage qualifications are so 
great that this part of the Fourteenth Amendment 
has remained a dead letter. 2 

The question whether educational qualifications for 
the suffrage are desirable and should be adopted by 
all the States is one which has been debated over 
and over. One's attitude is likely to be determined 
by one's conception of the suffrage as a right or a 
privilege. Those who regard it as a right are in- 
clined to oppose educational qualifications, while 
those who regard the suffrage as a privilege to be 
enjoyed only by those who have proved themselves 
worthy of it will strongly favor educational qualifica- 
tions and a suffrage restricted in other ways. Per- 
haps the strongest argument in favor of educational 
qualifications is based upon the assumption that edu- 
cation is essential to intelligent voting. Participa- 
tion in government is "no child's play; it calls for a 
moderate degree of intelligence, with the power to 
learn at first hand. If matters of the gravest mo- 
ment are to be left to the decision of the majority, it 
becomes of the utmost concern that the individuals 



1 For example, in 1908. 



■ See G. H. Haynes, op. cit. 



Suffrage Qualifications 309 

who make up that majority shall at least have the 
possibility of learning for themselves in regard to the 
questions at issue. . . . Integrity, intelligence, inde- 
pendence of judgment, disinterestedness, a conscious- 
ness of the citizen's debt to the State — these are the 
qualities of a good citizen. It is with the prevalence 
of these that the future of democracy rests. They 
may all be present without the ability to read or 
write . . . yet in such communities as our own the 
lack of such ability in any man affords strong pre- 
sumptive evidence that in him some, at least, of these 
qualities are wanting. The educational qualification 
emphasizes the fact that the granting of the suffrage 
should be in recognition of the voter's having reached 
a certain plane of mental and moral development, 
rather than of his having merely filled out twenty- 
one years of existence. The man, be he native or 
foreign born, who, amid the wealth of opportunity 
by which he is surrounded in America, is too inert 
to win for himself the slight intellectual attainments 
which this test requires, by that very fact proclaims 
his low and unpatriotic notion of citizenship no less 
clearly than does the coward who sneaks away to 
avoid the draft. . . . The State does well to hold 
its suffrage a thing of worth, to make it a prize to be 
sought after — a privilege to whch the incapable may 
not aspire.' ' 1 

Opponents of educational qualifications urge that 
such restrictions do not accomplish the end sought, 
namely, improving the character of the voters, but 
aim simply at illiteracy; and illiteracy, it is urged, is 

1 Ibid. 



310 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

no proof of defective character. Educational quali- 
fications are also opposed on the ground that they 
deny to orderly, law-abiding, and industrious persons 
the right to participate in the government which 
they are compelled to support by taxes. 1 
Progress In the United States the progress of woman suf- 
frage* f ra ge has been slow until very recently. In at least 
twenty-one States women may vote in school or other 
local elections; in New York, for example, women 
otherwise qualified may vote in village elections and 
town meetings on questions involving taxation, if 
they'own property there. In only eleven States, on 
the other hand, and in the Territory of Alaska, are 
women permitted to vote for all officers on an exact 
equality with men: Wyoming (1869), Colorado (1893), 
Utah (1895), Idaho (1896), Washington (1910), Cali- 
fornia (191 1), Kansas, Arizona, and Oregon (191 2), 
Alaska (19 13), Montana and Nevada (19 14). The 
Illinois legislature, in 19 13, instead of submitting a 
constitutional amendment granting full suffrage to 
women, granted limited suffrage by a statute giving 
them the right to vote for Presidential electors, and 
for all State and local officers whose election is not 
restricted to men by the State constitution. This 
measure does not grant the right to vote for senator 
or representative in Congress, nor for members of the 
legislature, the governor, and judges of the higher 
courts; but it covers such State officers as trustees of 
the State university as well as a large number of 
county and municipal officers. 

The movement for the extension of the suffrage 

1 Ibid. 



Suffrage Qualifications 311 

to women has now become so well organized that 
scarcely a session of a legislature passes without some 
attempt by suffrage organizations to secure the bal- 
lot either by statute, as in Illinois, or by amend- 
ment to the State constitution. The same period 
has, however, recorded some severe defeats for the 
suffrage cause in those States where constitutional 
amendments have been submitted. In 1912-1913 
Michigan twice defeated a suffrage amendment; in 
1914 similar amendments were rejected in Ohio, Mis- 
souri, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Nebraska; 
and in 191 5 large majorities were rolled up against 
suffrage in Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, 
and Pennsylvania. 1 

Despite these defeats, woman suffrage has ceased Woman 
to be merely a local issue in the separate States, and ^ r a a _ ge 
has become one of the most widely discussed national tionai 
political issues. National organizations have been 
effected both by opponents and advocates of woman 
suffrage, chief among the latter being the National 
Council for Women Voters, the congressional com- 
mittee of the National American Woman Suffrage 
Association, and the Congressional Union, an inde- 
pendent organization which directs all its activities 
to the securing of a woman-suffrage amendment to 
the Federal Constitution. 2 

Conscious of their numerical voting strength in the 
twelve States 3 where full suffrage exists by State en- 
actment, these organizations feel in a position now to 

1 In 1916 three States, Iowa, South Dakota, and West Virginia, 
rejected constitutional amendments. 

' 2 This is commonly known as the " Susan B. Anthony amendment." 
3 Counting Illinois. 



312 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

demand an amendment to the Federal Constitution 
for nation-wide woman suffrage for which previously 
they had merely ventured to petition. Since 191 2 
this influence has been more and more conspicuously 
brought to bear upon Congress. As a result, a Sen- 
ate committee was specially created in 19 13 for the 
consideration of this subject, and reported favorably 
upon the proposed constitutional amendment; the 
Democratic House caucus, however, overwhelmingly 
refused to take action. 1 Again, in March, 1914, a 
majority of the Senate present and voting on the 
proposed amendment voted in favor of it, but the 
necessary two-thirds was lacking. It was not until 
the following December that the house committee on 
rules was prevailed upon to report favorably upon 
the proposed amendment; but this report was re- 
jected by the House by a vote of 174 to 204. 2 

In connection with these congressional transactions 
certain members of both houses of Congress incurred 
the wrath of suffrage leaders because of their con- 
spicuous hostility to woman suffrage. In order to 
prevent, if possible, their re-election, the congressional 
committee of the National American Woman Suffrage 
Association issued a public statement in the congres- 
sional campaign of 1914 containing the names of 
nine senators and nine representatives (thirteen of 
whom were Democrats), who were thus " blacklisted " 
for defeat at the polls by the friends of suffrage. 
Subsequently, the Congressional Union decided to 

1 For the politics back of the Senate action, see No. Am. Rev.> 
CXCIX, 366 (1914). 

2 January, 1915. See American Year Book, 1914, pp. 60-61. 



Suffrage Qualifications 313 

blacklist the entire Democratic party, on the ground 
that the party as such had controlled both branches 
of the Sixty-third Congress, and hence was respon- 
sible for the failure to submit the constitutional 
amendment. Neither of these tactics apparently had 
much if any direct effect upon the result of the elec- 
tion. 

Nothing daunted, these organizations in 1916 con- 
centrated their efforts upon the Progressive, Repub- 
lican, and Democratic national conventions, in the 
hope of winning from one or all platform declarations 
favorable to their scheme for suffrage by Federal 
enactment. So far as the Republicans and Progres- 
sives were concerned the results were on the whole 
more pleasing to the suffragist organizations than in 
the case of the Democratic party. Shortly after the 
conventions adjourned, Mr. Hughes, the Republican 
nominee, came out unequivocally for woman suffrage 
by means of an amendment to the Federal Consti- 
tution. This declaration, contrasting sharply with 
President Wilson's attitude, resulted in a formal in- 
dorsement of the Republican candidate by the newly 
formed National Woman's party, followed by a vigor- 
ous campaign to enlist women voters in the suffrage 
States in support of Mr. Hughes. 1 

That woman suffrage in the States where it has 
been most fully tried has been a success is vigorously 
asserted by the supporters of the movement to ex- 
tend the suffrage to women and is denied with equal 

1 See Literary Digest, LOT, 444 (1916). Apparently this campaign 
met with slight success, for ten of the twelve woman- suffrage States 
were carried by President Wilson in the Presidential election. 



314 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

vigor by the opponents of the movement. It must 
be conceded that no revolutionary changes, good or 
bad, have followed the granting of the full franchise 
to women. Upon the abstract merits of the question 
of extending full suffrage rights to women one's atti- 
tude will probably be determined by one's conception 
of the suffrage as a right or as merely a privilege. 
The writer holds no brief either for or against woman 
suffrage, but every one must concede that the move- 
ment is gaining headway rapidly, and it therefore 
deserves thoughtful and fair consideration by all stu- 
dents of practical politics. 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. Suffrage qualifications in the American colonies. (See 
Beard, Bishop, Lalor, III, and McKinley.) 

2. History of the disappearance of the property qualifica- 
tion for the suffrage. (See Beard, Lalor, and the general his- 
tories of the United States.) 

3. The present law governing naturalization and the de- 
fects of the old law which have been remedied. 

4. The regulations affecting the suffrage in the dependen- 
cies of the United States. (See Burch.) 

5. Describe in detail the steps which a person must take 
in order to get his name upon the voting-lists in your own 
State. 

6. The registration law before the New York legislature in 
1840 and Governor Seward's veto message. (See Seward's 
Autobiography and other biographies of Seward.) 

7. The extent and methods of fraudulent registration in 
New York City. (See Finch.) 

8. Registration frauds in Philadelphia before the personal- 
registration law of 1906. (See Woodruff.) 

9. The actual effect of educational and property qualifica- 
tions upon the size and character of the negro vote. (See 
Haynes, Baker, Rose.) 



Suffrage Qualifications 315 

10. With Hart's essay on "The Exercise of the Suffrage " 
as a guide, estimate from the census reports the number of 
legal and actual voters in the country as a whole and in your 
own State, in the Presidential elections of 191 2 and 1916, 
and also the number of probably indifferent voters. 

11. State all the arguments you can for and against com- 
pulsory voting. (See Hart, Holls.) 

12. State all the arguments you can for and against woman 
suffrage. 

13. Collect all the evidence available tending to show that 
the woman-suffrage movement has been gaining great head- 
way in the United States during the past decade. 

14. The woman-suffrage movement in Great Britain during 
the past decade. 

15. Woman suffrage and its operation in New Zealand. 
(See Kennedy.) 

16. Woman suffrage and its operation in Finland. 

17. What is " multiple " or "plural" voting in England, 
and how does it affect the two principal parties ? (See Low- 
ell's The Government of England.) 

18. What are some of the practical difficulties in the way 
of reducing a State's representation in Congress under the 
Fourteenth Amendment? 

19. The opinion of the United States Supreme Court on 
the Oklahoma grandfather clause. (See Guinn and Beale vs. 
U. S., 238 U. S., 347.) 

20. How are registration boards appointed? What are 
their functions? What special qualifications are required in 
New Jersey ? 

21. Suffrage in the territories and dependencies of the 
United States. 

22. What are the arguments for and against submitting 
to the women themselves the question whether or not they 
desire the right to vote? 

23. History of the granting of the suffrage to women in 
Illinois in 19 13. 

24. Effects of woman suffrage upon political conditions in 
Chicago. (See Abbott, Eckert.) 

25. How many and what elective offices are held by 
women according to the latest available reports? (See 
Campbell.) 



316 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

26. What political and social reforms may fairly be cred- 
ited to granting the suffrage to women? (See Creel.) 

27. Would the adoption of an amendment to the Federal 
constitution giving suffrage to women complicate the negro 
problem of the South? (See Weed.) 

28. How did the proposed Shaf roth-Palmer suffrage 
amendment to the Constitution differ from the " Susan B. 
Anthony amendment "? 

29. Attitude of President Wilson and Congress toward 
woman suffrage, 1913-1916. (See American Year Book, Sea- 
well.) 

30. The National Woman's party in the campaign of 1916. 
(See Literary Digest.) 

31. Methods, purposes, and constitution of the Congres- 
sional Union for Woman Suffrage. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Abbott, Lyman, "Women's Rights," mOutlook, C, 302 (1912). 

Abbott, Edith, "Are Women a Force for Good Govern- 
ment?" in Nat. Mun. Rev., IV, 437 (191 5). Analysis of 
Chicago municipal election in 191 5. 

Addams, Jane, "Why Women Should Vote," in Ladies' Home 
Journal, XXVII, 21 (1910). 

American Year Book, 1913, p. 70; 1914, pp. 59-61; 191 5, pp- 
83-84; "Woman Suffrage." 

Annals of the American Academy, etc., XXXV, Supplement 
to May number, 1910, Symposium, "The Significance of 
the Woman Suffrage Movement." 

LVI, 93 ff. (1914), series of articles on woman suffrage. 

Atchison, Rena M., "Federal vs. State Suffrage," in Chicago 
Evening Post, August 31, 191 6. Summarizes difficulties 
in the way of State constitutional amendments. 

Baker, Abby S., "The Woman's Party," in Outlook, CXIII, 
1002 (1916). 

Baker, R. S., "Negro Suffrage in a Democracy," in Atlantic 
Monthly, CVI, 612 (1910). 

Beard, Mary, and Kelley, Florence, "Why We Must Have 
An Amendment to the U. S. Constitution," in Socialist 
Handbook, Campaign IQ16, pp. 56-58. Summarizes diffi- 
culties in obtaining State constitutional amendments. 



Suffrage Qualifications 317 

Belmont, Mrs. O. H. P., "Woman Suffrage as It Looks 

To-Day, " in Forum, XLIII, 264 (1910). 
Bishop, C. F., A History of Elections in the American Colonies. 
Blackmar, F. W., "The History of Suffrage, " in Chautauquan, 

XXII, 28 (1895). 
Blakeslee, G. H., "Woman Suffrage in Finland/' in Outlook, 

LXXXVII, 35 (1907). 
Bliss, W. D. P. (editor), New Encyclopedia of Social Reform, 

article, "Woman Suffrage. " 
Bray, W. M., "Do Women Want the Vote? An Answer 

Based on Fact," in Atlantic Monthly, CXVII, 433 (1916). 
Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, II, ch. 99 (4th 

edition), on "Woman Suffrage." 
Burch, H. R., "Conditions Affecting the Suffrage in Col- 
onies," in Annals, XIX, 408 (1902). 
Caffey, F. G., "Suffrage Limitations at the South," in Pol. 

Sci. Quar., XX, 53 (1905). 
Campbell, Jane, "Women in Office," in Nat. Mun. Rev., IV, 

211 (1915). 
Cleveland, F. A., Organized Democracy (1913), chs. 10-12. 
Colby, J. F., "Suffrage," in Lalor, III, 822. 
Creel, George, "What Have Women Done with the Vote?" 

in Century, LXXXVII, 663 (1914). 
Dabney, C. W., "The Illiteracy of the Voting Population of 

the U. S.," in U. S. Commissioner of Education Report, 

1902, pp. 789 ff. 
Dorr, R. C, "Woman's Battle for the Ballot," in Broadway 

Magazine, July, 1908. 
Eckert, F. W., "Effects of Woman's Suffrage on the Political 

Situation in the City of Chicago," in Pol. Sci. Quar., 

XXXI, 105 (1916). 
Edson, Mrs. C. F., "Actual Operation of Woman's Suffrage 

in Pacific Coast Cities," in Nat. Mun. Rev., I, 620 (191 2). 
Encyclopcedia Britannica, nth edition, XXVIII, "Women." 

On recent developments of the suffrage movement. 
Finch, E. R. "The Fight for a Clean Ballot," in Independent, 

LXVIII, 1020 (1910). On the methods of registration 

and repeating in New York City. 
Frieze, Jacob, A Concise History of the Efforts to Obtain an 

Extension of the Suffrage in Rhode Island, 1811-1842. 

(3d edition, 1912.) 



S18 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Giddings, F. H., "The Nature and Conduct of Political Ma- 
jorities, " in Pol. Sci. Quar., VII, 116 (1892). 

Kamm, W. C, " A Study of Presidential Votes," in Pol. Sci. 
Quar., XVI, 50 (1901). 

Harper, Ida H., " Suffrage — A Right," in No. Am. Rev., 
CLXXXIII, 484 (1906). 

" Woman Suffrage Throughout the World," in No. Am. 

Rev., CLXXXVI, 55 (1907). 

"Status of Woman Suffrage in the United States," in 

No. Am. Rev., CLXXXIX, 502 (1909). 

"The World Movement for Woman Suffrage," in Rev. 

of Rev., XLIV, 725 (1911). 

Hart, A. B., Practical Essays on American Government, chap- 
ter on "The Exercise of the Suffrage." The same may 
be found in Pol. Sci. Quar., VII, 307 (1902). 

"The Realities of Negro Suffrage," in Am. Pol. Sci. 

Assn. Proceedings, II (1905), 149. 

Harvey, George, "The Working of Equal Suffrage," in No. 
Am. Rev., CXCIX, 338 (1914). 

Haynes, G. H., "Educational Qualifications for the Suffrage 
in the United States," in Pol. Sci. Quar., XIII, 495 (1898). 

Holcombe, A. N., State Government in the United States 
(1916), ch. 6. 

Holls, F. W., "Compulsory Voting," in Annals, I, 586 (1891). 

Howe, Julia Ward, "Woman and the Suffrage: The Case for 
Woman Suffrage," in Outlook, XCI, 780 (1909). 

Jenks, J. W., Principles of Politics (1909). 

Jones, T. J., "The Power of the Southern Election Regis- 
trar," in Outlook, LXXXVII, 529 (1907). 

Kennedy, Paul, "Where the Women Vote," in Outlook, XCV, 
117 (1910). Study of New Zealand conditions. 

Knobe, Bertha D., "Recent Strides of Woman Suffrage," in 
World's Work, XXII, 14733 (191 1). 

Knox, J. B., "Reduction of Representation in the South," 
inOutlook, LXXIX, 11, 169 (1905). 

Lewis, L., "How Woman Suffrage Works in Colorado," in 
Outlook, LXXXII, 167 (1906). 

Library of Congress, List of Discussions on the 14th and 15th 
Amendments, with Special Reference to Negro Suffrage 
(1906). 



Suffrage Qualifications 319 

Literary Digest, XL VI, 45 (1913), " Features of the Popular 
Vote, " in 1912. 

LIII, 444 (1916), " Western Women's Drive on Democ- 
racy.'' 

LIII, 730 (1916), "Feminine Political Strategy." 

Literary Digest, LIII, 13 15 (1916), "Woman's Hand in the 
Election" (of 1916). 

LIV, 6 (191 7), "The Final Election Figures" (in 1916). 

Lyon, H. S., "What Proportion of Voters Go to the Polls?" 
in Yale Rev., XVII, 85 (1908). 

McCracken, Elizabeth, "Woman Suffrage in Colorado," in 
Outlook. LXXV, 737 (1903). 

Mclntire, Mary A. J., "Of What Benefit to Women?" quoted 
in Jones's Readings, 236 ff. Against woman suffrage. 

McKelway, A. J., "The Suffrage in Georgia," in Outlook, 
LXXXVII, 57, 63 (1907). 

McKinley, A. E., Suffrage Franchise in the Thirteen English- 
Colonies (1905). 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, 
II, 516, "Negro Suffrage"; III, 8-47, "Presidential Elec- 
tions " (gives complete statistics) ; 443, "Suffrage"; 630, 
"Voters, Registration of"; 631, "Voting, Compulsory"; 
694, "Woman Suffrage." 

McLeod, S. C, "Women Voters in Canadian Cities," in Nat. 
Mun. Rev., V, 456 (1916). 

McMillan, D. C, The Elective Franchise in the United States 
(1898). 

Munro, W. B., The Government of American Cities (191 2), 
ch. 5. 

Murphy, E. G., Problems of the Present South (1904). 

National American Woman Suffrage Association, Fruits of 
Equal Suffrage (pamphlet). Effect upon legislation. 

O'Neal, Emmet, "The Power of Congress to Reduce Repre- 
sentation," in No. Am. Rev., CLXXXI, 530 (1905). 

Orchard, J. E., "Omaha's Personal Registration Laws," in 
Nat. Mun. Rev., V, 84 (191 6). 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties, II, 298 ff. 

Outlook, The, XCVIII, 757 (1911), "Results of Woman's 
Suffrage" (in Colorado). 



320 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Outlook, The, XCV, 853 (1910), "The Grandfather Clause 
in Oklahoma." 

CI, 767 (1912), "Shall Women Vote?" 

CII, 931 (191 2), "A Crisis in the Woman's Suffrage 

Party." 

CIII, 839 (1913), "Ask Her." 

CIV, 54 (1913), "Don't Ask Her." 

CIV, 268 (1913), "A Poll of Women on the Suffrage." 

Philadelphia Public Ledger, January 3, 1915, "1914: A 
Thanksgiving Year for the Woman Suffrage Cause." 

Phillips, J. B., "Educational Qualifications of Voters," in 
University of Colorado Studies, III (1006). 

Rhode Island Legislative Reference Bureau, "General Con- 
stitutional and Statutory Provisions Relative to the 
Suffrage," in Bulletin No. 6 (1912). 

Robinson, H. P., "What About the Woman's Party?" in 
Independent, LXXXVII, 381 (1916). 

Roessing, J. B., "The Equal Suffrage Campaign in Pennsyl- 
vania," in Annals, LVI, 153 (1914). 

Rose, J. C, "Negro Suffrage: The Constitutional Point of 
View," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., I, 17 (1906). 

Schouler, James, "Evolution of the American Voter," in Am. 
Hist. Rev., II, 665 (1896-97). 

Seawell, M. E., "Two Suffrage Mistakes," in No. Am. Rev., 
CXCIX, 366 (1914). 

Senate Documents, 1st session, 63d Congress, No. 155, Senate 
committee report on woman-suffrage amendment to the 
Constitution, 1913. 

Shepard, W. J., "The Theory of the Nature of the Suffrage," 
in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. (supplement), VII, 106 (1913). 

Sherwood, H. F., "The Making of American Sovereigns," in 
Outlook, XCVIII, 287 (191 1). On naturalization meth- 
ods. 

Smith, W. H., "Is the Negro Disfranchised?" in Outlook, 
LXXIX, 1047 ( I 9° 5)- A reply to Knox. 

Stanton, Elizabeth C, and others, History of Woman 9 s Suf- 
frage, 4 vols. ( 1 881-1902). 

Sumner, Helen, Equal Suffrage: The Results of an Investiga- 
tion in Colorado (1909). The most thorough and impar- 
tial investigation of this subject. 



Suffrage Qualifications 321 

Survey, The, XXXV, S3 (1915), "Votes for Women." Re- 
sults of a poll of Survey subscribers. 

Taylor, Graham, "Women's Voting Significantly Tested in 
Illinois" (in 19 14), in Survey, XXXII, 69 (1914). 

Thorpe, F. N., "A Century's Struggle for the Franchise in 
America, ,, Harper's, XCIV, 207 (1897). 

Tucker, H. St. G., Woman's Suffrage by Constitutional 
Amendment (1916). 

Tyer, Pearl, "Idaho's Twenty Years of Woman Suffrage," in 
Outlook, CXIV, 35 (1916). 

Watkins, Ann, "For the Twenty-two Millions," in Outlook, 
CI, 26 (19 1 2). Against woman suffrage. 

Weed, H. H., "White Supremacy in the South Safe under 
Woman Suffrage," in Philadelphia Public Ledger, August 
21, 1916. 

Weeks, S. B., "The Histoiy of Negro Suffrage," in Pol. Sci. 
Quar., IX, 671 (1894). 

Woodruff, C. R., "Election Methods and Reforms in Phila- 
delphia/' in Annals, XVII, 181 (1901). 

Woodville, J. L. W., "Suffrage Limitations in Louisiana," in 
Pol. Sci. Quar., XXI, 177 (1906). On the proceedings 
of the constitutional convention of 1898. 



CHAPTER XIII 

ELECTION LAWS. DIFFERENT TYPES OF BALLOT. 
THE SHORT BALLOT MOVEMENT. PREFER- 
ENTIAL VOTING. ABSENT-VOTERS LAWS 

Provi- Every State has a body of statutes usually known 

common collectively as the election laws. 1 In some States 
to most these laws are so elaborate and detailed as to make 
laws" a good-sized book of several hundred pages. Space 
permits the enumeration here of only the more con- 
spicuous features of these laws, which are as follows: 2 
(i) Certain elective or appointive public officers 
are placed in charge of the entire election process. 

(2) Provision is generally made for bipartisan elec- 
tion boards, consisting of poll and ballot clerks and 
inspectors or judges of election, in each voting-place. 

(3) Authorized " watchers" from each party are 
permitted to be present at the voting-place in order 
to secure a fair vote and a fair count. 

(4) Each election board is furnished with a stand- 
ard official tally-sheet and blank records on which to 
make the returns for each voting-place. All returns 
must be certified by the officer in charge. 

(5) Most laws provide for the special policing of 
polling-places, require saloons to remain closed on 

1 Laws relating to the conduct of primaries and the making of 
nominations are usually classed as "election laws." 

2 Beard, 673. 

322 



Elections and Ballots 323 

election and primary days, and contain provisions de- 
signed to prevent violence, intimidation, and fraud. 

(6) There are numerous provisions relating to the 
ballot, its form, printing, distribution, and secrecy in 
voting. 

(7) The election laws further prescribe, with more 
or less minuteness, the steps which must be taken in 
order to have a candidate's name legally appear on 
the printed ballot, both for the primary and the gen- 
eral election, and indicate the proper procedure where 
a nomination or an election is contested. 

Before 1888 the printing of ballots and their dis- introduc- 
tribution to the voters was left to private initiative. Australian 
There were a few statutes regulating the size, color, baUot 
form, etc., chiefly designed to produce uniformity 
within single States. In actual practice the ballots 
were printed and distributed by the several party 
organizations. 1 The lack of secrecy in voting, the 
facility for bribery, and the numerous opportunities 
for fraud, as well as the expense of printing, finally 
led to the adoption of the so-called Australian ballot. 
The first Australian ballot law in the United States 
was adopted by the legislature of Kentucky in Feb- 
ruary, 1888, but it applied only to municipal elections 
in Louisville. The following year Massachusetts 
adopted the Australian ballot for all elections, and 
by the Presidential election of 1892 no less than thirty- 
five States had adopted it; while by 1910 it had been 
adopted by all but two States, Georgia and Louisiana. 

The principal features of the Australian ballot sys- 
tem are the following: 

1 Ibid., 674- 



324 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Main (i) AH ballots are printed under the supervision 

Australian °f public officials, at public expense, and are trans- 
ballot mitted by these officials to the different voting-places 

system . y . 

a certain number of hours before election. 

(2) The names of all candidates duly nominated 
by any political party or independent group are 
usually printed on a single sheet having an official 
indorsement on the back, to prevent counterfeiting. 1 

(3) A voter can secure a ballot only from the regu- 
lar election officials after entering the polling-place 
on election day, and after having properly complied 
with all the preliminary registration requirements. 
Sample ballots, on colored paper, are usually provided 
in sufficient quantities, so that voters may become 
familiar with the names on the ballot before entering 
the voting-place. Such sample ballots are always 
posted in or near the voting-places and in other pub- 
lic places. In case a voter spoils his ballot he may 
return it to the election officer, who cancels it, and 
thereupon gives the voter a new ballot. Usually a 
voter is limited to three ballots. 

(4) Cards of instruction containing directions for 
marking a ballot, and other cards containing the pen- 
alties for infraction of the election laws, are often 
posted not only in and about the voting-places, but 
conspicuously in other places a certain number of 
days before the day of election. By an ingenious 
use of different sizes of type and short, crisp sentences 
such cards of instruction may be made easily read 

1 In Missouri each party has a separate ballot, and the voter, on 
entering the polling-place, is given one of each paity, returning the 
ones not used. 




W 
H 
O 
> 

O 

h 

o 

H 
U 
P 



ft 
O 

Q 
U 
P 

w 

M 



S«5 



326 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

and understood by voters of average intelligence. In 
most cases, however, the cards of instruction seem 
designed not primarily for the guidance of the voter, 
but merely to comply with the letter of the law. 1 
Secrecy (5) Ballots must be marked in absolute secrecy 

important within the voting-booths with which every voting- 
feature place is equipped. Having marked his ballot, the 
voter is required to fold it so that all the marks shall 
be concealed, and either to deposit it himself in the 
ballot-box or hand it to the officer in charge for de- 
posit; this done, the voter is expected to leave the 
polling-place at once. Australian ballot laws all pro- 
vide that a voter shall not place any mark upon his 
ballot by which it may be identified. 2 In New York 
ballots found to have marks upon them which seem 
intended for the identification of the voter are ex- 
cluded from the final count. In New York City, and 
perhaps other places, the party watchers at the polls 
are provided with little books describing the various 
combinations of marks which may and may not be 
counted, and many cases arise in which determina- 
tion is a difficult matter. 3 In the ballot proposed by 
the united reform organizations of New York City 
it is sought to do away with the great opportunity 
afforded by the Australian ballot for identification, 
by reducing the required marking to the mere black- 
ening of a small white circle opposite each name. 4 

(6) Many, if not all, of the Australian ballot laws 
include provisions whereby voters who declare their 

1 W. B. Shaw, in Outlook, LXXXI, 868 (1905). 
2 <See C. S. Hartwell, in Outlook, LXXV, 656 (1903). 
8 P. L. Allen, in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXI, 38 (1906). 
*W. B. Shaw, op. ciU 



Elections and Ballots 327 

inability to mark their ballots themselves may receive " Assist- 
assistance. In some States the voter is required to a , nce " 

~ clauses 

make oath to his inability to read the names on the ■» ballot 
ballot, or to his physical inability to mark his ballot, fadutatcf 
before assistance will be permitted, and even then the briber y 
assistance must be given by one of the duly author- 
ized election officers. Such provisions, properly ad- 
ministered, offer comparatively slight opportunities 
for fraud or bribery. On the other hand, there are 
statutes providing for assistance without these safe- 
guards, like the one in operation in Pennsylvania, 
which reads as follows: "If any voter declares to the 
judge of election that by reason of any disability he 
desires assistance in the preparation of his ballot, he 
shall be permitted by the judge of election to select 
a qualified voter of the election district to aid him in the 
preparation of his ballot, such preparation being made 
in the vo ting-compartment.' ' l The opportunity for 
fraud and bribery thus provided is obvious and has 
been commented upon in a preceding chapter. 2 

One remedy devised to correct the "assistance Asarem- 
evils" is known as the "envelope," ballot, for use in « d y» the 
both primary and general elections. The principal lope" 
features of this system are, first, the preparation, has been 
at the public expense and by designated elected devised 
or appointed officials, of separate party ballots, to 
be ready for distribution a certain number of days 
before the primary or election. A specified propor- 

1 In the Pennsylvania direct primary election law the assistance 
clause requires the oath mentioned in the text. 

2 For instances of the flagrant misuse of the assistance clause, see 
George Kennan, in Outlook, LXXIII, 432 (1903); Nat. Mun. Rev., 
V, 615 (1916). 



328 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

tion of these ballots for each party is delivered to the 
judges of election in each district, to be given at the 
polls to any qualified voter on election day. The 
remainder of the ballots are delivered before the day 
of election to the agents of the parties or organiza- 
tions making nominations. The party agents imme- 
diately distribute the ballots to the voters, who are 
thus enabled to prepare their ballots at home at their 
leisure. In New Jersey, where this system was in 
operation until 191 2, the ballots were sent to the 
registered voters through the mails at public ex- 
pense. Not long ago several thousand ballots so 
sent were returned for the reason that the addressee 
could not be located. In this way thousands of false 
registrations were detected. On the day of election 
the voter goes to the polling-place and receives a 
ballot, if he asks for one, and an official envelope in 
which he encloses and seals a ballot marked as he 
desires. The envelope containing the ballot is then 
deposited in the ballot-box. If the voter does not 
mark his ballot before coming to the voting-place he 
is permitted to do so there, but assistance is permitted 
only for physical disability. An envelope containing 
more than one ballot is thrown out, just as a wrongly 
marked ballot is rejected. In 19 12 the New Jersey 
law was amended so that provision is now made for 
the mailing of sample ballots only to the voters. 1 

This system appears to have some marked advan- 
tages, among which the following may be noted: 

It simplifies proceedings at the polling-place on the 
day of election and does away with the present 

1 Delaware adopted the envelope ballot in 19 13. 



Elections and Ballots 329 

clumsy and confusing " blanket' ' ballots. It avoids Advan- 
all necessity for assistance at the time of voting, since ^gnve- 
any assistance desired must be obtained before com- lo P e " 

J ballot 

ing to the polls. To a voter who sincerely desires it 
the envelope ballot gives the greatest assurance of 
secrecy and thus tends to encourage independent 
voting. For, it is contended, " although a briber or 
a political boss may compel a voter to mark the ticket, 
which he brings to the latter's home, in the way or- 
dered, that voter, when he goes to the polls, may at 
the same time have another ballot in his pocket, the 
one which he procured for himself and which he has 
marked to suit himself, or may so mark when he is 
protected by the friendly curtain of the election 
booth. He very easily can substitute his own ballot 
while in the security of that retreat for the one forced 
upon him by his would-be boss, and when he emerges 
from the booth and asks the election officer for an 
envelope he can deposit therein the vote he wishes 
to cast and not the one which the politician has pre- 
pared for him." No one, it is contended, can possi- 
bly be aware of the voter's action except himself, as 
after he enters the voting-place assistance is pro- 
hibited, and all he has to do is to put his ballot in the 
envelope, seal and deposit it. 

On the other hand, objection has been made to the Objec- 
envelope ballot on the ground that, so far from being 
a remedy for the present " assistance evils," it sub- 
stantially invites complete assistance and would in- 
crease those evils many times over. "Its practical 
operation," it is urged, "would be that every division 
worker would put the ballot of his party into the 



330 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

hands of every voter who was in any way under his 
influence, and would make reasonably sure that the 
voter had no other ballot about him when he entered 
the voting-booth, and then the voter would presuma- 
bly not dare to do anything but put that particular 
ballot into the envelope." Instead of increasing the 
secrecy surrounding the ballot, it is objected that 
the envelope system would present great opportuni- 
ties for the violation of this secrecy, and would open 
an easy way to bring about bribery of voters and for 
the identification of any ballot cast by a voter. 
Diversi- While nearly all States have the Australian ballot 

ballots of system, there is at the present time the greatest di- 
the sev- versity in legislation on the subject of the ballot itself. 
(i) In size and shape there is, perhaps, the great- 
est variation. In 1904 the voters of Wisconsin were 
presented with a veritable " blanket" ballot, 35 by 24 
inches, while in New York City, in 1909, the ballot 
was nearly 3 feet 10 inches wide by 14 inches long, 
and contained from nineteen to twenty-two columns. 
In Florida the ballot has taken the form of a narrow 
strip y/ 2 inches wide by 32^ inches long; 1 while in 
Nebraska, at the Presidential election of 191 2, the 
ballot measured 8 feet 2 inches by 6 inches. At the 
first direct primary election in New York City, 2 under 
the law of 191 1, the ballot used by Republican and 
Democratic voters was 14 feet in length. 

(2) Some States permit each party to select some 
distinctive emblem to appear at the head of the 

1 P. L. Allen, op. cit.; J. W. Garner, in Am. Pol. Sci. Assn. Pro- 
ceedings, IV, 164 (1907). 

2 Held March 26, 1912, 



Elections and Ballots 331 

column on the official ballot containing the names of 
the party candidates. This is for the benefit of illit- 
erate voters. There is the greatest variety in the 
choice of emblems even for the same party in differ- 
ent sections of the country. Perhaps the most com- 
mon are the eagle for the Republican party and a 
cock for the Democratic party. 1 

(3) Regarding the means for marking ballots there 
is also no uniformity, although most States require 
the use of an ordinary black lead-pencil. Stamps are 
permitted in four States, ink in West Virginia, and 
an indelible pencil in Maryland. 2 

(4) As regards the place of marking on the ballot, 
there is likewise no complete uniformity. In some 
States marking must be made at the right of the can- 
didate's name, while in others it is permissible to 
mark at the left of the candidate's name; and in Wis- 
consin, at least, it is permissible to make the mark 
under the name of the candidate. 

(5) The arrangement of candidates' names on the Massa- 
ballot has a great influence on the result of the elec- ancTin- 8 
tion both as regards the freedom of the voter in mak- diana 

. • types of 

ing his choice and the accuracy with which he records ballot 
his choice. Two main types of Australian ballot are 
to be found in this country. One is called the " Mas- 
sachusetts" type. Here the names of candidates are 
grouped under the title of the office sought, and ar- 
ranged in alphabetical order, with some indication 
of the party to which each candidate belongs. The 
voter is required to make a cross opposite the name 
of each candidate for whom he desires to vote. The 

1 See P. L. Allen, op. cit. 2 Ibid. 



332 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Variations 
of the 
Massa- 
chusetts 
type 



other and more common type is known as the " In- 
diana/' or " party-column' ' type. Here the candi 
dates for each party are grouped together in " party 
columns" under the appropriate offices, and some pro- 
vision is made whereby a voter may vote a straight 
party ticket with the minimum of effort, as, e. g., by 
putting a single cross in the " party square' ' or "party 
circle" at the head of the column. A combination of 
important features in each type is to be found in 
some States, notably Pennsylvania and Nebraska. 
Five variations of the Massachusetts type have been 
noted, (a) Names are grouped by offices, but in- 
stead of being arranged in alphabetical order they 
are printed in some order of parties, with the party 
name after the name of each candidate. In some 
States the names of Republican candidates always 
stand first, while in others the names of Democratic 
candidates take precedence, (b) The names are not 
printed in alphabetical order, but those for each office 
are merely printed in a close group without any ruled 
line to separate them, with party designations, and 
the voter merely strikes out all the names he does not 
vote for. (c) Names appear in alphabetical order, 
grouped by offices, but the party designation of each is 
omitted, (d) The names are grouped by offices, in 
alphabetical order, with party designation, but across 
the top of the ballot is printed: "I hereby vote a 

straight ticket, except where I have marked 

opposite the name of some other candidate." The 
voter writes in the name of the party he wishes to sup- 
port in the blank space, (e) The names are grouped 
by offices, with party designation, but a space is pro- 



Elections and Ballots 333 

vided somewhere for voting a straight ticket , as in Penn- 
sylvania and Nebraska. 

It is impossible to say which type of ballot is best. Massa- 
We know that the straight-ticket circle or square, ^ e se e "! 
characteristic of the " party-column' ' ballot, discour- courages, 
ages independent voting, which is another way of column 
saying that it improves the chances of the bad can- type dis " 

. . courages, 

didates being pulled through by the popularity of indepen- 
the good candidates who may head the party ticket. { ^ x vot " 
With reference to the relative ease of independent voting 
with different kinds of ballots, the States may be 
placed in five groups: To illustrate, let us suppose 
that at a certain election ten elective positions are 
to be filled. A and B go to the polls together, A in- 
tending to vote for ten Republicans, while B prefers 
nine Republicans and one Democrat. If they live in 
Massachusetts, they must each mark the names of 
their chosen candidates separately, and are on an 
exact equality, with ten crosses apiece. If they live 
in Illinois, they each make one mark in the Republi- 
can party circle, while B thereafter makes a second 
mark opposite the chosen Democrat. If they live in 
Michigan, B, besides his extra mark, simply draws a 
line through the name of the Republican nominees 
for the same office. If they live in Indiana, A makes 
his single mark in the Republican circle, as before, 
but B is not allowed so to do. He must mark his 
nine Republicans and one Democrat separately. If 
they five in Missouri, finally, both A and B select the 
Republican ballot from a bundle of separate strips 
handed them at the polls, and B, scratching out one 
name, writes in that of his Democrat, while A de- 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Influence 
of type 
of ballot 
upon in- 
dependent 
voting 



posits his slip unaltered. There are thus some States 
where B would be put to ten times as much trouble 
as A; there are other States where B would be put 
to twice as much trouble as A; there are still other 
States where A and B would make the same number 
of marks. 1 

Just how much influence these differences have on 
the result of elections it is, of course, impossible to 
say; but a study of votes in 1904, when State officers 
as well as President and Vice-President were to be 
voted for, shows the following results: 2 

(1) Where the marking of each individual candi- 
date is compulsory, as in Massachusetts, the voters 
exercised the greatest degree of discrimination. 

(2) Next came those States 3 in which, while the 
straight-ticket voters are favored by being allowed 
to record their choice at a single operation, the 
" split- ticket" voter is not put to the necessity of 
marking his candidates one by one. 

(3) Of lowest rank as to amount of independent 
voting were those States 4 which require writing in or 
pasting of names for split-ticket voting and the mark- 
ing of every candidate. 

(4) No evidence appeared that the alphabetical 
arrangement of names when grouped by offices had 
any effect to encourage independence. Nor is there 
anything to show that the grouping by offices itself is 
any more favorable to independent voting than the 

1 P. L. Allen, in Outlook, LXXXIV, 125 (1906). 

2 Ibid., in Pol. Set. Quar., XXI, 847 (1906). 

3 For example, New York. 

4 For example, Indiana and Missouri, 



Elections and Ballots 335 

party-column plan, provided the rules for marking 
are the same. 1 

It is important to note in this connection that in indepen- 
recent years there has been a striking growth in the i ng in- 
number of those voters who discriminate between the creasin s 
several candidates instead of voting the straight 
party ticket. The proportion of voters who have 
made opposite decisions upon State and national 
issues, preferring a President of one party and a gov- 
ernor of another, was, in 1896, .38 per cent; in 1900, 
1.22 per cent; and in 1904, 7.57 per cent; indicating 
more than six times as many discriminations in 1904 
as in 1900 and more than nineteen times as many as 
in 1896. This was the general average; in particular 
States the record (1904) went far above those figures. 
Comparing the vote of a party's best-running candi- 
dates and the vote of those who made the poorest 
showing, we find ten States in which the degree of 
discrimination shown was 10 per cent or over: Min- 
nesota, 31.07 per cent; Washington, 22.63; Montana, 
18.38; Michigan, 17.01; Kansas, 16.51; Massachusetts, 
15; Nevada, 14.27; Wisconsin, 12.99; Rhode Island, 
11.87; Wyoming, 10.34. In all the previous Presi- 
dential elections only one instance has been found of 
more than 10 per cent " ticket-splitting." 2 These 
facts constitute one of the most encouraging features 
connected with present-day practical politics. They 
indicate an increasing disposition on the part of the 
average voter to exercise his own independent judg- 
ment in selecting the candidates for whom he will 

1 P. L. Allen, in Pol. Set. Quar., XXI, 847 (1906). 

2 Ibid., in Outlook, LXXXIV, 124 (1906). 



336 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Defects in 
our elec- 
tion sys- 
tem 



(i) Fre- 
quency of 
elections 



cast his vote, the weakening of party ties, and the in- 
creasing reluctance of voters to be whipped into line 
to vote for all candidates of their party, good, bad, 
or indifferent. The fact that our elections do not 
always or for any great length of time go the same 
way tends to prove that the independent voters hold 
the balance of power in this country. 

With perhaps no feature of American governmental 
organization is more fault being found than with our 
system of elections. The chief criticisms relate (i) 
to the frequency of primaries and elections, (2) to the 
concurrence of local, State, and national elections, (3) 
to the excessive number of elective officers, (4) to 
the common rule of electing candidates by plurality 
instead of majority vote, and (5) to the virtual dis- 
franchisement of absent voters. Each of these de- 
fects, together with proposed remedies, will be taken 
up in turn and discussed briefly. 

(1) Concerning the frequency of elections, one 
merely needs to call attention to the fact that we 
have the election of President every four years, some 
State officers triennially, other State officers and 
congressmen biennially, while many county and local 
officers are elected annually. All of these elections 
are, of course, preceded by primary or convention 
days, and registration days in the larger cities. Chi- 
cago and Cook County, Illinois, afford striking illus- 
trations of the evil of frequent elections. Nearly 
every year there are two elections, with a primary 
for each. Occasionally there is a year in which only 
one election occurs. Out of every six-year period 
there are five years in which two elections occur and 



Elections and Ballots 337 

only one year with but a single election; while occa- 
sionally there is a year in which three elections must 
be held. In 19 16 no less than twenty- three days 
were given over to activities directly connected with 
primaries and elections and duties incidental thereto, 
such as registration. 

Not only do these frequently recurring registra- 
tion, primary, and election days impose a heavy 
burden upon the taxpayers, but they also render it 
impossible for the average citizen, necessarily devot- 
ing the greater part of his time to his own business 
affairs, to take and maintain permanently an intelli- 
gent interest in the nomination and election of suit- 
able persons to public office. This condition goes far 
toward explaining the existence, usefulness, and per- 
petual influence of the professional politician class 
who devote their entire time to politics and make it 
their business to assist in making nominations and 
in electing their candidates. 

(2) The election of local, State, and Federal officers (2) Con- 
on the same day, with their names appearing on the ™ tocaT 
same ballot, as a rule, results in serious confusion of state, and 

. national 

national, State, and local issues, oftentimes to the elections 
great detriment and injury of the State and locality. 
To remedy this, some States have so arranged their 
elections that the leading State and local officers are 
chosen in the intervals between Presidential or con- 
gressional elections. 

In the State of Illinois, however, elections have 
been so split up as to create a situation almost if not 
quite as confusing and unsatisfactory as existed when 
all kinds of officers were elected on the same day, 



S38 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

and much more expensive to the taxpayers. In 1916, 
for example, there were two separate primary days 
and three separate election days in Cook County, not 
to mention the different registration days incidental 
thereto. 
Non- Much stress has been laid recently upon the adop- 

baUots 11 ti° n °f a non-partisan ballot, or ballot without any 
party designations in connection with the candidates' 
names, as a means of reducing the evil of national 
partisanship in State and local elections; and the 
non-partisan ballot has been widely adopted for the 
election of judicial officers and municipal authorities, 
especially in commission-governed cities. In North 
Dakota the state superintendent of public instruction 
is likewise elected on a non-partisan ballot, as are 
also school officers in Nebraska; while Minnesota in 
19 13 went so far as to provide for the non-partisan 
election of members of her legislature. In California 
in 191 5 a noteworthy attempt was made to establish 
a non-partisan ballot for the election of all State offi- 
cers; but the scheme failed of adoption in a popular 
referendum. 

In some places and under some conditions, the 
non-partisan ballot may produce satisfactory results; 
but too much may easily be expected from it. In 
States where strong party organizations or machines 
exist the non-partisan ballot in elections is likely to 
prove quite as disappointing in its results as the non- 
partisan ballot in direct primaries. 1 The experience 
of Philadelphia in the selection of judges for the 
municipal court and of Pennsylvania in the choice 
of superior and supreme court judges has proved 

1 See ante, p. 147. 



Elections and Ballots 339 

that the power of political machines is only slightly 
if at all curbed by the new system. "The pretense 
of non-partisanship compelled candidates for judi- 
cial office to engage in political struggles thoroughly 
incompatible with the spirit of judicial non-partisan- 
ship. The parties still have their candidates, party 
machinery is openly used in their behalf, and the 
results reflect not the untrammelled judgment of the 
voters, but the manipulation of shrewd politicians 
and often the expenditure of large campaign funds." * 

(3) Another serious defect in our election system is ( 3 > Ex- 
the vast number of offices filled by popular vote, dumber 
Add to this the fact that there is seldom an election of eiec- 
in which there are not two or more candidates for the 
same office, and the task of the voter in making an 
intelligent choice becomes exceedingly complicated, if 
not impossible of performance. In a recent election 
in New Jersey, for example, the official ballot con- 
tained the names of 164 candidates. It is doubtful 
if in any State a ballot can be found with a more 
maddening maze of names than the one used in Cook 
County, Illinois, in the Presidential election of 191 2. 
The ballot measured 19 by 30K inches and con- 
tained the names of 423 candidates grouped in six 
party columns. In addition, there was a seventh 
blank column headed " Independent.' ' These can- 
didates were running for 81 different offices: 29 Presi- 
dential electors, 15 State and Federal offices, 22 
county and sanitary district offices, and 15 municipal 
offices. 2 

1 Editorial, Philadelphia Public Ledger, November 17, 1914. 

'-' The ballot used in 1916 in the tenth congressional and sixth sena- 
torial districts (in Cook County) measured 36 by 19 inches and con- 
tained the names of 268 candidates for 60 different offices. Be- 



340 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

The primary ballots in some cities are even more 
complex, especially where delegates are to be chosen 
to nominating conventions. For example, an actual 
primary ballot in the thirty-second assembly district 
in New York City contained the names of 835 candi- 
dates, chiefly made up of delegates to various con- 
ventions. It has been stated that the number of 
elective city, county, and State offices which the 
people of New York City are called upon to fill by 
popular election every four years is nearly five hun- 
dred, and that in Chicago and Philadelphia the num- 
ber of offices filled by popular election is still greater. 1 
As re- Several most grave consequences have followed 

have* (a) from this multiplicity of elective offices with the re- 
" Blind" suiting complex and confusing ballot. It is abso- 
lutely impossible for any considerable number of 
voters to form an intelligent opinion of the merits of. 
a long list of candidates, even where elections occur 
at rare intervals, much less when they occur with 
their present frequency; so that at almost every 
election there is a large number of candidates about 
whom even intelligent and conscientious voters know 
very little if anything. The following illustrations 
show in what complete ignorance of the qualifications, 
even of the very existence of candidates, many voters 
act. Recently at a direct primary held in Massa- 
chusetts there was a Progressive Democratic party in 
addition to the regular Democratic party. In Win- 
throp the Progressive Democrats omitted to name 
any one as candidate for the legislature. For this 

sides, there were separate ballots for judges of the Chicago municipal 
court and for a proposed amendment to the State constitution and 
for bond issues. 

1 C. A. Beard, in Pol. Set. Quar., XXIV, 588 (1909). 



Elections and Ballots 341 

office, however, one unknown voter in Winthrop at 
the primary election wrote on his ballot the name 
"James O'ConneH" on the Progressive ticket. Since 
no other nominations were made by that party this 
single vote constituted the highest number of votes 
on the Progressive ticket for that office. The secre- 
tary of state, therefore, acting in conformity to the 
law, had the name " James O'Connell" printed on 
the official ballot for the district. At the regular 
election which followed, " James O'Connell" received 
735 votes in the district, 316 of which were cast in 
Winthrop. It was afterward discovered that no 
such person as " James O'Connell" existed in that 
district. Nevertheless, • he had beaten one real man 
on the ticket, although he was not elected. Oil City, 
Pennsylvania, a few years ago nominated and actu- 
ally elected a dead man. At Wheatland, in the same 
State, although a certain candidate for justice of the 
peace died about two weeks before election in 191 2, 
he received more votes than any other candidate. 
Philadelphia has several times elected imaginary men 
to some of the petty offices with which the long Penn- 
sylvaniaballots are burdened, as a means of facilitat- 
ing and concealing election frauds. 1 

Another result is that the only candidates whose (*) pis- 
merits are seriously discussed on the stump and in the merits 
the press are those seeking the office of mayor in a offe ^ 
municipal election and the candidates for governor dates 
in a State election and the Presidential candidates. 
Upon these leading candidates there is a concentra- 
tion of interest and discussion, to the neglect of prac- 
tically the entire balance of the ticket. 

1 Short Ballot Bulletin, February, 1912. 



342 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(c) "Boss" 
and " ma- 
chine " 
control 
of nomi- 
nations 



Furthermore, the great number of elective offices 
necessitates " slates" and combinations, and consti- 
tutes one of the bulwarks of machine politics. For 
offices have to be filled and, therefore, nominations 
have to be made. Somebody must discover when 
each officer's term expires and see to it that the names 
of the candidates are on the ballot in due form ac- 
cording to the provisions of the election law. 1 Since 
the average voter is too busy with his own affairs, 
the professional politicians have taken the matter 
into their hands. The result is that at the regular 
election (except where the direct primary prevails, 
and often even there) the ballot has become only a 
ratification of the "slates" made by the experts and 
not the express will of the voters. Taking advantage 
of the inability of the voters to discriminate when 
there is a large number of candidates, the politicians 
judiciously select a few honest and respectable candi- 
dates to head the ticket, confidently expecting that 
their popularity will carry into office a large number 
of incompetents or rascals whose names appear as 
candidates for the minor offices. "The folly of oblig- 
ing the people to decide at the polls upon the fitness 
of a great number of persons lies at the bottom of 
almost all the misgovernment from which we suffer 
not only in cities but in the States." 2 

Good government is mainly a matter of getting the 
right men elected to office; nothing else is more vital. 
To achieve this is all a matter of arranging for the 
maximum amount of concentrated public scrutiny at 
the election. 3 There is a false notion widely preva- 

1 Beard, op. cit. 2 Quoted in Beard, op, cit. 

3 R. S. Childs, in Outlook, XCII, 635 (1909). 



Elections and Ballots 343 

lent and promoted by the professional politicians to 
the effect that the more elective offices we have the 
more democratic is our government. On the con- 
trary, the inability of the average voter to attend to 
the work of making nominations for so many offices 
and to discriminate between the candidates nomi- 
nated has virtually resulted, especially in our great 
cities, in government by an oligarchy of professional 
politicians rather than in truly democratic govern- 
ment. Our government would in reality be more 
democratic if we elected only a few officers and gave 
them the power to fill by appointment the vast ma- 
jority of the offices which are now filled by election. 1 
The functions performed by the majority of elective 
officials are purely administrative or ministerial and 
are quite minutely prescribed by statute. Practically 
none of their duties are of a discretionary nature or 
depend upon their political views. 2 No good reason 
can be advanced why purely administrative officers, 
like auditors, treasurers, and secretaries, should be 
elected, for they have no large discretionary power 
and no share in shaping the policy of the administra- 
tion. By concentrating public attention upon the 
merits of the candidates for a few of the most im- 
portant and policy-determining offices, it is believed 
that vastly better and more democratic government 
would result. 

The short ballot movement is the name given to Best rem- 
the reform movement which aims to bring about a « short 6 
reduction in the number of elections and elective ballot " 
offices and thus to simplify and shorten our present 
"blanket" ballots. In order to obtain an intelligent 

1 Lyman Abbott, in Outlook, XCVI, 75 (1910). 2 Beard, op. ctu 



344 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Study of candidates and, therefore, intelligent voting, 
"we must shorten the ballot to a point where the 
average man will vote intelligently without giving to 
politics more attention than he does at present." 
That means making it very short. The average 
voter can probably remember the relative merits of 
about five sets of candidates, but no more. 1 The 
vast majority of elective offices, the less important 
ones, must be taken from the ballot and made ap- 
pointive. So far from being undemocratic, this 
would be merely applying to municipal and State 
politics the system prevailing in connection with the 
Federal offices. Only the President, Vice-President, 
senators, and representatives in Congress, out of 
nearly 400,000 Federal office-holders, are voted for 
directly or indirectly by the people. All the rest are 
appointed, not elected. Already, therefore, we have 
the short ballot in our Federal system, where a com- 
paratively high degree of efficiency prevails, and no 
one thinks of calling our Federal Government un- 
democratic. The effort to obtain the short ballot 
should begin in a reform of the central government of 
the States, by giving the governor power to appoint 
all the executive officials just as the President of the 
United States appoints the heads of departments. 
Such a reform will necessitate a thorough revision 
of most of our State constitutions and city charters 
and the repeal, amendment, or consolidation of a host 
of statutes. To surmount the obstacles always en- 
countered by a movement for constitutional revision, 
and to overcome the active and practically univer- 
sal opposition of political machines and professional 
1 R. S. Childs, op. ciL 



Elections and Ballots 345 

politicians, will require much time and patient, per- 
sistent effort. In the meantime the spread of com- 
mission government, including the city-manager plan 
for cities, will do much to familiarize the public with 
the advantages of the short ballot. 1 

While we are waiting and hoping for the arrival Mailing 
of the " short ballot," something should be done to £*£j£ 
enable voters to mark their long ballots on election 
day more intelligently. The practice adopted in a 
few States of mailing a sample ballot to each voter 
before the day of the primary or election should be 
copied by every State, for it will afford a much better 
opportunity than most voters now have to ascertain 
who are the different candidates and to make in- 
quiries concerning their respective qualifications be- 
fore going to the polls. 

With respect to these qualifications of candidates, a "Who's 
one has to admit that sample ballots themselves ^]j° t " 
convey about as little useful information as can be 
imagined. They generally tell where a candidate 
lives — and that is a useful bit of information — but 
they and the regular ballots likewise are absolutely 
unenlightening upon other points. The ballot should 
also tell something concerning the education of the 
candidates, whether common-school, high-school, pro- 
fessional, or university; it should tell whether candi- 
dates have ever held any other elective or appointive 
offices, what their occupations are, and perhaps their 
age also. This amount of information is a minimum 
essential to our forming an intelligent opinion re- 

1 The New York Constitutional Convention in 19 15 made a note- 
worthy although unsuccessful attempt to introduce a "shorter" bal- 
lot; see American Year Book, 1915, pp. 89-90; also ibid, 1913, p» 80. 



346 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

specting their qualifications, and it could be presented 
upon the ballots in a very concise form. The area of 
the ballot might be increased somewhat, but any in- 
convenience resulting from this would be more than 
offset by its enhanced usefulness to the voter. It is 
not mere size that the voter objects to now, but the 
confusion resulting from the absence of any other 
guide in voting than the party column, party desig- 
nation, or candidate's address. 1 With the additional 
information suggested above a degree of interest 
would be imparted to the study of sample ballots by 
the voters in their homes or places of business which 
is now entirely lacking. Such a " Who's Who" bal- 
lot would look something like this, to take only a 
single office and two party columns for illustration. 

REPUBLICAN DEMOCRATIC 

MEMBERS OF THE BOARD OF ASSESSORS 

(Two to be elected) 

JOHN JONES, RICHARD ROE, 

Residence, 1000 Halstead St., Residence, 2000 Wilson Ave., 

Chicago. Chicago. 

Age, 22. Age, 65. 

Occupation, civil engineer. Occupation, lawyer. 

Education, college graduate. Education, high school, law 

Offices held, none. school. 

Offices held, alderman one 
term, corporation counsel. 

THOMAS SMITH, JAMES DOE, 

Residence, 3000 Chicago Ave., Residence, 1200 Michigan Ave., 

Chicago. Chicago. 

Age, 40. Age, 35. 

Occupation, retail liquors. Occupation, real estate. 

Education, common school. Education, high school, busi- 

Offices held, park com'r, county ness college. 

com'r. Offices held, assessor one term. 

1 Merely typographical changes in some States, Illinois, for exam- 
ple, would tend greatly to clarify the ballot and eliminate the present 
blurred effect caused by failure to set off each set of candidates in 
each party column by a wide space from the names which precede 
and follow. 



Elections and Ballots 347 

With our present form of ballot and restricted dis- 
tribution of sample ballots, what chance is there of 
an average voter finding out these few facts for him- 
self? Unless he happens to know one or more of the 
candidates, unless he has happened to hear their merits 
discussed, unless he has happened to see something 
somewhere in some newspaper or has been approached 
personally by a candidate or one of his workers, the 
chances are that he is totally in the dark as to their 
qualifications. If we are doomed to have the long 
ballot indefinitely, we can at least insist that it shall 
become a medium of information and enlightenment. 

(4) It is a principle of democratic government that (4) Pref- 
elective offices shall be filled in accordance with the ^ng 
wishes of a majority of the voters. Our well-nigh 
universal system of plurality elections often violates 
this principle; fof when there are three or more can- 
didates for the same office, it commonly happens that 
the candidate elected has only a minority of the votes. 

Practically nothing has been accomplished in our 
national, State, and county elections toward substi- 
tuting majority for plurality rule; but in city elec- 
tions considerable progress has been made through 
the adoption of a system of preferential voting. 1 Since 
its adoption in Idaho and Grand Junction, Colorado, 
about 1909, preferential voting has spread rapidly, 
until at present (1917) it is in use in over fifty cities, 
varying in population from less than 5,000 in the 
case of some New Jersey cities to over 560,000 in the 
case of Cleveland, Ohio. 2 

1 See ante, p. 158. 

2 See Nat. Mun. Rev., IV, 483 (1915), ibid, V, 104 (1916), and ibid y 
VI, 107 (1917). 



348 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

The Under the Bucklin 1 system, which, with slight vari- 

system* ations, is the one employed in American cities, the 
ballot used is the Massachusetts type, except that in- 
stead of one voting column after the names of candi- 
dates there are two or three headed " first choice," 
" second choice," and " other choices." In marking 
his ballot, the voter places a cross after the name of 
the candidate of his first choice in the first-choice 
column, after the name of his second choice in the 
second-choice column, and for the third and other 
choices in the third column. Only one choice may be 
voted for one candidate, except in the third column, 
where most cities do not limit the number of prefer- 
ences. Nominations are always made by petition. 

If any candidate is found to have a majority of the 
first-choice votes, he is declared elected, and that 
contest is ended. If no candidate secures a majority 
of first-choice votes, the result is determined in one of 
two ways: (i) The first and second choice votes of 
each candidate are added together. If no candidate 
secures a majority of these combined choices, then 
to the first and second choice votes are added the 
third-choice votes, and the candidate now having the 
highest number is usually declared elected. The result 
thus obtained is generally a majority choice. (2) Ac- 
cording to the other system of counting, if no candi- 
date has a majority of the first-choice votes, the can- 
didate with the smallest number of first-choice votes 
is discarded. The votes cast for this candidate are 
then distributed among the candidates whom these 

1 So called in recognition of Hon. James W. Bucklin, of Grand 
Junction, Colorado, who originated it and got it into use. 



'u'thTsmik'space under " H?c^nMTEa L iT r °b5t RAME ' 




THE MODIFIED MASSACHUSETTS TYPE OF BALLOT USED IN NEW YORK, 1914 



T 
B 
S3 



BALLOT ILLUSTRATING PREFERENTIAL VOTING 1 

(Bucklin System) 

INSTRUCTIONS. — To vote (or a candidate make a crow (X) m die appropriate space. 

Vote your FIRST choice in the FIRST column. 

Vote your SECOND choice m the SECOND column. 

Vole ONLY ONE FIRST choice and ONLY ONE SECOND choice for any one ofice. 

Vote in the THIRD column for ALL THE OTHER CANDIDATES whom 
yon wish to support. 

DO NOT VOTE MORE THAN ONE CHOICE FOR ONE PERSON, as only one 
choice will count for any candidate. 



ONE MAN TO BE ELECTED FOR EACH OFFICE 



Supervisor 

of Adminstration 

(Mayor) 


Fnt 
Choice 

(Not more 
thaaone) 


Second 
Choke 

(Not more 
than one) 


Othe* 

Choices 


Charles £. Hughes 








Champ Clark 








James A. O'Gorman 








Nelson W. Aldrich 








Richard Croker 








Robert L. Owen 








William H. Taft 








Joseph W Folk 








Robert M. LaFoHette 








Woo&ow Wilson 








William J. Bryan 








Chauncey M. Depew 








Theodore Roosevelt 
















Supervisor 
of Finance 


First 

Choia* 
(Not more 
thaaooe) 


Second 
Choice 
(Not more 
than one) 


Other 
Choice* 


Bourke Cockran 








Leslie B. Shaw 








John A Sullivan 








Nathan Matthews 

















Supervisor of 
Public Works 


F«t 
Choice 

(Not more 
than one) 


Second 
Choice 
(Not more 
than one) 


Other 
Chokes 

(A. many 

uyoawrshj 


Guy C. Emerson 








John Mitchell 








Stephen O'Meara 
















Supervisor 
of Health 


First 

Choice 
(Not mere 
than one) 


Choke 

(Not more 
than one) 




H.W Waey 
















Supervisor of 
Public Property 


Fmt 
Choice 

[Not more 
than one) 


Second 
Choke 
(Not more 
thaneaej 


Other 
Chokes 

[A* many 

asyouwrsb] 


Giff ord Pinchot 








Richard A Ballinger 

















1 Prepared by Professor Lewis J. Johnson, Harvard University. 



350 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

voters designated as their second choice. This proc- 
ess of elimination and distribution is continued until 
one candidate has received a majority of the votes 
cast for that office or until only one candidate is left. 

The most impressive claims advanced on behalf of 
preferential voting are as follows: (i) Where it has 
been substituted for the direct primary it simplifies 
and lessens the expensiveness of the electoral process 
by reducing the number of elections by one-half. 
(2) By giving each voter a much wider range of choice 
among candidates, it has a tendency to emphasize 
issues as against personalities, and thus tends to re- 
duce personal attacks and recrimination. (3) Above 
all, preferential voting comes the nearest of any sys- 
tem yet devised to election by absolute majority. 
This, however, cannot always be obtained, especially 
in first elections in large cities, as has been proved by 
the experience of Denver, Spokane, and Portland, 
Oregon. Even in such cases it is claimed that pref- 
erential voting justifies itself by insuring a plurality 
obtained in a free and open contest in which each 
voter may vote for every candidate to his liking and 
need vote against no such candidate. A plurality 
obtained under such circumstances is very unlikely 
to be an antimajority plurality. 1 

The system of preferential voting is, of course, not 
without its defects, but where it has been tried for 
municipal elections it seems to have produced results 
quite as satisfactory as the old plurality system. No 

Professor Lewis J. Johnson, "The Preferential Ballot as a Sub- 
stitute for the Direct Primary," in Senate Documents, 3d session, 63d 
Congress, No. 985 (191 5). 



Elections and Ballots 351 

city having once adopted the Bucklin system has 'ever 
voluntarily given it up. 

(5) One of the most interesting of recent political (5) At>- 
developments is the rapidity with which people are s ™ 
coming to realize that thousands of our most in- 
telligent citizens are virtually disfranchised at every 
primary or election merely because they are absent 
from their voting district on the day of the primary 
or election; for our election laws, impliedly if not 
expressly, require that a voter shall, in order to have 
his vote counted, appear in person at the polling- 
place in the district or precinct where he resides. 

To give a close estimate of the number of voters 
who are thus disfranchised is very difficult, if not 
impossible, but one may safely set the number well 
up in the thousands. Comprised in this great dis- 
franchised class are members of the following groups 
and probably others: commercial travellers or trav- 
elling salesmen, whose ordinary business takes them 
away from home at election time; engineers and con- 
tractors engaged on work at some distance from their 
election districts; sailors, railway, and steamship em- 
ployees, especially those engaged in the movement 
of trains and boats; State officials whose duties re- 
quire their presence at the State capital; and other 
State officials, like inspectors of mines and factories, 
whose duties require extensive travelling through- 
out the State; Federal officials in the departments 
at Washington or in other places far removed from 
their voting districts; college and university students, 
among whom there are probably many hundreds of 
voters in great States like New York, Pennsylvania, 



352 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

and Illinois, who may not be permitted to vote in the 
college or university town; finally, taking the country 
as a whole, there is a very large number of other per- 
sons who are unexpectedly obliged through death of 
relatives or friends, or by unforeseen business contin- 
gencies, to leave home on the eve of an election and 
thus lose their votes. 
First ab- The first law designed to remedy this condition, at 
ers laws" least in part, was enacted by the Vermont legislature 
in Ver- some twenty years ago. The Vermont act of 1896, 

mont 

(1896) and now in force, is the briefest and freest from restric- 
(iooi) S tions and technicalities of any of the absent-voters 
laws which have since been passed. It provides that 
"A legal voter in this State may vote for governor, 
lieutenant-governor, State treasurer, secretary of 
state, auditor of accounts, attorney-general, United 
States senator, and electors of President and Vice- 
President, in any town in the State, and for representa- 
tive to congress in any town in the congressional dis- 
trict in which he resides; provided that such voter 
files with the clerk of the town in which he desires 
to vote a certificate from the clerk of the town of his 
legal residence stating that such voter's name is on 
the check-list (voting-list) required by law to be pre- 
pared in such town." 

Five years later Kansas passed a law which en- 
abled a single class of absent voters, namely, railway 
employees, to vote by mail. This statute attracted 
practically no attention until its scope was broadened 
in 191 1 by an amendment which extended the privi- 
leges of voting by mail to "any qualified elector" 
absent from his usual voting-place by reason of his 



Elections and Ballots 353 

occupation or business. This amended act first went 
into operation in the Presidential election of 191 2, 
when about five thousand absent voters took advan- 
tage of it. 

Since Vermont and Kansas thus led the way, 
fourteen other States have enacted " absent- voters 
laws": North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, 
Minnesota, and Missouri in 1913; Colorado, Iowa, 
Michigan, Montana, Oregon, Wisconsin, Washing- 
ton, and Wyoming in 1915; and Virginia in 1916. 1 

An outline of the provisions of the Kansas and Two types 
North Dakota statutes will be sufficient to illustrate voters^ 
the operation of absent- voters laws in general. When ** ws to 
a Kansas voter is absent from his regular voting-place 
on the day of a general election, he may present him- 
self during voting hours at a polling-place in the 
town or city where he temporarily happens to be and 
there sign an affidavit before the election officers. 
In this affidavit the voter makes oath to the fact that 

he is a properly qualified voter of district 

in county; that by reason of his occupation 

or business as he is required to be absent 

from his regular voting district, and that he has not 
voted elsewhere at this election. The absent voter 

1 A summary of the main features of some of these laws may be 
found in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VIII, 442 (1914), and ibid., X, 114 (1916). 
See also American Year Book, IQ14, p. 67. Some method of enabling 
absentees to vote is also in operation in Australia, New Zealand, 
Norway, and in some of the Swiss cantons. See Nat. Mun. Rev., Ill, 
733 (1914). 

The platform of the Democratic party in the Massachusetts State 
campaign of 191 5 favored the enactment of an absent- voters law. 
This is probably the first formal platform declaration upon this sub- 
ject. The Republican platform in Illinois in 19 16 included a similar 
indorsement. 



354 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

is then given a ballot such as is used in that place 
and is permitted to enter a voting-booth and there 
to mark his ballot. The ballot is then folded with 
the marks concealed, indorsed by an election official 

as "the ballot of A. B., an absent voter of 

district in county/' and placed along with 

the affidavit in an envelope, which is sealed, directed, 
and sent by mail to the proper official in the absent 
voter's home county. There, at the appointed time 
for canvassing the votes, it is opened and counted 
before the result of the official canvass is declared. 
The canvassing officials are forbidden, under severe 
penalties, to disclose how the absent voter marked his 
ballot. 

Kansas and most of the other States having absent- 
voters laws have no constitutional provision requiring 
secrecy of the ballot, and the absence of such a re- 
quirement greatly simplifies the drafting of such a 
law. It is apparent that in Kansas the identity of 
each absent voter and the way in which he marked 
his ballot must necessarily be known by the canvass- 
ing officials. This is perhaps the principal defect in 
the Kansas law. 
(2) Worth The constitutions of North Dakota, Washington, 
and Wyoming, on the other hand, require a secret 
ballot. To meet such a constitutional requirement, 
the authors of the North Dakota statute devised the 
following ingenious scheme, which has also been 
adopted in a number of States where secrecy is not 
required by the constitution. 

Any fully qualified voter in North Dakota who 
expects to be absent from his county on the day of a 



Dakota 



Elections and Ballots 355 

primary or general election may apply to the county 
auditor within thirty days preceding the election for 
"an official absent- voter ballot" to be voted at such 
election. These ballots are to be of the same size, 
form, and "texture" as the regular official ballots, 
"except that they shall be printed upon tinted paper 
of a tint different from that of the sample ballots." 
Upon receipt of the proper application the county 
auditor is required to transmit or deliver to the voter 
one of these absent- voter ballots, together with a re- 
turn envelope addressed to the county auditor. 

The absent voter may mark his ballot at any time 
prior to the close of the polls on election day, but 
marking is surrounded by certain formalities. The 
voter must go before some official having a seal and 
authority to administer oaths, must exhibit to that 
official his unmarked ballot and the envelope, and 
must make oath to the affidavit printed on the back 
of the envelope that he is a properly qualified voter, 
that he expects to be absent from his county on the 
day of election, and that he will have no opportunity 
to vote in person on that day. Then, in the presence 
of the magistrate and "no other person," the voter 
marks his ballot, "but in such manner that such 
officer cannot see the vote," folds the ballot with the 
marks concealed, and encloses it in the envelope, 
which is securely sealed. The magistrate certifies 
underneath the affidavit on the envelope that all of 
these formalities have been complied with; after 
which the ballot is mailed by the voter, with postage 
prepaid. 

When received by the county auditor, that official 



356 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

must forthwith transmit to the judge or inspector of 
election in the precinct where the absent voter resides 
the ballot and the envelope enclosed together with 
the voter's written application in a larger or " carrier" 
envelope, which is securely sealed and indorsed with 
the name of the proper voting precinct where the 
absent voter resides, also with the name, title, and 
address of the county auditor and the words: "This 
envelope contains an absent-voter ballot and must 
be opened only on election day at the polls while 
the same are open." 

At any time between the opening and the closing of 
the polls on election day, the inspector of election 
first opens the outer or carrier envelope only and 
compares the signature on the application-blank with 
the signature affixed to the affidavit. If the signa- 
tures correspond and the affidavit is sufficient, and 
if the voter is duly qualified and has not already 
voted at this election, the judge of election opens the 
absent- voter envelope "in such manner as not to 
destroy the affidavit thereon " and takes out the 
ballot, and, "without unfolding the same or permit- 
ting the same to be opened or examined, " deposits it 
in the ballot-box to be counted as if cast by the voter 
in person; and the voter's name is then checked on 
the voting-list. 

If the affidavit should prove to be insufficient, or if 
the signatures should fail to correspond, or if the 
voter should prove not to be a duly qualified elector 
of that precinct, such vote is, of course, not allowed; 
but "without opening the absent-voter envelope" the 
election inspector marks across the face thereof, "Re- 



Elections and Ballots 357 

jected as defective/ ' or " Rejected as not an elector/ ' 
as the case may be. 

The law contains the further provision that the 
voter may mark his ballot before as well as after he 
leaves his own county, and that, in case the voter 
unexpectedly returns to his precinct on or before 
election day, he shall be permitted to vote in person, 
"provided his ballot has not already been deposited 
in the ballot-box.' ' Appropriate penalties are, of 
course, provided for violations of the act and for 
false swearing. 

Under the North Dakota law, it will readily be 
noted, secrecy of the ballot is much more completely 
insured than under the Kansas system. Neverthe- 
less, it might happen that there was only one absent 
voter in a precinct, and, since his ballot differs in color 
from the regular ballot, his vote could be identified 
in counting. Apparently, to remove this last chance 
to identify an absent voter's ballot, the other laws 
modelled upon the North Dakota act omit the re- 
quirement of a distinctive color for the absent-voter 
ballot. 

While either the Kansas or the North Dakota law Variations 
has been followed closely in the different States hav- voters 
ing absent-voters laws, there are, of course, many laws 
variations in detail. Half of the States permit ab- 
sent voting in elections only, while the other half per- 
mit it in connection with primaries as well. The ma- 
jority of States restrict the absent voter to voting for 
constitutional amendments and for county, district, 
State, and Federal officers; while in the other States 
he may vote for all officers as well as amendments. 



358 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Most statutes require that absentee voting shall take 
place within the voter's home State; but there is 
nothing in the law of North Dakota and a few other 
States which would prevent a voter of that State 
from marking and mailing his ballot at some point 
outside the State. Indeed, the Virginia law of 1916 
not only expressly permits absentee voting in other 
parts of the United States, but permits it in the 
dependencies and in foreign countries as well. The 
possibilities of interstate and international voting 
thus opened up are well worth considering. In only 
three States is absent voting permitted indiscrimi- 
nately, as in the Vermont law of 1896, to all duly 
qualified voters who are absent from their voting 
precincts. The minimum restriction found in most 
States is absence from the county as well as from the 
precinct. Some States prescribe that the absence 
must be " because his duties or occupation" require 
the voter to be absent; and Wyoming still further re- 
stricts the right of absent voting to a voter " whose 
duties are such as to cause his absence ... at regu- 
lar and stated intervals" The Michigan law is per- 
haps the most restrictive of all: only voters coming 
under one of the following classes may cast their bal- 
lot in absentia: (a) " Electors in the actual military 
service of the United States or of this State, or in the 
army or navy thereof in time of war, insurrection, or 
rebellion; (b) members of the legislature while in at- 
tendance at any session; (c) students while in atten- 
dance at any institution of learning; and (d) commer- 
cial travellers. . . ." 

Until absent voting has passed the experimental 



Elections and Ballots 359 

stage, perhaps these restrictions, as well as the limita- 
tion to intrastate voting, are wise. After a period 
of trial, experience will determine whether they may 
be removed so as to permit absent voting whatever 
the occasion of the absence, and also whether the 
system may safely be extended to absent voters out- 
side their own States. If the system shall be found 
to have worked well, we may get our courage up to 
the point where we shall be willing to do tardy jus- 
tice to the sick or infirm voter and permit him also 
to register his vote in absentia} 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. What was the expected and the actual effect of the 
adoption of the Australian ballot in the United States upon 
corruption and intimidation at the polls? (See Ostrogorski, 

id 

2. The history of the adoption of a written or printed 
ballot in England. 

3. The advantages of the Massachusetts type of ballot. 
(See Jones.) 

4. In what Presidential elections has the independent vote 
apparently played a decisive part? 

5. The new (Levy) election law (191 1) in New York and 
its defects. (See Bard.) 

6. The " Wilson ballot" in Maryland politics. (See Brad- 
ley.) 

7. The new coupon form of ballot adopted in Wisconsin 
in 1010. (See Ludington.) 

8. Voting-machines: where authorized, how operated, ad- 
vantages and disadvantages? 

9. Collect all the arguments you can for and against party 
"regularity" and independent voting. 

1 The discussion of absent- voters laws in the text is a condensa- 
tion of the author's article, " Re-enfranchising Absent Voters/' in 
Case and Comment, XXIII, 358 (19 16). In this article the first 
absent- voting law is erroneously credited to Kansas. 



360 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

10. Instances where violence and intimidation have been 
resorted to in elections. (See Jones.) 

n. College students as volunteer " watchers' ' in city elec- 
tions. (See Intercollegiate Civic League Reports, 1 909-1 910.) 

12. The increase in the number of elective offices since the 
Revolution. 

13. Make a complete list of all the officers and delegates 
elected in your town (city) and county every four years, in- 
dicating when the term of each officer expires. 

14. What steps are prescribed by law in your own State 
for the official canvass of votes for State and county officers 
and for contesting elections? 

15. Ascertain as accurately as possible the cost of primaries 
and elections to the taxpayers of your State, county, and 
town. 

16. How do men and women voters compare in absentee- 
ism at the polls both at elections and primaries ? (See Mere- 
dith.) 

17. Absent voting in the Federal army during the Civil 
War. (See Benton.) 

18. What points of difference in the various absent- voters 
laws may be noted in addition to those mentioned in the text ? 

19. Why are national party lines maintained in connection 
with municipal elections? What evils have resulted? 

20. Ought partisan politics to be entirely eliminated from 
city elections? (See Munro.) 

21. What are the arguments for and against the mainte- 
nance of purely municipal parties? 

22. What has been the effect of the non-partisan ballot 
upon partisanship in elections ? 

23. The proposed Oregon plan of 191 2 for a short ballot. 
(See American Year Book, 1912, pp. 67-68.) 

24. What provisions were made by various States to en- 
able members of the State militia on the Mexican border to 
vote in the Presidential election of 1916? 

25. What proposals have been made in your own State or 
neighboring States for a shorter ballot ? 

26. In case offices which are now filled by election should 
be made appointive, what would be the best method of rill- 
ing them ? 

27. The use of schoolhouses as voting-places. (See Pink, 
Ward.) 



Elections and Ballots 361 

28. On what grounds have the courts upheld or denied the 
constitutionality of laws or charters establishing the prefer- 
ential system of voting? (See Nat. Mun. Rev., Harvard Law 
Rev.) 

29. Discuss the respective advantages and defects of the 
Grand Junction or Bucklin system of preferential voting and 
the Hare system. (See Tyson.) 

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362 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

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Elections and Ballots 363 

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364 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

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Elections and Ballots 365 

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Stickney, Albert, Organized Democracy (1906), ch. 1. 
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Election Day," in Outlook, CXIV, 566 (1916). 



366 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Taylor, C. F. (editor), Equity. A quarterly journal devoted 

to direct primary legislation, preferential voting, the 

short ballot, and the initiative, referendum, and recall. 

(Philadelphia.) 
Tuttle, Herbert, " Despotism of Party, " in Atlantic Monthly, 

LIV, 374 (1884). 
"Which, Partisan or Non-Partisan," in Outlook, LXIX, 

399 (1901). 
Tyson, R., " Preferential Voting," in Digest of Short Ballot 

Charters, 21 501. 
Ward, E. J., "The School House as the Polling Place," in 

U. S. Bureau of Education Bulletin, 1915, No. 13. 
Werner, Percy, "A New System of Elections for St. Louis," 

in Nat. Mun. Rev., V, 627 (1916). 
West, V. J., "Legislation of 1913 Affecting Nominations and 

Elections," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VIII, 437 (1914). 
"Legislation of 19 14 and 191 5 Affecting Nominations 

and Elections," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., IX, 738, 743 (191 5). 
Weyl, W. E., "The Average Voter," in Century, XC, 901 

(1915). 
White, T. R., "Separation of Elections" (in Pennsylvania), 

in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XIII, 209 (1907). 
Whitlock, Brand, "The Evil Influence of National Parties in 

Municipal Elections," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, 

xiii, 193 (1907). 

Wigmore, J. H., The Australian Ballot System as Embodied 
in the Legislation of Various Countries, 2d edition (1889). 

Wilson, Woodrow, "Hide and Seek Politics," in No. Am. 
Rev., CXCI, 585 (1910). 

Woodburn, J. A., "Political Independence and Party Loy- 
alty," ch. 23, in Political Parties and Party Problems 
(1914). 

Woodruff, C. R., "Election Methods and Reform in Phil- 
adelphia," in Annals, XVII, 181 (1901). 

"One Phase of Philadelphia's Election Frauds," in In- 
dependent, LII, 3106 (1900). 

"Election Reform," in Nqf. Mun. Rev., V, 611 (1916). 

Yount, A. H., "Chicago's Election Frauds," in Nat. Mun. 
Rev., Ill, 399 (1914), 



PART FOUR 
THE PARTY IN POWER 

CHAPTER XIV 

THE SPOILS SYSTEM. ITS ORIGIN AND DEVEL- 
OPMENT. EVILS OF THE SYSTEM 

The immediate object of political parties is to ob- Motives 
tain control of the local, State, or national govern- men^nd" 
ment through the carrying of elections. By states- merepoU- 
men this end is ardently sought because it will afford 
opportunity for enacting into law the policies or prin- 
ciples to which their party stands committed, and 
will render possible the proper enforcement of those 
laws and the execution of those policies through ad- 
ministrative officers who are in sympathy with them. 
By the mere party worker, by the "practical" or 
"machine" politician, on the other hand, the control 
of the government is sought from quite different mo- 
tives. He has continually in mind a fact which the 
average citizen rarely considers, namely, that, whereas 
the number of elective offices is relatively small, there 
is a veritable host of minor offices filled by appoint- 
ment, and that the appointments to these offices are 
made by the comparatively few elected officers. The 
practical politician knows that there is scarcely an 
elected official in the United States who does not have 
the right to appoint one or more subordinates. While 

367 



368 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

the average citizen is weighing the respective personal 
merits of A, B, C, and D as candidates for President, 
governor, mayor, or member of Congress, or decides 
to vote for them in preference to W, X, Y, and Z, 
because of the policies for which they stand, the prac- 
tical politician supports A, B, C, and D simply be- 
cause they are the men regularly named or indorsed 
by his party organization, and because it is to his 
interest to give loyal support at all times to the 
candidates of his party regardless of qualifications 
or policies, to which, indeed, he seldom gives any 
thought. It is to his interest so to act because vic- 
tory for his party at the election means that his party 
leaders will directly or indirectly have a large num- 
ber of subordinate offices, filled by appointment, to 
distribute as rewards to faithful and diligent party 
workers, and in this distribution of prizes he hopes to 
share. It is for this reason that the elections of the 
chief executive or administrative officers in the local, 
State, or national government and members of local, 
State, or national legislatures are the most warmly 
contested and made the objects of such strenuous 
activity among politicians. They realize that in the 
Federal civil service 1 alone there are nearly five hun- 
dred thousand positions to which appointments are 

1 The civil service comprises the executive branch of the public ser- 
vice as distinguished from the military, naval, legislative, and judicial 
branches. The civil service is divided into two parts: political and 
non-political, (i) The political part comprises the positions essential 
to carrying out the policy of the administration which has been ap- 
proved by the people at the polls. (2) The second part embraces the 
positions which are subordinate and ministerial. New Encyclopedia 
of Social Reform. The right to control the distribution of subordi- 
nate offices in the civil service is called " patronage.' ' The term is 
also applied to the offices themselves. 



The Spoils System 369 

made directly or indirectly by the President and state and 
members of his cabinet, and that the aggregate sal- offices* 
aries of these offices is probably at least two hundred fiUed b ? 

appoint- 

million dollars. They know, too, that in our States, ment 
cities, and towns there are offices filled by appoint- 
ment by elected officers that in the aggregate come 
to an even larger number. 

With a change in the chief administrative officers Origin of 
of a city, town, State, or of the Federal Government, system 
there is presented the opportunity for an extensive 
redistribution of the minor offices. The same is true, 
in smaller degree, in the election of members of the 
different legislative bodies. With the opportunity 
comes the temptation for a victorious candidate, or 
his party acting through him, to use the patronage 
attached to his office as a means of rewarding his per- 
sonal and political friends and weakening the oppos- 
ing party. The temptation appeared early in Amer- 
ican history, and early it proved irresistible. Since 
the time of Andrew Jackson, and even before his 
election to the Presidency, successful candidates have 
claimed as matter of right the partisan advantages of 
success. They have seen nothing wrong, or have 
shut their eyes to the wrong, in the rule that "to the 
victors belong the spoils of the enemy." To this 
practice of using the patronage connected with elec- 
tive offices as a reward for personal and party services 
the term "spoils system 5 ' has been applied. 

The framers of the Constitution unconsciously pre- Federal 
pared the way for the introduction of the spoils sys- aon^re!." 
tern into national affairs. They inserted in the Con- P"^ 

way for 

stitution a section providing that the President should spoils 
"nominate and, by and with the advice of the Senate, 8ystem 



370 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

appoint" ambassadors, judges of the supreme court, 
and "all other officers of the United States" whose 
appointments were not otherwise provided for in the 
Constitution itself and "which shall be established 
by law." l In the same section of the Constitution, 
Congress was authorized to vest the appointment of 
"inferior officers" in "the President alone, in the 
courts of law, or in the heads of departments." So 
far as the courts are concerned, Congress has by ap- 
propriate legislation conferred upon them the power 
to appoint their own clerks, reporters, and stenogra- 
phers. These positions, however, are not included 
when the spoils system is under consideration. Con- 
gress has likewise vested the appointment of a com- 
paratively few officials, including the librarian of 
Congress, in all about one thousand, in the President 
alone. The remainder of the "inferior officers" are 
appointed directly or indirectly by the heads of de- 
partments, who are themselves nominated by the 
President and confirmed by the Senate. It is with 
these inferior officers that the spoils system is con- 
cerned. 
Presi- It was decided as early as 1789 that the power to 

dent's appoint implies the power to remove from office. 2 

power rir r^ ir 

of re- Such power is absolutely essential to an efficient gov- 
ernment, but it carries with it the opportunity for its 
grave misuse in the promotion of purely partisan 
ends. It puts enormous power in the hands of the 
President and heads of departments, since it places 
almost every position in the civil service uncondition- 
ally at their pleasure. It is hardly too much to say 
that the spoils system is really little more than a per- 
1 Article II, section 2. 2 See Parsons vs. U. S., 167 U. S., 324. 



The Spoils System 371 

version of the right of removal, its prostitution to 
merely partisan uses. At the present time the Presi- 
dent has the power to remove at discretion all offi- 
cers whom he appoints directly or through the mem- 
bers of his cabinet, except judges of the Federal 
courts and military and naval officers who ordinarily 
have a right to trial by a court martial before removal. 

Down to 1820 it was tacitly understood that the Four-year- 
subordinate officers and employees of all kinds in the a ct Ure 
Federal civil service should hold their office during of l82 ° 
good behavior. Presidents and heads of departments 
exercised their power of removing subordinates rarely, 
and seldom, if at all, for merely partisan purposes. 
In 1820 an act was passed by Congress which limited 
to four years the term of district attorneys, collectors, 
naval officers, navy agents, surveyors of customs, pay- 
masters, and several other less important Federal offi- 
cers. This was an innovation which, under President 
Jackson, developed into a revolution in the term and 
tenure of office. With a fixed term, offices were va- 
cated automatically, and it became possible to make 
a redistribution without the inconvenience attending 
former removals. Every four years these offices could 
be used as rewards to party workers or personal 
friends without subjecting the appointing officers to 
the necessity of avowing partisan motives. In this 
way the " spoils" could be shared by a much larger 
number of individuals than was possible under a 
tenure of good behavior. 

It was not, however, until the administration of 
President Jackson that the practice was inaugurated 
of systematically displacing officers and employees of 
all kinds merely because they did not agree in politics 



372 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

with the President for the time being. But even 
President Jackson did not make the " clean sweep" 
in the Federal offices with which he has frequently- 
been charged. 1 Such changes, however, as were made 
during his two administrations were made openly and 
avowedly from partisan considerations, whereas be- 
fore his time such motives, if they existed, were not 
avowed publicly. 
The act The last year of President Jackson's second term 

saw the enactment of another law which greatly facili- 
tated the extension of the spoils system and com- 
pleted "the partisan revolution in the politics and 
official life of the country." That act required that 
all postmasters whose compensation was one thou- 
sand dollars a year or upward should be appointed by 
the President and confirmed by the Senate and that 
their term of office should be four years. They were 
made removable at the pleasure of the President. 
The four-year tenure established by the acts of 1820 
and 1836 did not extend to the clerks or other inferior 
officers in the great departments at Washington, or 
to subordinates of postmasters, of collectors, or of 
naval or other officers named in the statutes. But as 
their removal could be effected without a special act, 
it was not long before it became the practice to re- 
move even these upon the accession of each new 
superior. From Jackson's administrations to the en- 
actment of the civil service act of 1883, the whole 
Federal civil service was shaken up more or less 
thoroughly every four years by removals. And the 
four-year rule is still in existence. It applies to the 
1 C. R. Fish, Civil Service and the Patronage, 181. 



The Spoils System 373 

most important Federal officials, including, in addi- 
tion to those already named, the chiefs of many 
bureaus, the governors and judges of the territories, 
Indian agents, and pension agents. 

Underlying the four-year-tenure acts of 1820 and "Rota- 
1836 was the principle of " rotation in office.' ' This ffi^» 
became almost universally accepted in Jackson's 
time, and it greatly facilitated and in a large measure 
explains the rapid extension of the spoils system in 
national and State politics. In the period when the 
new democracy was spreading like wildfire " rotation 
in office" was held to imply democracy and equality. 
It was defended on the ground that it stimulated men 
to exertion in behalf of their party, fostered ambition 
to serve the country or neighborhood by opening up 
the possibility of holding office to a vastly greater 
number than could expect to hold office under the 
tenure of good behavior. Furthermore, it was a pro- 
test against the existence of what was regarded as a 
stiff, arrogant, and aristocratic official caste, and a 
convenient formula for the belief that one man was 
as good as another; or, as George III said, " every 
man is good enough for any place he can get." 

Rotation in office at first related to changes in the 
civil service only when one party supplanted another 
in the control of the government. But after 1857 the 
practice came to be applied every time a new admin- 
istration came in, although of the same party as the 
preceding administration. It treated the public ser- 
vice as "a huge soup-house in which needy citizens 
are to take turns at the table, and they must not 
grumble when they are told to move on." Yet rota- 



374 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

tion was never applied universally in the Federal civil 
service; for many men secured a long, intermittent 
term of service by coming into office whenever their 
party came to power, even though they were removed 
by the other party. Furthermore, a large residuum, 
often composed of those performing the most techni- 
cal duties, were always left in their places, by whom 
the continuity of departmental traditions was pre- 
served. The advance of democratic sentiment be- 
tween 1820 and 1850 evolved a great and growing vol- 
ume of political work to be done in managing prima- 
ries, conventions, and elections for offices in the city, 
State, and national governments. Men were needed 
who could give to this work constant and undivided 
attention. These men the plan of rotation in office 
provided. Those whose bread and butter depended 
on their party could be trusted to work for their 
party, to enlist recruits, look after the organization, 
and play electioneering tricks from which ordinary 
party spirit might recoil. 1 The leaders of the Whig 
party had strenuously denounced the perversion of 
the Federal civil service to partisan purposes under 
President Jackson, but when they obtained control 
of the government, under President Harrison, they 
found the temptation irresistible to accept the spoils 
system and to use it to the advantage of their own 
party. 
Accept- Thus by 1840 both great parties had accepted the 

Whigs spoils system, including the principle of rotation in 
** d office. For half a century they continued to act upon 

crats the assumption that when the people voted to change 

1 Bryce, II, 136. 



The Spoils System 375 

a party administration they voted to change every 
person of the opposite party who held a government 
position, including not only the President and heads 
of departments, but the clerks in practically every 
bureau, the messengers at every door, the porters and 
carters of every warehouse, the keepers of every 
light-house, the rowers of every custom-house boat, 
the washers of floors at posts on the frontier, the 
makers of fires in every public building in the coun- 
try. 1 For positions in the civil service came to be 
looked upon as intrenched outposts of the party, to 
be manned by valiant warriors and to be barricaded 
against opponents; nor this alone, but also asylums 
for broken-down henchmen and sally-ports for carry- 
ing elections. 2 

Concisely stated, then, the essential features of the Essentia! 
spoils system are as follows: "No term for more than f "polls* 
four years; the tenure, removal at pleasure; offices system 
and salaries, the spoils of party warfare; rotation, in 
order to give offices to as many servile partisans as 
possible; appointments and removals for political 
reasons. . . ." 3 

The spoils system has been by no means confined Spoils 
to the national civil service. It has flourished and prevalent 
still flourishes wherever there is patronage to distrib- m state 

. and mu- 

ute, whether in the local, State, or national govern- nicipai 
ment. Until recently people have very generally ^J^ 1 " 
overlooked or condoned its existence in State and 
local politics. Nevertheless, it had been systemati- 
cally developed first in connection with the State gov- 

1 George William Curtis, Orations and Addresses, II, 121. 

2 Lalor, III, 786. 3 Ibid., 000. 



376 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

ernment of New York and Pennsylvania, and ap- 
pears to have been imported by New York politicians 
into Federal affairs. Essentially the same opportu- 
nity exists in State and local governments for the 
application of the spoils system and rotation as in the 
Federal Government, though on a less extensive scale. 
Every elected State officer has at least some patron- 
age at his disposal. Even the State Legislatures, 
especially in the larger States, have within their gift 
a large number of positions. For example, there are 
sergeants-at-arms and assistant sergeants-at-arms, 
principal doorkeepers, first and second assistant door- 
keepers, journal clerks, executive clerks, index clerks, 
revision clerks, librarians, messengers, postmasters, 
janitors, stenographers and messengers to the various 
committees, and assistants, first and second, too nu- 
merous to mention. 1 

Our large cities furnish even more important op- 
portunities for the spoils system. They have been 
compared to richly laden treasure-ships in an ocean 
swarming with pirates. If they have been manned 
in accordance with the spoils system, their officers 
and men have been selected and appointed by the 
captains of the pirates. The plunder that can now 
be obtained by gaining the control of a State or city 
government is so enormous that whenever there is a 
chance to capture it the effort is sure to be made, and 
made for wicked and dishonest purposes. 2 

With the foregoing outline of its origin and exten- 

1 Beard, 668. 

2 Charles Richardson, in National Civil Service Reform League 
Proceedings (1903), 76. 



The Spoils System 377 

sion, we may now consider the actual operation and 
evil effects of the spoils system in practical politics 
and government. These can be studied most satis- 
factorily in connection with the Federal civil service, 
but two points must be constantly borne in mind, 
namely, that essentially the same practices exist in 
State and local politics and that essentially the same 
evils have here been fraught with even more serious 
consequences than in the Federal civil service. 

From a body of less than three hundred officials at Senators 
the organization of the Federal Government, the na- ^seaST 
tional civil service has, with the growth of govern- tives 
mental business, expanded into a body of nearly five « office 
hundred thousand officials and employees. 1 Since brokers " 
thousands of these are appointed directly by the 
President and heads of departments, it has long been 
and still is impossible for those high officers, few in 
number and burdened with a multitude of duties, 
however good their intentions, to make a thorough 
personal investigation into the character and qualifi- 
cations of the army of applicants for government po- 
sitions. The appointing officers have been compelled 
to rely upon the recommendations of others. Sen- 
ators and representatives, when in attendance upon 
Congress, are readily accessible and are usually in a 
position to know the qualifications of candidates from 
their States or districts. It was very natural, then, 
that the President and heads of departments should 
come to rely very largely, if not exclusively, upon the 
recommendations of members of Congress almost as 
soon as the spoils system had been transplanted rah} 

1 33d Annual Report of the U* S. Civil Service Commission (7:915-16). 



378 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

national affairs. Thus members of both houses of 
Congress became the natural go-betweens for the 
executive and aspirants for Federal offices. They be- 
came virtually office brokers. An immense amount 
of political power was thus placed in their hands, and 
they were not slow to make use of it for personal and 
party ends. Senators profited more than representa- 
tives, inasmuch as many appointments required con- 
firmation by the Senate before taking effect. Often 
no members of Congress from a State belonged to 
the administration party, or there might be local fac- 
tions within the party hostile to the congressional 
delegation; and in such cases other means of informa- 
tion had to be sought. This was done in different 
ways by different Presidents under different circum- 
stances: (i) by writing to some man of great local 
influence; (2) by seeking the advice of the governor 
or State political leader or "boss"; and (3) by con- 
sulting delegations sent to Washington to intercede. 1 
The Just as the President came to rely more and more 

of the upon the representations of members of Congress, so 
Senate" the Senate as a whole came to rely upon the recom- 
mendations of the senators from the State where an 
appointment took effect. As a body, the Senate had 
no time in which to conduct a thorough investigation 
of each nomination presented to it for confirmation. 
So the practice known as the "courtesy of the Sen- 
ate" arose. According to this practice, if the sena- 
tors from the State concerned in a certain appoint- 
ment approved of the person nominated, the Senate 
confirmed the appointment as a matter of course; and 

1 C. R. Fish, op. cit., 175. 



The Spoils System 379 

likewise refused confirmation if the nomination was 
objected to by the senators from the State concerned. 
As a result, a United States senator became a sort of 
feudal lord in the distribution of Federal patronage 
within his State. The possession of this enormous 
power made it easily possible for him to build up a 
strong political machine. Representatives shared in 
this accession of extra-constitutional power in only a 
less degree. Even now any one at all familiar with 
practical politics can recall instances of the influence 
exerted by senators and representatives in the mat- 
ter of Federal appointments, although, as a result of 
recent reforms, their power in this respect has been 
greatly curtailed. 

A practice not essentially different exists in the Outside 
case of appointments to minor State offices. The often de _ 
executive officers of the State are influenced in mak- Pennine 

State and 

ing their appointments by the wishes and recommen- municipal 
dations of the members of the legislature, and of per- ments 1 " 
sons holding no State office, but possessed of great 
political influence; as, for example, the United States 
senators or the so-called local or State bosses. In 
municipal politics the officers nominally vested with 
the power of appointment pay great heed to the rec- 
ommendations or wishes of the city boss and of ward 
and district workers. The result is the same in na- 
tional, State, and local politics; the appointing officer 
follows his own inclinations in comparatively few 
cases, but uses his power of appointment either to 
strengthen his party organization in accordance with 
the recommendations from outside sources or to fur- 
ther his own personal ambitions. 



380 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Defense 
of spoils 
system 



Public 

sentiment 

toward 

the spoils 

system 

greatly 

changed 



The strongest argument put forward in defense of 
the system runs substantially as follows: Political 
parties have come to stay. To be permanently effec- 
tive they must develop a durable and widely extended 
organization. This can be secured only by having a 
regular staff of party workers or professional poli- 
ticians, who shall make the conduct of party affairs 
their main business or chief avocation. This staff 
cannot be secured and maintained without compen- 
sation of some sort, since it is recruited for the most 
part from men of small means or none at all. The 
patronage of the government is the natural fund for 
such payments, and the easiest and most effective 
way of maintaining the necessary degree of organiza- 
tion. Without this " cohesive power" of the spoils 
system political parties must rapidly undergo disso- 
lution, and the country would soon be deprived of 
the inestimable blessing of party government. Little 
or nothing is heard nowadays of the defense so com- 
mon when the spoils system first appeared in national 
politics, that the system is essential to the continued 
existence of democratic government. The country at 
large has come to hold directly the opposite view. 

Within the past thirty years a marked change has 
taken place in public sentiment regarding the spoils 
system, especially in national politics. Open and 
avowed defenders of the system among men holding 
high position in Federal affairs are exceedingly rare. 
Such defenders as the system has are to be found 
almost wholly in the ranks of machine politicians, 
whose chief sphere of activity is State and municipal 
politics. The same change of sentiment is beginning 



The Spoils System 381 

to appear in connection with municipal civil service, 
but as yet State governments have been only slightly 
affected by it, and there the spoils system persists 
comparatively unchecked. 

A change of sentiment at once so profound and 
far-reaching was not the result of any sudden popular 
whim. It is a permanent conviction produced as the 
result of a slow, persistent education of public senti- 
ment, accompanied by the presentation of clear and 
convincing evidence that evils of a most serious na- 
ture had developed under the system and are insep- 
arable from it. These evils of the spoils system may, 
for the sake of convenience, be grouped in two main 
divisions : first, the evils appearing in the quality of offi- 
cial services; and, second, the more distinctively polit- 
ical evils. 

(i) The efficiency and character of office-holders Evils 
whose training and natural inclinations would make ^ p ^ ng 
them otherwise efficient, as well as their fidelity to quality of 
the public service, are inevitably undermined by the services: 
spoils system. In place of a faithful and efficient (l l Cha ^" 

. . . r . . acter and 

civil service, based upon merit and experience, we efficiency 
have a corps of political intriguers whose first concern under" 
is with ways and means of retaining their places by mined 
rendering political services to the party managers. 
Under such conditions public offices soon cease to be 
regarded as public trusts, and the work of the gov- 
ernment suffers by neglect or inefficiency. 

(2) Even assuming that the character of the offi- ( 2 ) Th « 
cials in the civil service is all that could be desired involved 
under the spoils system, the frequency of removals mfr ®~ 
seriously impairs the quality of the service rendered, movais 



382 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

The magnitude of this evil in the Federal civil service 
may be inferred from the case of the New York cus- 
tom-house when the spoils system was at its height. 
One collector there in the four years from 1858 to 1862 
removed 389 out of 690 subordinates; another, of the 
opposite party, in the three and one-half years next 
following removed 525 out of 702 of those serving 
under him. Nearly all of these removals were for 
partisan purposes. In the five years, or 1,565 secu- 
lar days, preceding the year 1871 there were 1,678 
removals, and nearly all for merely partisan reasons; 
or more than at the rate of one every secular day 
for five years. 1 Describing conditions in the late 
seventies, a collector at the port of New York stated 
that under his three immediate predecessors more 
than one-fourth of the persons employed were re- 
moved every year. During the three years of one 
of these predecessors, out of 903 officers 830 were 
removed. Another predecessor made 338 removals in 
eighteen months, although there had been no change 
of party administration. Another made 510 remov- 
als in sixteen months. The terms of these three 
predecessors did not exceed six years altogether, av- 
eraging 230 removals per year in the custom-house 
alone out of about 1,000 employees. 2 Taking the en- 
tire country, the waste caused by the frequent bring- 
ing in of inexperienced persons was enormous. 

(3) Officials once installed in office through favor- 
itism and political influence, and proving inefficient 
or otherwise unworthy, can, under the spoils system, 

1 Lalor, III, 569. 

2 G. W. Curtis K Orations and Addresses, II, 128. 



The Spoils System 383 

be removed only with the greatest difficulty. The (3) The 
same political influence or party service which se- ^ re _ 
cured for them appointment, in the first place, is m ovin g 

incompe- 

powerfully and often effectually exerted for their re- tents 
tention in office when the good of the service demands 
their dismissal. 

(4) Men of the best character and of superior quali- U) The 

fications are kept out of the public service by the dusion^f" 

spoils system. When the essential requirements to the best 

. . men from 

secure an appointment are an elastic conscience, un- office- 
limited obedience to the commands of political lead- ° s 
ers, success as manipulators of conventions or as 
workers at the polls, the men who would be most 
desirable as officials or employees are excluded. 1 

In enumerating the political evils of the spoils sys- Political 
tern, one should note (1) that as the spoils system spoiissys- 
developed in the Federal civil service it resulted in tem **? x 

. . . seen: (1) 

virtually amending the Constitution, or at least in in en- 
violating its spirit. The power of appointment is ^entof 
vested in the President or heads of departments, ex- ^ legis- 

lstive 

cept as otherwise provided by act of Congress. With U pon the 
the growth of the civil service and the adoption of executive 
the " courtesy of the Senate," the real power of mak- 
ing appointments was transferred to the members of 
Congress, and especially to the Senate. The function 
of the President and heads of departments in this 
matter was reduced to little more than that of attach- 
ing their signatures to the commissions of appointees 
practically named by Congress. In other words, 
under the spoils system in national politics there is 
a marked tendency of the legislative department to 

1 See ibid., 375. 



384 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(2) The 
neglect of 
legisla- 
tive and 
executive 
duties 



(3) The 
creation 
of profes- 
sional 
politicians 



(4) Re- 
striction of 
the num- 
ber of 
available 
candidates 



encroach upon the province or to usurp the power of 
the executive department. As President Garfield 
said: "The spoils system invades the independence of 
the Executive, and makes him less responsible for the 
character of his appointments." 1 

(2) The spoils system makes unreasonable demands 
upon the time of the President, heads of departments, 
congressmen, and senators, compelling them to neg- 
lect their proper executive or legislative duties. Re- 
ferring to this fact, President Garfield, when a mem- 
ber of the House, stated that "one- third of the work- 
ing hours of senators and representatives is hardly 
sufficient to meet the demands made upon them 
in reference to appointments for office.' ' 2 Further- 
more, another reliable authority states that at least 
one-third of the time of President Garfield himself 
was absorbed by applicants for office, and that more 
than six-sevenths of the calls made upon one of his 
cabinet officers during a period of three months were 
for office-seeking. 3 

(3) The spoils system has been more responsible, 
perhaps, than any other single factor in creating the 
class of professional politicians and political bosses 
which has been such a force for evil in local, State, 
and national politics. 

(4) The existence of the spoils system tends seri- 
ously to restrict the field of available candidates for 
the elective offices. Personal merit is not wholly ig- 
nored, nor public opinion needlessly affronted, but 
ordinarily candidates are regarded as available in the 



1 Quoted in Lalor, III, 141. 

3 Ibid.; Atlantic Monthly, XL, 49 (1877). 



2 Ibid. 



The Spoils System 385 

ratio of their adroitness in using patronage to bribe 
voters, to reward electioneers, to buy the press, and 
to conciliate opponents and rivals. 1 

(5) The spoils system tends directly to increase the (5) En- 
cost of administering the government, and this addi- co^of ad- 
tional cost must be met by increased taxation. Leg- pinifter- 

J fe ingthe 

islative bodies, to mention only one example, have govern- 
frequently yielded to the temptation to create new ment 
offices or positions as a means of strengthening the 
party, or to burden these offices and old ones with 
superfluous officials. One cabinet officer complained 
some years ago to a congressional committee that he 
was obliged to keep seventeen persons in his depart- 
ment whom he did not want, although one man could 
have done the same amount of work and have done 
it better than the seventeen. 2 

(6) The spoils system tends to deprave and distort (6) Lower 
the spirit and mechanism of politics. Wherever it political 
prevails, there is a strong tendency to convert a cam- contests 
paign into mere place-hunting. Offices becoming the 
reward of party services, the whole machinery of the 

party is made to serve as its main object the getting 
and keeping of offices. Hence we have one of the 
chief motives which result in the packing of primaries, 
machine-managed conventions, and election frauds. 
From a free popular choice between different policies 
of administration or legislation elections tend to de- 
generate into a contest for personal advantage be- 
tween rivals for the control of patronage. 

(7) The spoils system places the party which is 

1 Lalor, III, 140. 

2 14th Annual Report, U. S. Civil Service Commission, 39 (1896-7). 



386 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(7) Crea- 
tion of an 
office- 
holders' 
"ma- 
chine " 



(8) Levy- 
ing 

political 
assess- 
ments 



(9) Virtual 
substitu- 
tion of 
oligaichic 
for demo- 
cratic gov- 
ernment 



victorious in a national, State, and local election in a 
position virtually to convert the government into a 
great political machine, since it places at the disposal 
of that party, however corrupt, a horde of creatures 
in every town, county, and State, bound to fight for 
the defense and continuance of the machine. 1 

(8) The threat or fear of removal has been made 
effective for extorting from office-holders political as- 
sessments or forced contributions to party campaign 
funds. When this practice was tolerated in the Fed- 
eral civil service neither pecuniary position, age, nor 
sex found mercy with party managers. Every one 
who figured on the pay-roll of a public department 
was put under contribution — office boys, dock-labor- 
ers, washerwomen, not to mention a host of others. 2 

(9) People are tardily coming to see that, instead 
of being essential to democratic government, the 
spoils system is undemocratic. Democracy implies 
political equality of citizens, and is opposed to favor- 
itism and privilege. The spoils system creates a dis- 
tinct political class with an immediate personal, self- 
ish class interest in politics which is not shared by 
the rest of the community. The whole management 
of political affairs gradually slides and falls into the 
hands of this oligarchy. The ordinary citizen, how- 
ever meritorious, stands little if any chance of hold- 
ing public office unless he subscribes to the terms laid 
down by the small tyrants called bosses who domi- 
nate these oligarchies. Such surrender renders the 
citizen no longer the equal but virtually the vassal of 
the boss. 

1 H. C. Lodge, in Century, XL, 837 (1890). 2 Ostrogorski, 69. 



The Spoils System 387 

(10) In spite of the fact that the spoils system is a (xo) Un- 
powerful instrument for the strengthening of political a^" 1111111 * 
machines, it is at the same time a potent source of strength 

. . of party 

party weakness. When the party chiefs come to dis- organiza- 
tribute the spoils, there is sure to be disappointment. tMm 
Ten applicants are disappointed to every one that is 
gratified. The " knife is up the sleeve" with those 
who have been given promises that cannot be real- 
ized. Personal feuds and factional strife arise and 
the harmony of the party is disturbed. Congressmen 
of the party out of power do not have one-half as 
much trouble in keeping harmony in their districts as 
those who have the hateful task of distributing post- 
offices and revenue collectorships. 1 

(n) The spoils system depreciates the moral stand- (n) Low- 
ards of the country. "The spoils motive in politics ^orai 
appeals to cupidity, avarice, selfishness, not to pa- standards 
triotism; consequently the selfish, the avaricious, the people 
unscrupulous press forward and scramble for place, generally 
while those to whom higher motives appeal retire." 2 
Then, too, the example of Presidents, 3 governors, and 
mayors practically buying legislative support for 
measures which they favor by the promise of office 
can have no other effect than to lower the moral tone 
of the community, State, and nation. This practice 
has been characterized as "one of the most palpa- 
ble and dangerous forms of bribery." Likewise the 
power of awarding valuable government contracts, 
incident to many offices, tends to produce the same 

1 Woodburn, 386. 2 Ibid., 384. 

3 For an example of such a use of Federal patronage in Lincoln's 
administration, see C. A. Dana's Recollections of the Civil War, 174 ff. 



388 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

result, for it opens up a wide range of opportunities 
for that species of dishonesty in politics which we 
have recently come to call " graft." 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. Office-seeking and removals under Washington, John 
Adams, and Jefferson. 

2. The debate in Congress in 1789 over the power to re- 
move heads of departments. 

3. The circumstances surrounding John Adams's removal 
of Timothy Pickering in 1800 and Jackson's removal of 
W. J. Duane in 1833. 

4. The New York council of appointment and the begin- 
nings of the spoils system in New York. 

5. The growth of the Federal civil service between 1789 
and 1820. 

6. The debates over the four-year-term act of 1820 and 
the attempts to repeal it in 1835. (See Register of Debates in 
Congress.) 

7. Office-seeking and the spoils system under Jackson and 
Van Buren. 

8. Early development of the doctrine of rotation in office. 
(See Fish.) 

9. With whom, and under what circumstances, did the 
political phrase, "to the victors belong the spoils/' originate? 

10. Office-seeking and the spoils system under Lincoln. 
(See Fish, C. A. Dana's Recollections of the Civil War, and 
Rhodes.) 

11. The history of the tenure-of -office act, 1867-1887. 

12. The spoils system in the Southern States during the 
Reconstruction period. 

13. The Garfield-Conkling episode in New York politics in 
the early eighties. 

14. How many and what offices are affected by the spoils 
system in your own town, county, and State ? In the largest 
cities of your own State ? 

15. Tabulate the appointive offices or positions in the Fed- 
eral Treasury Department. (See the Official Register.) 

16. The appointment of House and Senate officials in Con- 
gress, 



The Spoils System 389 

17. The spoils system in England in the age of Walpole. 
(See Eaton, Lecky's England in the Eighteenth Century, and 
other English histories and biographies.) 

18. The spoils system in England in the reign of George 
III. (See Correspondence between George III and Lord North 
and Century Magazine, LXXVI, 304.) 

19. The alleged use of patronage by President Taft to in- 
fluence legislation in the 61st Congress. (See Bourne and 
Rev. of Rev., XLIII, 259.) 

20. Office-seeking and the spoils system, 1850-1860. 

2i. The spoils system as seen in connection with legislative 
appointees or the legislative " padded pay-roll. " 

22. The use and abuse of the power of appointment and 
removal in municipal governments. (See Munro.) 

23. The investigation of corruption in Buchanan's admin- 
istration by the Covode commission (i860). 

24. Senator Gallinger's invocation of the "courtesy" rule 
to defeat the appointment of Mr. Rublee to the Federal 
Trade Commission, 191 6. 

25. Alleged nepotism in the Federal civil service during the 
Wilson administration. 

26. To what extent were contributors to the Democratic 
campaign fund of 191 2 appointed to Federal offices by Presi- 
dent Wilson? (See Philadelphia Public Ledger, March 28, 

1915.) 

27. Secretary Bryan and the appointment of "deserving 
Democrats" to positions in San Domingo. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Adams, H. B., "Civil Service Reform," in No. Am. Rev., 

CIX, 443 (1869). On the spoils system under President 

Grant. 
Atlantic Monthly, CXIII, 433 (19 14), "The Last Refuge of 

the Spoilsman." On spoils in the diplomatic service 

under President Wilson. 
Bourne, Jonathan, Jr., "Federal Patronage," in Congressional 

Record, February 27, 191 1. 
Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, II, ch. 65 (4th 

edition). 
Century, XL VIII, 306 (1894), "The Consular Service and the 

Spoils System." 



390 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Clarkson, J. S., "The Politician and the Pharisee, " in No. 
Am. Rev., CLII, 613 (1891). 

Curtis, George W., Orations and Addresses, II. 

Dawes, H. L., "Garfield and Conkling," in Century, XL VII, 
341 (1893-94).. 

Debates and Proceedings of Congress, usually cited by the 
binder's title, Annals of Congress. 

Dickson, W. M., "The New Political Machine," in No. Am. 
Rev., CXXXIV, 40 (1882). A defense of the spoils sys- 
tem. 

Eaton, D. B., articles in Lalor's Cyclopcedia, etc., entitled, 
"The Spoils System," "Removals from Office," "Term 
and Tenure of Office," and "Patronage." 

Civil Service in Great Britain. (1880.) In House Exec- 
utive Documents, 2d session, 46th Congress, XII, No. 1, 
pt. 7. 

The Spoils System and Civil Service Reform in the Cus- 
tom-House and Post-Office at New York. (Pamphlet, 
1881.) 

Fish, C. R., Civil Service and the Patronage (1905). 

"Removals from Office by the Presidents of the United 

States," in Am. Hist. Assn. Reports, I, 67 (1899). 

"Lincoln and the Patronage," in Am. Hist. Rev. y VIII, 

53 (1902-03). 

Gitterman, J. M., "The Council of Appointment in New 
York," in Pol. Sci. Quar., VII, 801 (1892). 

Goodnow, F. J., Politics and Administration, ch. 5. 

Harvey, George, "The Diplomats of Democracy," in No. 
Am. Rev., CXCIX, 162 (191 4). On appointments under 
President Wilson. 

House Reports, 2d session, 56th Congress, III, No. 2978 
(1901). On employees in the House of Representatives. 

Hunt, Gaillard, "Office-Seeking during Washington's Ad- 
ministration," in Am. Hist. Rev., I, 251 (1895-96). 

"Office-Seeking under John Adams," in Am. Hist. Rev., 

II, 241 (1896-97). 

"Office-Seeking during Jefferson's Administration," in 

Am. Hist. Rev., Ill, 270 (1897-98). 

Illinois Legislative Voters' League, The Assembly Bulletin, 
IX, No. 24 (1915), "Padding the Payrolls in the 1915 
Session. " 



The Spoils System 391 

Jackson, Andrew, " First Annual Message/ ' in Richardson's 
Messages and Papers of the Presidents, II, 442. 

Jenckes, T. A., Report from the [Congressional] Joint Select 
Committee on Retrenchment (1868). 

McBain, H. L., De Witt Clinton and the Origin of the Spoils 
System, in Columbia University Studies, XXVIII (1907). 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, 
III, 372, " Spoils System." 

Merriam, J. M., "Jefferson's Use of the Executive Patron- 
age," in Am. Hist. Assn. Papers, II (1887). 

Munro, W. B., The Government of American Cities (1912), 
ch. 9. 

Nelson, H. L., "The Overshadowing Senate," in Century, 
LXIV, 169, and LXV, 499 (1902). 

Official Register of Persons in the Civil, Military, and Naval 
Service of the United States. 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties, II (1902). (See index.) 

Democracy and the Party System (19 10). 

Outlook, The, C, 722 (1912), "Patronage in Politics." In the 
pre-convention Presidential campaign of 191 2. 

CVT, 533 (1914), "The Diplomatic Service: Its Organ- 
ization and Demoralization." On conditions under 
President Wilson. 

Pendleton, G. H., Report from the Committee on Civil Service 
and Retrenchment. In Senate Reports, 1st session, 47th 
Congress, No. 576 (1882). 

Piatt, T. C, "Autobiography of Senator Piatt," in McClure's, 
XXXV, 317 (1910). On Garfield-Conkling feud in New 
York. 

Poltow, A., "Electoral Corruption in England, in the Old 
Days," in No. Am. Rev., CLXXXII, 275 (1906). 

Register of Debates in Congress, 1825-37. 

Review of Reviews, XLIII, 259 (191 1), "Patronage and Pres- 
tige." 

Richardson, C, "The Spoils System in Philadelphia," in Na- 
tional Civil Service Reform League Proceedings (1892), 
p. 84. 

Richardson, J. B. (compiler), Messages and Papers of the 
Presidents, 10 vols. (See index.) 



392 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Salmon, Lucy M., Syllabus for the Study of the History of Civil 
Service Reform. (Pamphlet.) 

"History of the Appointing Power of the President," in 

Am. Hist. Assn. Papers, I (1886). 

Shaw, A. M., "The Public Schools of a Boss-Ridden City" 
(Philadelphia), in WorloVs Work, VII, 4460 (1904). 

Stickney, A., Organized Democracy, 118 ff. On Lincoln's use 
of the patronage. 

Tyler, L. G., Parties and Patronage in the United States (1891). 

Whitbridge, F. W., "Rotation in Office," in Pol. Set. Quar., 
IV, 279 (1889). 

Woodburn, J. A., The American Republic (1903), 183-189. 

Political Parties and Party Problems (1914), ch. 18. 

Woolley, R. W., "The Race for Federal Jobs," in World's 
Work, XXV, 552 (1913). 

United States Civil Service Commission, "Evils of the Spoils 
System," in 14th Annual Report (1896-97), pp. 35 ff. 

"Practice of the Presidents in Appointments and Re- 
movals, 1789-1883," in 15th Annual Report (1897-98), 
pp. 441 ff. 

"List of References to the History of the Merit Sys- 
tem," in 27th Annual Report (1909-10), pp. 164 fi. 



CHAPTER XV 

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. HISTORY OF THE 
MOVEMENT. THE CIVIL SERVICE ACT OF 
1883. ECONOMIES AND POLITICAL BENEFITS 
OF THE COMPETITIVE SYSTEM 

The spoils system is destined to disappear, and 
along with it will pass away most of its attendant 
evils. Already the system has been very extensively 
superseded in appointments to the Federal civil ser- 
vice. In the State and municipal governments the 
worst evils of the system still linger. Nevertheless, 
these evils will gradually be eliminated with the slow 
but persistent progress of the civil service reform 
movement. 

This movement is opposed to the theory which re- Civil ser- 
gards places in the public service as prizes to be dis- f^/op. 
tributed after an election, like plunder after a battle. P° s ® d t0 

spoils sys- 

It is opposed to the theory which perverts public tern 
trusts into party spoils, making public employment 
depend upon personal favor and not on proved merit. 1 
The name " civil service reform" is in itself mis- 
leading, for the real intent of the movement is not 
to reform the civil service, but to change the mode 
by which its places are filled. The chief purpose is 
to take the routine, non-political offices of the gov- 
ernment out of politics, where they ought never to 

1 G. W. Curtis, Orations and Addresses, II, 502. 
393 



394 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

have been, by providing some method of filling them 

which is at once fair, non-partisan, and disinterested. 1 

Aims of Stated broadly, the aims of civil service reformers 

civil ser— 

vice re- have been to take out of political contests all induce- 
formers me nt to mere office-seeking, and, especially in the 
case of the Federal Government, to restore and pre- 
serve the independence of the legislative and execu- 
tive departments, which the Constitution was careful 
to keep distinct. As a means of accomplishing this, 
these reformers seek to establish a process by which 
the offices shall be filled upon tests of merit, and not 
as mere rewards for party or personal service. "The 
goal of civil service reform," says President Eliot, "is 
a public service, national, State, and municipal, ex- 
clusively composed of men, each of whom possesses 
the knowledge and skill needed for his own task, well 
disciplined, devoted to their work, and to the public 
authority which employs them, and regarding their 
occupation as an honorable and satisfactory life 
career." This reform of the civil service has been 
called "the fundamental governmental reform, the 
reform on which all other improvements in national, 
State, and municipal administration depend." Cer- 
tainly the efficiency of all governmental services in 
their present complexity and vastness depends upon 
the wide adoption of some system of selection and 
promotion based upon merit and proved capacity. 
Earliest The establishment of such a system for positions in 

^reforai the Federal civil service dates from the enactment of 
civil ser- th e so-called Pendleton, or civil service, act of 1883. 

vice 

Prior to this date two unsuccessful and short-lived 

1 Henry Cabot Lodge, in Century, XL, 838 (1890). 



Civil Service Reform 395 

attempts had been made to abolish the evils of the 
spoils system. 1 Between 185 1 and 1853 the question 
of efficiency in the civil service was discussed in two 
reports to the Senate, and it was recommended that 
examinations be held for the lowest grade of clerk- 
ships and that all vacancies above these, except the 
chief clerkships, be filled by promotion. 2 Following 
these suggestions, acts were passed by Congress in 
1853 an d 1855 subjecting to examination (1) all per- 
sons in the departments at Washington receiving sal- 
aries between $900 and $1,800 a year; (2) subordinate 
officials in the customs service at eleven ports; and 
(3), in twenty- three post-offices, positions under post- 
master, not including mere laborers or workmen. In 
all, nearly 14,000 positions were affected by this leg- 
islation. 3 

The character of these examinations, however, de- 
pended entirely on the discretion of the head of the 
department concerned. Inasmuch as he was also the 
appointing officer and the one upon whom fell the 
pressure of politicians in a period when the spoils 
system was flourishing, the examinations amounted 
to little. They were not competitive and were con- 
ducted independently in each office. One candidate 
was examined at a time, and no means was afforded 
of comparing the merits of one applicant with an- 
other. Some of the questions asked of candidates 

1 It should be noted that as early as 1841 a committee of the 
House of Representatives had proposed the adoption of preliminary 
examinations for those desiring to enter the civil service. House 
Reports, 2d session, 27th Congress, No. 741, vol. IV, pp. 1-5, quoted 
in 15th Annual Report, U. S. Civil Service Commission, pp. 465 ff. 

2 Carl Russell Fish, Civil Service and the Patronage, 183. 

3 F. T. Doyle, in Forum, XIV, 219 (1892-93). 



390 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

show that the examinations were a farce: " Where 
would you go to draw your salary ?" "How many 
are four times four?" "What have you had for 
breakfast?" "Who recommended your appoint- 
ment?" l An eye-witness of one of these examina- 
tions in one of the departments at Washington after 
the war says that the candidate then being examined 
by the postmaster-general was questioned and cross- 
questioned, not as to his capacity for doing the work, 
but as to what ticket he had voted, how many years 
he had voted it, what he had done and could do for 
the party then in power, and what his influence was 
with his race. The course of the examination lasted 
twenty minutes. The person thus examined was an 
ignorant negro, an applicant for a postmastership in 
the South. 2 Examinations of this character are usu- 
ally called "pass" examinations in order to distin- 
guish them from the system of competitive examina- 
tions inaugurated in 1883. Partisan politicians, it is 
needless to say, made very little objection to mere 
pass examinations, and the evils of the spoils system 
went on practically unchecked. 
Real be- The real starting-point of civil service reform in 
reform this country was the report of Hon. Thomas A. 
Jenckes, chairman of a joint select congressional com- 
mittee, submitted to Congress in May, 1868. Up to 
this time the evils of the spoils system were well 
understood, but few apparently had given serious 
thought regarding the remedy. People seemed to 
have concluded, in a characteristic American way, 

1 Quoted in A. B. Hart's Actual Government, 289. 

1 W. W. Vaughn, Every Man on His Own Merits (pamphlet), 7. 



Civil Service Reform 397 

that the trouble was inherent in our political system; 
or, if not inherent, that it had become so firmly im- 
planted that it could not be removed, that to com- 
plain was useless, and that we should go ahead and 
make the best of it. There was so little knowledge 
of or interest in civil service reform when Mr. Jenckes 
began his agitation that he was, "like Paul in Athens, 
declaring the Unknown God." l 

Being a lawyer of marked ability, a man of wealth, 
and belonging to a family of much local considera- 
tion, Mr. Jenckes had assumed a position of impor- 
tance from his first entrance into the House of Repre- 
sentatives in 1863. He had made a careful study of 
the civil service in China, Prussia, France, and es- 
pecially in England, and in his elaborate report he 
furnished a mass of information upon the subject, 
including the views of many officials in different 
branches of the service upon the practical nature of 
the reforms proposed, and copious extracts from the 
press favoring the bill which accompanied the report. 2 
This bill was intended to adapt to American condi- 
tions the best points in the foreign systems investi- 
gated. It was, however, too novel and too sweeping 
in its recommendations to avoid defeat, but its de- 
feat was accomplished only after a serious struggle. 3 

The contest for civil service reform had only just 
begun. Slowly the subject enlisted popular interest. 
The first victory came in March, 1871, when the civil 
service reformers succeeded in attaching to an ap- 

1 S. S. Rogers, in Atlantic Monthly, LXXI, 17 (1893). 

2 Ibid. 

3 Joseph H. Choate, Twenty-Five Years of Civil Service Reform. 
(Pamphlet.) 



l M)H 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Competi- 
tive ex- 
amina- 
tions first 
author- 
ized in 
1871 



Progress 
of reform 
under 
President 
Grant 



propriation bill a brief section which authorized the 

President (1) to cause proper steps to be taken for 
ascertaining the fitness of candidates in respect of 
age, health, character, knowledge, and ability for 
entering the public service; (2) to make rules for its 
regulation; and, in effect, (3) to create a civil service 
commission to take charge of the examinations and 
aid in the work of reform under the President's direc- 
tion. This legislation intrusted the whole 4 matter of 
reform io the discretion of the President. 

President Grant, who had recommended this legis- 
lation in his message of 1870, at once appointed 
George William Curtis and six other gentlemen a 
commission to conduct the inquiries authorized by 
the act and to prepare and report to him a working 
plan for instituting (he much-needed reform in the 
national administration. The commission's report to 
the President, submitted in December, 1871, was 
promptly transmitted to Congress with the President's 
favorable indorsement. The report was prepared by 
Mr. Curtis and contained a most thorough and con- 
vincing presentation of the entire subject of reform, 
considering and answering every plausible objection. 1 

The regulations drawn up by the commission, call- 
ing for open competitive examinations, went into 
operation in April, [872, in the Federal offices in New 
York City and the departments at Washington, and 
remained in effect until March, 1S75. During this 
period President Grant attempted to extend the op- 
eration of the new rules to all customs ports, but 

1 Semite Executive Documents, :d session, 43d Congress, I, No. 10 

(December [9, C871), 



Civil Service Reform ')!)!) 

failed because the officials at those ports were either 
hostile or indifferent to the new system. It quickly 
became evident that the reform thus inaugurated was 
not acceptable to the party leaders and that it would 
encounter the fierce opposition of the machine poli- 
ticians, especially in New York. This opposition 
succeeded, against the vigorous protest of the Presi- 
dent, in cutting out all appropriation for the continu- 
ance of the system. As a result, early in 1875 the 
system of competitive examinations was suspended 
by executive order, thus apparently suppressing the 
reform. Nevertheless, this brief and limited experi- 
ment with the system was not a failure. President 
Grant informed Congress that the new methods of 
appointment had " given persons of superior character 
and capacity to the service" and "that they had de- 
veloped more energy in the discharge of duty." l 

President Hayes entered upon his duties strongly President 
committed to civil service reform, but he was able to ^*y es 

also 

accomplish little because of the determined opposition favored 
in Congress. Nevertheless, another beginning of re- Ber vice 
form was made during his administration. The in- roform 
troduction of the competitive system into the New 
York post-office and custom-house was ordered by 
the President without waiting for action by Con- 
gress. 

Indications of a strong public sentiment favorable 
to civil service reform were not lacking during the 
administrations of both President Grant and Presi- 
dent Hayes, and politicians were beginning to cater 
to this sentiment. By 1872 public interest led the 

1 Quoted in Lalor, I, 479. 



400 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Growth of 
sentiment 
favorable 
to reform 
shown in 
party plat- 
forms 
after 
1872 



politicians of all parties to insert in their national 
platforms of that year some sort of declaration favor- 
able to reform. The first national platform in which 
such a plank appeared was that of a small party called 
the Labor Reformers. Their platform declared " that 
there should be such a reform in the civil service of 
the National Government as will remove it beyond 
all partisan influences and place it in the charge and 
under the direction of intelligent and competent busi- 
ness men; . . . that fitness, and not political or per- 
sonal considerations, should be the only recommenda- 
tion to public office, either appointive or elective, and 
any or all laws looking to the establishment of this 
principle are heartily approved." The platform of 
the Liberal Republicans, later indorsed in full by the 
Democratic party, contained a stinging arraignment 
of the spoils system under President Grant and an 
even more insistent demand for reform. After these 
two official party utterances, the Republicans felt 
compelled to act, and accordingly inserted in their 
platform a lukewarm indorsement of civil service re- 
form. Several State conventions of various parties 
soon did likewise. On the part of both Republicans 
and Democrats, however, there is good ground for 
believing that all these indorsements were devoid of 
sincerity. As soon as the election was over the poli- 
ticians jresumed their attitude of hostility toward the 
reform. Again in 1876 and 1880 the platforms of the 
Republican and Democratic parties formally indorsed 
reform of the civil service. Mr. Curtis was not far 
wrong when he characterized the Republican plat- 
form declarations in 1880 as only " polite bows to the 



Civil Service Reform 401 

whims of notional brethren, which it is hoped will 
satisfy them without committing the party." * 

Reluctant and insincere as these platform indorse- Organi- 
ments may have been, they nevertheless bore some reform as- 
testimony to the growing strength of the reform sen- sociations 
timent in the country at large. In May, 1877, the Service 
New York Civil Service Reform Association was League 
formed, and in 1880 it claimed 583 members repre- 
senting thirty-three States and Territories. Other so- 
cieties sprang up in Boston, Philadelphia, Milwau- 
kee, San Francisco, and elsewhere; and in August, 
1 88 1, a national league was formed at Newport with 
George William Curtis as president. This was fol- 
lowed by the organization of State societies, and the 
movement was brought to a fighting stage. The first 
volume of Poole's Index, brought out in 1882, men- 
tions about one hundred articles discussing some 
phase of the civil service problem. 2 

In December, 1880, Senator Pendleton, of Ohio, in- Passage of 
troduced into Congress substantially the bill which ac e t n f eon 
had been introduced by Mr. Jenckes in 1867. The l88 3 
advocates of the bill declared that it would vastly 
improve the whole service of the country, which they 
characterized as being at that time inefficient, expen- 
sive, and extravagant, and in many cases corrupt. 
The bitter factional fights during the early months 
of Garfield's administration, the assassination of Gar- 
field by a disappointed office-seeker, and the Demo- 
cratic "landslide" in the congressional elections of 
1882 convinced the leaders of the Republican party, 
then in control of Congress, that the spoils system 

1 For these platforms, see Stan wood, History of the Presidency. 

2 Fish, op. cit. f 217. 



402 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

was doomed and that a reform of the civil service 
must be inaugurated at once and under Republican 
auspices. Consequently, in January, 1883, Congress 
passed the Pendleton, or civil service, act, the most 
effective blow ever dealt at the spoils system in this 
country. Yet its immediate results gave little prom- 
ise of the increasing potency which has developed 
with each succeeding administration since that of 
President Arthur, when the act went into effect. 1 
This act This act is the basis of the present Federal civil 

tli ft hftsis 

of pres- service and the model upon which certain State laws 

ent merit have been drawn. It does not include elaborate de- 
system 

tails either on appointments or on removals, but 

authorizes the President to promulgate rules at his 
discretion. It lays down certain definite principles 
which create what is called "the merit system" of 
appointment, in contrast to the old spoils system. 
The original plan of the civil service reformers dealt 
with three points: (1) the appointment of the lower- 
grade officials by competition, (2) the repeal of the 
law of 1820, and (3) the establishment of retiring 
pensions. But in the face of the resistance offered 
to this plan, the last two proposals were abandoned 
and all the efforts of the reformers were concentrated 
on the introduction of competitive examinations: this 
is the essential feature of the changes authorized by 
the Pendleton act. 2 

The main features of the civil service act of 1883 3 
are as follows: 

1 W. B. Shaw, in Rev. of Rev., XXXI, 318 (1905). 

2 Ostrogorski, II, 488. 

3 The civil service act may be found in United States Statutes at 
Large, XXII, 403, or, more conveniently, in the Annual Report, U. S. 
Civil Service Commission. 



Civil Service Reform 403 

(i) Three commissioners were created, not more Provi- 
than two of w T hom should belong to the same political civiTser- 
party, appointed by the President and Senate. This **** act 
body of commissioners is commonly known as the 
United States Civil Service Commission. In addi- 
tion provision was made for a chief examiner of ap- 
plicants for positions in the civil service, for State 
boards of examiners, and minor officers. 

(2) These commissioners are to "aid the President, 
as he may request, in preparing suitable rules for car- 
rying this act into effect," and to enforce these rules 
when duly promulgated. 

(3) The rules formulated by the commissioners are 
to provide for a classification of government officials 
affected by this act according to the amount of their 
salaries. The various positions are also classified for 
purposes of examination into six divisions: clerical, 
technical, executive, mechanical, sub-clerical, and mis- 
cellaneous. Hence places now subject to civil ser- 
vice rules are frequently referred to as the "classified 
service.' ' 

(4) Among other things, the act provided (a) that 
the rules should declare for "open, competitive ex- 
aminations for testing the fitness of applicants for the 
public service," such examinations to be practical in 
their character and fair tests of the relative capacity 
and fitness of the applicants for the position sought; 
(b) that appointments should be made from among 
the three applicants standing highest in these com- 
petitive examinations, preference, however, being 
given to honorably discharged veterans; (c) that ap- 
pointments to the Federal offices in Washington 



404 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

should be fairly apportioned among the citizens of 
the different States and Territories and the District 
of Columbia; (d) that in all cases there should be a 
period of probation before final appointment; (e) 
that no person in the government service should use 
his official authority or influence to " coerce the po- 
litical action of any person or body." 

(5) The rules were first made applicable to the de- 
partments at Washington and to custom-houses and 
post-offices with more than fifty employees, but were 
not to apply to laborers. 1 

(6) The commissioners must reject any recommen- 
dation brought by an applicant for appointment from 
senators or representatives in Congress, except such 
as relate to the character and residence of the appli- 
cant. 

(7) The act prohibited the solicitation by any gov- 
ernment official of contributions to be used for polit- 
ical purposes from persons in the civil service, or the 
collection of such contributions by any person in a 
government building, under penalty of fine or im- 
prisonment, or both. The act also provided that no 
removal should follow refusal to make such a con- 
tribution. 

(8) The commissioners were directed to keep rec- 
ords, to investigate cases of alleged violation of the 
laws and rules, and to make an annual report to the 
President, which was to be submitted to Congress. 

(9) The President was authorized by the act to 
extend these rules to other parts of the civil service 

approximately 23,000 laborers have since been brought under 
competitive regulations, Cyclo. Am. Govt., I, 284. 



Civil Service Reform 405 

at his discretion and to create exceptions to or ex- 
emptions from the rules. 

When the civil service act of 1883 and the rules Merit 
drawn pursuant to its provisions went into opera- steadSy 
tion they applied to only about 14,000 positions under ^tended 
the Federal Government, out of a total of approxi- 1883 
mately 110,000. The wider application of the act 
and rules was left largely to the discretion of the 
President and to future acts of Congress. The exten- 
sion of the competitive system has depended, for the 
most part, upon the will of the President for the time 
being. Presidents friendly to reform have been dis- 
posed to extend the application of the rules, or to 
" enlarge the classified service," as it is called; while a 
President friendly to the spoils system may not only 
not widen the application of the merit system, but 
may even go so far as to revoke existing rules and to 
restore all the characteristic evils of the old system. 
No President, however, has been willing to court the 
condemnation of intelligent public opinion regardless 
of party by attempting to undo the work of civil 
service reform. On the contrary, practically every 
administration has witnessed some enlargement of the 
classified service, some wider application of the merit 
system, some restriction of the spoils system in the 
Federal administration, until on June 30, 191 6, the 
number of positions in the civil service filled by com- 
petitive examinations was over 296,000 out of a total 
executive civil service of over 480,000; while taking 
the whole number of public employees in the United 
States — Federal, State, county, municipal, and vil- 
lage — not far from 600,000, or nearly two-thirds of 



406 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Eariy 
opponents 
of civil 
service 
reform 



the entire number, are withdrawn from the spoils 
system and appointed upon a merit basis. 1 

Opposition to the introduction of the merit system 
has generally come almost exclusively from two classes 
of persons: those who are the direct beneficiaries of 
the spoils system — that is, the politicians personally 
interested in its continuation — and those who did not 
thoroughly understand the nature and operation of 
the merit system. When the system was first adopt- 
ed, it was urged, by way of objection, that the system 
was " un-American"; that it would destroy the inde- 
pendence and constitutional prerogative of the Exec- 
utive; that it was unconstitutional; that it would be 
an unjust interierence with the rights of office-holders 
as citizens; that it would lead to political indifference 
on the part of the public and so to the decay of 
political parties; that tenure during good behavior 
would result in the establishment of an aristocratic 
and insolent bureaucracy; that while competitive 
examinations might be a test of ability, they would 



1 2Qth Annual Report, U. S. Civil Service Commission (1911-12), 
p. 38, and 33d Annual Report, ibid. (191 5-16), p. 1. 

The 183,401 officials and employees not subject to competitive 
examinations comprised the following classes: 

(a) 10,975 Presidential appointees, of whom 9,175 were, 1st, 2d, and 

3d class postmasters. 

(b) 5,447 clerks in charge of contract postal stations. 

(c) 72,000 clerks in 3d and 4th class post-offices. 

(d) 8,026 mail messengers. 

(e) 11,993 star- route, steamboat, and screen- wagon contractors. 
(/) 4>5 21 pension examining surgeons. 

(g) 18,230 engaged in Panama Canal work, chiefly as laborers and 
minor employees. 

(h) 28,769 unclassified laborers. 

(t) 23,440 exempt under "Schedule A " or subject to non-competi- 
tive examination. Ibid., p. 1. 



Civil Service Reform 407 

tend to give college graduates a monopoly of the 
offices and would furnish no guarantee of integrity. 
Not content with arguments, some opponents of civil 
service reform indulged in ridicule, calling the exam- 
inations a " Chinese system," and describing the re- 
formers as " holier- than- thou's" and as " goody- 
goodies"; while it was very common to nickname the 
reform " snivel-service reform." x 

Fortunately the reform and the reformers not only 
survived, but successfully met and overcame all these 
attacks. Early the constitutionality of the civil ser- 
vice act was set at rest by an opinion of the attorney- 
general sustaining the law, and practically none of 
the dire results predicted have appeared. 

The success of this reform movement may be at- Most con- 
tributed in a very large measure to the support of ^^ ttS 
advocates of eminence and high character, such as pionsof 
George William Curtis, Carl Schurz, and Theodore 
Roosevelt, who could invoke the words of Webster 
and Clay and Calhoun in their assaults upon the 
spoils system and in defense of reform measures. 
Then, too, the work of Dorman B. Eaton on the 
civil service of Great Britain had a profound influence 
in creating sentiment favorable to the reform. The 
work of these men was ably reinforced by the power- 
ful influence of the press and by the skilful drawing 
of the provisions of the civil service act, largely the 
work of Mr. Eaton, which has scarcely been amended 
down to the present day. Finally, the merit system, 
for the most part, had the cordial approval of the 

1 See A. W. Tourgee, in No. Am. Rev., CLXXXII, 305 (1881), and 
Edwin Erie Sparks, National Development, 1877-188 5, p. 195. 



408 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Present- 
day op- 
ponents 

of reform 



Eco- 
nomic 

benefits 
of civil 
service 
reform 



heads of the important offices subject to it, and this 
factor has been of prime importance in contributing 
to the success of the reform. 1 

Nevertheless, the enemies of reform are still nu- 
merous. The machine politicians who profit by the 
spoiis system have not yet surrendered. Scarcely a 
year passes in Congress without some attempt in 
the House committee of the whole to strike out the 
appropriation for the support of the Civil Service 
Commission or without some other insidious attack. 
In spite of this, the resistance to Federal civil service 
reform is seldom open and outspoken. Generally it 
is more or less private, and this fact testifies to the 
enormous advance which the reform has made among 
thinking people and politicians. Where conviction is 
absent fear of unlimited public condemnation will in 
all probability operate in the future, as it has oper- 
ated in the past, to prevent the undoing of the reforms 
which have been achieved during the past thirty 
years. This belief finds support in the fact that the 
thinking and disinterested public has come to appre- 
ciate the beneficial results flowing from the steady 
extension of the merit system. These results fall 
naturally into two main divisions, economic and 
political. 

The economies effected by the competitive system 
of selection and promotion in the Federal service are 
numerous and various: (i) fewer people are needed 
to do a given amount of work; (2) sinecures are de- 
tected and abolished; (3) a day's work is got for a 
day's pay; (4) superfluous work and offices are no 

1 W. I. Foulke, in Proceedings (1903). 



Civil Service Reform 409 

longer created in order to make places for henchmen; 
(5) all labor is more efficiently performed; (6) the 
waste caused by the frequent bringing in of inexperi- 
enced persons is prevented; (7) a reduction in force 
often accompanies increase in the amount of work 
done — in other words, there is often increased effi- 
ciency with fewer employees. Although it is obvious 
that these economies can never be estimated with 
precision in dollars and cents, nevertheless the Civil 
Service Commission has calculated that there is a 
saving to the government amounting to $15,000,000 
a year. 1 

The chief political benefits have flowed (1) from a Political 
substitution of an open " competition of capacity, at- (1™^' 
tainments, and character for an otherwise secret and Auction 

of politi- 

inevitable competition of partisan and official influ- caifa- 
ence, of solicitation, of threats, and of selfish inter- y "^ 111 

; 7 in ap- 

ests." Competitive examinations reduce the whole point- 
matter of getting into the subordinate public service 
to a procedure of great simplicity and justice. "The 
official having the appointing power can say to every 
importunate applicant and his backers: Go into the 
examination; if you show yourself among the most 
worthy, you may get an appointment in due time. 
If you are not among them, you deserve no place. 
That is all that I can do for you. Office-seeking is 
thus defeated by being made futile. The merits of 
the applicant, and not his begging, his threats, or 
the pressure of his backers, is what must give him a 
place." 2 Competitive examinations are not infalii- 

1 C. W. Eliot, The Fundamental Reform. (Pamphlet.) 

2 Dorman B. Eaton, in Lalor, I, 485. 






410 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(2) Aboli- 
tion of 
political 
assess- 
ments 



(3) Dimin- 
ished 
political 
activity 
of com- 
petitive 
office- 
holders 



ble, but they are better tests of fitness than the preju- 
dices, friendships, and personal and political inter- 
ests of men in public life. 

(2) Another beneficial political result of the civil 
service act has been the practical eradication of the 
evil of assessment of government employees for party 
campaign funds. Such cases as are brought to the 
attention of the Civil Service Commission from time 
to time are promptly investigated and the facts re- 
ported to the President, who has almost uniformly 
sustained the recommendations made by the commis- 
sion. Two striking instances of recent occurrence 
will illustrate this: the finance clerk in the Philadel- 
phia post-office was removed for collecting political 
assessments for the Republican party in the midst of 
the campaign of 1904; and more striking still was the 
removal in 1908, in the height of the excitement of 
the Presidential campaign, of the collector of customs 
at Port Huron, Michigan, and of a special treasury 
agent at the same place for assessing employees, al- 
though one of the latter was thought to be a consid- 
erable power in Republican politics in Michigan. 1 

(3) A great reduction in the amount of " pernicious 
activity" in politics on the part of Federal office- 
holders may be noted as a third political benefit di- 
rectly traceable to the civil service reform movement. 
Though materially checked, the evil of political ac- 
tivity has not been extirpated. 

Unlike political assessments, political activity is 
not prohibited by the terms of the civil service act. 

1 Joseph H. Choate, Twenty-Five Years of Civil Service Reform. 
(Pamphlet.) 



Civil Service Reform 411 

In the classified competitive service political activity 
is restricted solely by executive orders, which may 
or may not take the form of amendments to the civil 
service rules. 1 The rules were thus amended by the 
executive order of President Roosevelt, dated June 3, 
1907, prohibiting the political activity of competitive 
employees. The commission was given jurisdiction 
to investigate cases of alleged improper political ac- 
tivity. The rules now state that persons in the com- 
petitive classified service, " while retaining the right 
to vote as they please and to express privately their 
opinions on all political subjects, shall take no active 
part in political management or in political cam- 
paigns. " 2 

1 The first executive order on this subject was issued by President 
Hayes; President Cleveland's famous "pernicious activity" order of 
July 14, 1886, applied to all office-holders without distinction. See 
Choate, op. cit. 

2 Civil Service Rule I. The following statement shows the various 
forms of political activity which have been held to be forbidden on 
the part of competitive classified employees: 

"Service on political committees, service as delegates to county, 
State, or district conventions of a political party, although it was un- 
derstood that the employees were not ' to take or use any political 
activity in going to these conventions or otherwise violate the civii 
service rules'; service as officer of a political club, as chairman of a 
political meeting; continued political activity and leadership; ac- 
tivity at the polls on election day; the publication or editing of a 
newspaper in the interests of a political party; the publication o, 
political articles bearing on qualifications of different candidates; the 
distribution of political literature; holding office in a club which takes 
active part in political campaigns and management; making speeches 
before political meetings or political clubs; circulation of petition 3 
having a political object, of petitions proposing amendments to a 
municipal charter; circulation of petitions favoring candidates zol 
municipal offices, and of local-option petitions; service as a commis- 
sioner of election in a community where it was notorious that a com- 
missioner of election must be an active politician; accepting nomina- 
tion for political office with intention of resigning from the competi- 



412 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Political 
activity of 
non- 
competi- 
tive 
service 



All complaints of the violation of the rule against 
political activity on the part of classified competitive 
officials are investigated by the commission and the 
facts reported to the President, and appropriate pun- 
ishment is inflicted. These cases are likely to arise 
most frequently in years in which a Presidential elec- 
tion occurs, but even then they are not numerous. 
The commission in its report upon this subject, cov- 
ering the Presidential campaign of 1908, says: "When 
it is taken into consideration that the competitive 
classified service now includes more than a quarter 
of a million employees, the number of charges of im- 
proper political activity in political affairs presented 
against persons in the competitive service is remark- 
ably small, indicating compliance by classified em- 
ployees generally with the rule in this regard." * 

Unfortunately, the same statement is not true of 
the non-cotnpetitive classified service. This branch of 
the civil service until very recently included about 
one hundred thousand officials, grouped as follows: 
(a) officers for whose appointment the confirmation 
of the Senate is necessary, such as postmasters, mar- 
shals, collectors of customs and internal revenue, and 
other heads of offices and bureaus; (6) certain confi- 
dential or responsible officers, such as private secre- 
taries, cashiers, and others, whom the head of the 

tive service if elected; recommendations by clerks and carriers of a 
person to be postmaster; activity in local-option campaigns; service 
as inspector of elections, ballot-clerk, ballot-inspector, judge of elec- 
tion, member of election board; candidacy for or holding of elective 
office." See 27th Annual Report, U. S. Civil Service Commission 
(1909-10), p. 22. 

1 26th Annual Report, U. S. Civil Service Commission (1908-09), 
p. 26. 



Civil Service Reform 413 

office has the right to choose; (c) the majority of the 
50,000 fourth-class postmasters, appointed by the 
postmaster-general, and forming the largest group of 
unclassified officials. These offices, with the excep- 
tions noted below, continue to be political agencies, 
and their occupants, being active politicians, are 
greatly aided by the power of their offices in affecting 
the political prospects of leaders in their districts or 
States. To this extent, therefore, the old evils of the 
spoils system persist comparatively unchecked. 

When political activity on the part of the great 
political officers of the Federal Government, like the 
President and heads of departments, assumes the 
form of speech-making in explanation, defense, or 
advocacy of the policy of the administration, such 
political activity, deserves hearty commendation. It 
is nothing more than the administration taking the 
people into its confidence. It is right and highly 
proper that the people should hear the policies of the 
administration discussed by those officials who are 
most responsible for and most familiar with them. 1 

Criticism, severe and merited, however, is occa- Many 
sioned by the activity of non-competitive Federal office- holders 
holders in primaries and conventions in the interest active . 

r , , , t . . in Presi- 

01 those to whom they owe their own appointments dential 
and by whose favor they continue in office. All this 
leads to neglect of duty and to absenteeism on a 
large scale. During every Presidential campaign the 
government pays large sums in salaries to officials 
who devote themselves to politics, while their offices 
are left to the control of subordinates. 2 It is certain 

1 See Outlook, XCVI, 575 (1910). 2 C. W. Eliot, op. cit. 



cam- 
paigns 



414 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Extension 
of the 
merit sys- 
tem to 
the coun- 
try post- 
masters 



that office-holders played a great part in the Presi- 
dential campaign of 1908. A comparison of the rolls 
of the Republican convention of that year with the 
roster of Federal office-holders shows that more than 
one- tenth of the delegates to the Chicago convention 
were Federal office-holders. In several delegations 
from Southern States more than one-third, and in 
two cases two-thirds, were office-holders, who of 
course were active locally in caucuses and conven- 
tions. 1 

Much, therefore, remains to be done to check the 
political activity of office-holders by extending the 
competitive system so as to include many of the offi- 
cials for whose appointment confirmation by the 
Senate is required, and especially the fourth-class, or 
country, postmasters. How to bring the latter under 
the competitive system has long been the "crux of 
civil service reform." The difficulties involved in 
extending the merit system to this large class of Fed- 
eral officials do not all appear on the surface, but 
they are serious and require thorough study before 
prescribing the exact form of the remedy. In No- 
vember, 1908, President Roosevelt subjected to com- 
petitive examination the fourth-class postmasters in 
the whole region north of the Ohio and east of the 
Mississippi. By this order the President "snatched 
15,000 officials at one stroke from the clutches of the 
politicians" — a fatal blow to one of the last strong- 
holds of the spoils system. The reform thus begun 
has been widened in scope by the executive order of 
President Taft issued September 30, 1910, still further 
1 J. H. Choate, op. cit. 



Civil Service Reform 415 

diminishing the number of non-competitive positions 
in the postal service, 1 and by the executive order 
issued in October, 19 12, extending the competitive 
system so as to cover all the remaining fourth-class 
postmasters. 

Postmasters of the first three classes, third-class 
assistant postmasters, collectors of customs and in- 
ternal revenue, and other heads of offices and bureaus 
are still appointed by the President alone or in con- 
junction with the Senate, and before many of them 
can be brought under the competitive system Con- 
gress must vest their appointment in some head of 
a department or the Senate must consent to their 
classification. With the achievement of this highly 
desirable result the great purpose of civil service re- 
form will have been accomplished so far as it relates 
to the Federal Government. 2 

(4) An enormous reduction in the number of re- (4) Great 

movals of governmental officials for political reasons [ n n^ m ° n 

constitutes the last of the important political benefits ber of 

. . removals 

attributable to civil service reform which we have 

space to consider. The greater degree of permanence 

1 The order of September 30, 19 10, placed in the competitive clas- 
sified service the assistant postmasters and clerks at first and second 
class post-offices. It affected about 2,251 assistant postmasters and 
about 1,400 clerks and 200 substitute clerks in post-offices not pre- 
viously classified. See 28th Annual Report, U. S. Civil Service Com- 
mission, iqio-ii. An executive order issued in 191 1 placed about 
42,000 rural free-delivery carriers in the competitive classified ser- 
vice, while another executive order issued in December, 191 2, placed 
more than 20,000 skilled workers in navy-yards under the protection 
of the merit system. 

2 In December, 191 1, President Taft recommended that all local 
officers under the departments of the Treasury, the Interior, Post- 
Office, and Commerce and Labor be placed in the competitive classi- 
fied service. 



416 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

in the government service thus brought about very 
largely explains the increased efficiency and greater 
economy of administration previously mentioned. 
The acts of 1820 and 1836 limiting to four years the 
term of large classes of government officials have not 
been repealed, but in practice they have been more 
and more disregarded by means of reappointments, 
and are never invoked as a justification for a " clean 
sweep" in government offices. Indeed, a " clean 
sweep," such as was common before 1883 w *th a 
change of executives, is now a thing of the past. On 
the contrary, the comparative permanency of tenure 
now enjoyed by government officials is a point bit- 
terly attacked by opponents of civil service reform. 
It is complained that unfit men are kept in the ser- 
vice, being " protected by the rules." The truth of 
this charge the Civil Service Commission vigorously 
denies. 
Presi- One feature connected with the Federal competi- 

pensing 1S " tive system, namely, the " dispensing power of the 
power a President," should be noted as involving serious 

serious , . . ~ 

problem political consequences, since m the hands of a Presi- 
dent unfriendly to civil service reform it renders pos- 
sible the undermining of the whole merit system. By 
means of this power the President is able to make 
special exceptions to the civil service rules by appoint- 
ments to offices within the classified list without any 
competitive or other examination. Between 1901 and 
1907 there was a steady increase in the number of 
persons excepted from the ordinary requirements of 
the rules. In 1901 there were three; in 1902, twelve; 
in 1903, forty-three; in 1904, thirty-nine; in 1905, 



Civil Service lief arm 417 

seventy; in 1906, seventy-one; and in 1907, seventy- 
eight; in all, 316. At this point President Roosevelt, 
feeling that the number was becoming excessive, 
adopted the policy of submitting in each case the 
reasons for the exception to the Civil Service Com- 
mission before the necessary order of exception was 
issued. This resulted in a reduction in the number 
of exceptions for 1908. 1 

It is not suggested that these numerous exceptions 
reduced the efficiency of the service, and all familiar 
with the administration of the civil service law realize 
that the system must not be made or allowed to be- 
come too rigid. The problem as to special exceptions 
is one upon which even the reformers have not been 
able to agree. Some approve and advocate the prac- 
tice of making exceptions as a means of meeting 
emergencies and securing expert sendees without 
delay when most needed. Others, with equal sin- 
cerity, call this practice an exercise of arbitrary power, 
a precedent for indefinite extension and abuse in un- 
friendly hands, and tending to destroy public confi- 
dence. It has been suggested that a change in the 
civil service rules may be feasible whereby the initia- 
tion and consideration of all such cases in the first 
instance should be transferred to the Civil Service 

1 Since the change in policy noted above, the number of exceptions 
by executive order has been as follows: 

For the year ending June 30, 1909 58 

For the year ending June 30, 1910 19 

For the year ending June 30, 191 1 43 

For the year ending June 30, 191 2 62 

For the year ending June 30, 1913 117 

For the year ending June 30, 1914 64 

For the year ending June 30, 19 15 89 



418 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Civil ser- 
vice re- 
form in 
States 
and cities 



Commission, so that they shall not reach the Presi- 
dent except upon its recommendation. The Presi- 
dent would thus be relieved of a flood of applicants 
for office and the annoying and vexatious pressure 
for the consideration of exceptional cases which must 
be a considerable interference and trespass upon the 
time required for his vast and exacting duties. 1 

One additional point should be noted in concluding 
this phase of the subject: the Federal civil service 
under the merit system has improved in honesty and 
general character. "One now finds in the service of 
the government hundreds of university trained men 
who have entered on avenues of advancement in the 
public service that vie in attractiveness with academic 
careers. Furthermore, thousands of purely clerical 
positions in the departments are filled by men and 
women who in training and equipment for their duties 
would do credit to the best-managed business houses 
in the land." Hence it is that "the common people 
now think of the government service, not as a charity 
or as affording a livelihood for incompetents, or as a 
means of paying and feeding the henchmen of politi- 
cal leaders, but as a great business organization for 
doing efficiently and honestly large pieces of business 
which the people want to have done well." 2 

It can scarcely be repeated too often that all the 
worst evils of the spoils system still flourish compara- 
tively unchecked in connection with the governments 
of our States and large cities. To these of course the 
Federal civil service act does not apply. Here at the 

1 J. H. Choate, op. cit. 

2 W. B. Shaw, in Rev. of Rev., XXXI, 317 (1905). 



Civil Service Reform 419 

present time exists the greatest need for the adop- 
tion and the vigorous and impartial enforcement of a 
competitive system of selecting appointive officers 
modelled upon the Federal merit system. Securely 
intrenched behind the thousands of offices in State 
and municipal governments, the machine politician 
is making his last fierce stand against the increasingly 
vigorous attacks of the civil service reform move- 
ment. Around these fortresses of corruption in the 
near future the greatest victories for clean govern- 
ment are to be won. Slowly but steadily the cause 
of reform has been effecting small breaches in the 
intrenchments. 

The example set by the Federal Government in 
1883 at once bore fruit in the enactment within a 
year by New York and Massachusetts of civil service 
laws which by subsequent amendments are now ap- 
plicable to practically the entire public service in 
these important States. For over twenty years these 
were the only States with civil service laws. In all 
the others the spoils system ran riot until in 1905 
Wisconsin and Illinois, and in 1907, Colorado and 
New Jersey adopted the merit system. These States 
were followed by California, Connecticut, and Ohio 
in 19 13 and by Kansas and Louisiana 1 in 191 5, mak- 
ing a total of eleven States. In the constitutions of 
three of these States — New York, Colorado, and Ohio 
— are embodied requirements for the enactment of 
civil service laws. In five States — Wisconsin, Illi- 
nois, Colorado, California, and Connecticut — the laws 

1 In Louisiana the civil service law applies only to the appoint- 
ment of State officers at the port of New Orleans, 



420 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Sym- 
pathy of 
officials 
essential 
to success 
of civil 
service 
laws 



cover only the State civil service in whole or in part. 
Four States have civil service laws which cover not 
only the State service but officials of cities and coun- 
ties as well, namely, Massachusetts, New York, New 
Jersey, and Ohio. 1 Altogether there are about two 
hundred and fifty cities, 2 twenty counties, and seven 
villages which have adopted the competitive system 
in whole or in part, and the system is finding in- 
creasing acceptance with local and State governments. 
Upon the character of the men selected to admin- 
ister State and municipal civil service laws, and the 
degree of their sympathy with the purpose of such 
laws, almost as much depends as upon the character 
and provisions of the laws themselves. It is possible 
for the best law to be made a farce in its practical 
operation through indifference or hostility on the 
part of those charged with its administration. Such 
hostility on the part of a recent mayor, of Philadel- 
phia, and the consequent appointment by him of 
men to administer the law who shared his views, was 
the chief cause, it is believed, why the civil service 
law in that city at one time failed to produce better 
results. Civil service reformers in State and munici- 
pal politics should bear in mind that with the en- 
actment of a civil service act the battle for good 
government is only partly won. The fight for re- 
form must be continued in order to secure the ap- 
pointment of sympathetic officials to execute the 
laws. Here, as in so many other instances, eternal 

1 A. S. Faught, in Nat. Mun. Rev. y IV, 321 (1914). 

2 Of the fifteen largest cities in the United States, only three have 
no civil service laws. 2Qth Annual Report, U. S. Civil Service Com- 
mission (1911-12), p. 34. 



Civil Service Reform 421 

vigilance is the price of permanent reform. ' The 
preponderance of reliable testimony in all of the 
cities now working under the civil service reform 
method is that it constitutes a great improvement 
as to cost of service and as to efficiency over the 
spoils system. . . ." * 

The further supplanting of the spoils system in 
city and State governments would, it is firmly be- 
lieved, elevate the motives and tone of party contests 
in State and municipal politics. It would bring into 
the service of the city and State governments men of 
higher aspiration and nobler aims; it would eliminate 
much of the personal element in party strife, and it 
would relieve public officials of "patronage-monger- 
ing" and allow them to attend to the high duties for 
which they have been elected. It would tend to sup- 
press the State and city boss, for it would deprive 
him of by far his largest means of political subsis- 
tence. 2 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. Early experiments with the merit system in the New 
York custom-house and post-office. 

2. The debates in Congress over the civil service act of 
1883. (See volumes of the Congressional Record.) 

3. The work of George William Curtis, Dorman B. Eaton, 
and Carl Schurz in promoting civil service reform. 

4. The opinion of the attorney-general of the United States 
on the constitutionality of the civil service act of 1883. 

5. The history and work of the National Civil Service Re- 
form League. 

6. The attitude of Presidents Grant, Hayes, Garfield, and 
Arthur toward civil service reform as reflected in their mes- 
sages. 

1 C. W. Eliot, op. cit. 2 Woodburn, 388. 



422 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

7. The national platform declarations of different parties 
on the subject of civil service reform since 1868. 

8. The extension or restriction of civil service reform under 
(a) Presidents Cleveland and Harrison and (b) under Presi- 
dents McKinley and Roosevelt. 

9. Civil service reform applied to the consular service of 
the United States. 

10. The contest in 1908-09 between the President and 
Congress over the application of the merit system to the ap- 
pointment of census officials for 19 10. 

11. How is the appointment of laborers in the employ- 
ment of the Federal Government regulated under the civil 
service rules? 

12. Compare the administration of the civil service rules 
in the Philippines, Porto Rico, and Hawaii, under Presidents 
Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson. 

13. The general character of the civil service examinations, 
their preparation, and the machinery for administering them. 
Compare with the English and German examinations. 

14. From the annual reports of the United States Civil 
Service Commission prepare a report upon the exceptional 
appointments to places within the competitive service made 
without examinations. 

15. What may be said for and against the exemption of 
war veterans from the competitive examinations required of 
all other applicants for positions in the competitive service of 
the Federal Government or of the States? 

16. The desirability and necessity of some form of retiring 
allowance for aged or disabled civil service employees. 

17. The political activity of Federal officials in the Pres- 
idential campaigns of 1908. 

18. Recent violations of the civil service rules forbidding 
political assessments. 

19. What laws have been enacted in your State for a com- 
petitive civil service? What defects have appeared in their 
operation? How might these defects be remedied? 

20. The spoils system and the merit system applied to the 
public school system in large cities. 

21. What are some of the practical ways in which State 
and municipal civil service reform may be promoted ? 

22. Prepare a report on the operation of the competitive 



Civil Service Reform 423 

system in a large city like New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, 
Pittsburg, Scranton, Boston, Milwaukee, Cleveland, Min- 
neapolis. 

23. The arguments for and against the extension of State 
civil service rules to cover the selection of registration and 
other election officers, as in New Jersey. 

24. President Taft's messages of January 17 and April 14, 
191 2, recommending additions to the classified competitive 
service. 

25. The political activity of Federal office-holders in the 
pre-convention Presidential campaign of 191 2. (See 2Qth 
Annual Report, U. S. Civil Service Commission.) 

26. The attempt in the second session of the 62d Congress 
(191 2) to undermine the Civil Service Commission and the 
merit system. 

27. Should the heads of administrative departments of 
municipal governments be chosen by competitive tests? 
The Boston method since 1909. (See Munro.) 

28. In what points were the civil service laws weakened in 
Connecticut, Colorado, and Ohio in 1915? (See Faught.) 

29. Civil service provisions in commission-governed cities. 

30. In what different ways are cities permitted to adopt 
civil service rules? (See Faught.) 

31. Recent extensions of the merit system in New York 
City. (See American Year Book, 1914, pp. 183-184.) 

32. The investigation of New York City's civil service 
commission in 19 14. 

33. The abuse of " temporary" appointments in Chicago 
under Mayor Thompson, 191 5-16. 

34. Chicago's efficiency commission: its organization, 
work, and the reasons for its discontinuance in 191 5. 

35. Attempts by organizations of Federal employees to 
influence congressional legislation. (See Annual Reports , 
U.S. Civil Service Commission.) 

36. Criticisms of the United States Civil Service Commis- 
sion and its administration of the civil service act in the 1st 
session of the 63d Congress, March-April, 1913. 

37. The administration of the merit system in connection 
with the fourth-class postmasters under President Wilson. 

38. How was civil service reform threatened by the Dies 
bill in Congress in 1914? 



424 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

39. Removals and appointments in the diplomatic service 
under President Wilson. (See Harvey.) 

40. The Democratic attempt in Congress, 1913-14, to 
take assistant postmasters out of the competitive service in 
connection with the post-office appropriation bill. 

41. President Wilson, Congress, and the rider to the ur- 
gency deficiency bill in 19 13 removing subordinates of inter- 
nal revenue collectors and United States marshals from the 
competitive class. 

42. President Wilson, Congress, and the appointment of 
attorneys and other subordinates under the Federal Reserve 
Board, 1913. 

43. President Wilson, Congress, and the exemption of the 
income-tax collectors from the competitive system. 

44. Ascertain the number of Federal office-holders who 
were delegates or alternates to the Democratic national con- 
vention in 1916. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Adair, H. N., Civil Service Examination Papers (191 2). For 
the English civil service. 

Allen, W. H., " Picking Fittest Men for City Jobs," in Ameri- 
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American Year Book, iqio, pp. 176-180, "The Civil Service 
and Civil Pensions"; igi 1, pp. 212-214, "Civil Ser- 
vice"; 1Q12, pp. 167-170; igi 3, pp. 177-182, 211; IQ14, 
pp. 183-185; igi 5, pp. 195-197, "Civil Service." 

Appleton's Annual Cyclopcedia, 1882, 1883. For the early 
stages of the reform movement. 

Arnold, J. R., "The Philippine Civil Service," in No. Am. 
Rev., CXCV, 238 (1911). 

Baldwin, F. S., "Retirement Systems for Municipal Em- 
ployees," in Annals, XXXVIII, 6 (19 11). • 

Bassett, J. S., A Short History of the United States, ch. 34. 
Sketches the civil service reform movement. 

Belcher, R. W., "The Merit System and the County Civil 
Service," in Annals, XL VII, 101 (19 13). 

"Reports of Municipal Civil Service Commissions" 

(191 1), in Nat. Mun. Rev., II, 342 (1913). 

Bonaparte, C. J., "Municipal Civil Service Laws," in Nat. 
Mun. Rev., I, 252 (1912). 



Civil Service Reform 425 

Brown, G. W.. " English Civil Service Reform, " in Atlantic 
Monthly, XLIII, 580 (1879). 

Brown, H. D., Savings and Annuity Plan Proposed for Retire- 
ment of Superannuated Civil Service Employees. Senate 
Documents, 3d session, 61st Congress, LVI, No. 745, 
pp. 225 ff. 

Business Value of Civil Service Reform, The. Testimonials 
from different official sources. (Pamphlet.) 

Call, H. B., " Practical Tests for Applicants for City Posi- 
tions/ ' in Philadelphia Public Ledger, March 23, 1913. 

Cary, Edward, "Civil Service Reform in New York," in 
Harper's Magazine, LX, 898 (1880). Detailed account 
of the early experiments in the New York custom-house 
and post-office. 

Catherwood, R., "Efficiency in the Public Service of Chi- 
cago," in Proceedings of the National Civil Service Re- 
form League, 1909; hereafter cited as Proceedings. 

"Bureaus of Complaint in Illinois," in Nat. Mun. Rev., 

V, 670 (191 6). On the efficiency divisions in civil ser- 
vice commissions. 

Century, XL VIII, 306 (1894), "The Consular Service and 
the Spoils System." 

Charities, XXI, 775 (1909), "Revising Chicago's Civil Ser- 
vice System." 

Chicago Civil Service Commission, Civil Service Text-Book 
(1910). 

Chicago, The City Club Bulletin, VIII, No. 8 (December, 
191 5), "The Civil Service Crisis," under Mayor Thomp- 
son. 

Choate, Joseph H., "Twenty-Five Years of Civil Service Re- 
form," in Proceedings, 1908. 

Coker, F. W., "Progress in Municipal Civil Service: A Re- 
view of Recent Reports," in Nat. Mun. Rev., V, 574 
(1916). 

Coles, H. C, "The Administration of the Civil Service Law 
in Porto Rico," in Proceedings, 1909. 

Commission on Economy and Efficiency, Report to the Presi- 
dent on Retirement Allowances (191 2), in House Docu- 
ments, 2d session, 62d Congress, CXVII (191 2). 

Committee of One Hundred (Washington, D. C), The Civil 
Service: Civil Pensions in Foreign Countries, Municipal 



426 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

and Private Systems in the United States, (Pamphlet, 

1912.) 
Congressional Record, 1st session, 63d Congress, L, pt. 1, 

pp. 371 ff. Tables showing distribution of diplomatic 

and consular officers and debate upon the spoils system. 
Connecticut Civil Service Reform Association, Review of the 

Legislative Contest, IQ15. Bulletin No. 7. (Pamphlet, 

1915.) 

Curtis, G. W., Orations and Addresses, II. 

Dana, R. H., "The Merit Principle in the Selection of the 
Higher Municipal Officers/ ' in Proceedings, 1903. 

Civil Service Reform. Attack and defense in the Massa- 
chusetts legislature. (Pamphlet, rev. ed., 1905.) 

Dewey, D. R., National Problems (1906), ch. 2. 

Doyle, John T., "Civil Service Reform: A Decade of the 
Merit System," in Forum, XIV, 216 (1892-93). Ex- 
cellent summary for the first decade of reform. 

"Civil Service Reform," in Bliss's New Encyclopedia of 

Social Reform (1908). 

"Civil Service Reform Progress," in Nat. Mun. Rev., I, 

654 (1912). 

Durand, E. Dana, "The Merit System and the Census" 
(1910), in Proceedings, 1909. 

Eaton, Dorman B., "Civil Service Reform," in Lalor, I, 479. 

"A New Phase of the Reform Movement," in No. Am, 

Rev., CXXXII, 546 (1881). Reply to Tourgee, below. 

Civil Service in Great Britain (1880). Originally pub- 
lished in House Executive Documents, 2d session, 46th 
Congress, XII, No. 1, pt. 7. 

The Government of Municipalities (1899), pp. 162-178. 

Eliot, Charles W., "The Fundamental Reform," in Proceed- 
ings, 1909. (Also as pamphlet.) 

Encyclopedia Britannica (nth edition), VI, "Civil 

Service." 

Fairlie, J. A., "The Relation of Civil Service Reform to Mu- 
nicipal Administration," in Proceedings, 1905. 

Essays in Municipal Administration (1908), ch. 3. 

Faught, A. S., "A Review of the Civil Service Laws of the 
United States," in Nat. Mun Rev., Ill, 316 (1914). 

"Mr. Catherwood's Draft of a Model Civil Service 

Law," in Nat. Mun. Rev., Ill, 377 (1914). 



Civil Service Reform 427 

Faught, A. S., " Civil Service Legislation, 1915," in Am. Pel. 
Sci. Rev., IX, 549 (191 5). 

Fish, Carl Russell, Civil Service and the Patronage (1905). 

Fisher, W. L., " Efficiency in Civil Service Reform/' in Pro- 
ceedings, 1909. 

Foltz, E. B. K., The Federal Civil Service as a Career (1909). 

Foster, W. E., Literature of Civil Service Reform. (Biblio- 
graphical pamphlet, 1885.) 

Foulke, W. D., "The Civil Service in Our New Dependen- 
cies," in Annals ," XIX, 340 (1902). 

"The Advance of the Competitive System, " in Pro- 
ceedings, 1903. 

Goodnow, F. J., Comparative Administrative Law. 2 vols. 
On civil service in the United States and foreign coun- 
tries. 

Goodwin, E. H., "Civil Service Provisions in Commission 
Charters/' in Annals, XXXVIII, 808 (1911). 

"Draft of a Civil Service Law for Cities/' in Nat. Mun. 

League Proceedings (1910), pp. 577 ff. 

"An Effective Civil Service Law in Cities," in Nat. 

Mun. League Proceedings, XVI, 304 (1910). 

"Draft of a Civil Service Law for Cities," in Nat. Mun. 

League Proceedings, XVI, 577 (191 o). 

Hanford, A. C, "A Report on Civil Service Laws," in Illi- 
nois Efficiency and Economy Commission Report, 1915, 
pp. 911-938. 

Harper, H., "The Constitutionality of Civil Service Laws," 
in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXII, 630 (1907). 

Harper's Weekly. Volumes issued during the seventies and 
eighties contain much material on civil service reform. 

Harvey, George, "The Diplomats of Democracy," in No. Am. 
Rev., CXCIX, 162 (1914). 

Hoag, A. K., "The Practical Results of the Competitive 
Classification of the Fourth-Class Postmasters," in Pro- 
ceedings, 1909. 

House Documents, 2d session, 62d Congress, CXVII, Report 
to the President on Retirement Allowances (191 2), by the 
Commission on Economy and Efficiency. 

House Reports, 2d session, 27th Congress, IV, No. 741, pp. 
1-5. First report recommending competitive system 
of appointments, in 1841. 



428 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Illinois Efficiency and Economy Commission, Report, iprj, 
pp. 911-938. "A Report on Civil Service Laws," by 
A. C. Hanford. 

Jenckes, T. A., Report of the Joint Select Committee on Re- 
trenchment, in House Reports, 2d session, 40th Congress, 
II, No. 47. 

Kavanagh, J. F., " Investigating the Character of Civil Ser- 
vice candidates," in New York City, in American City, 
XIII, 114 (1915)- 

Kettleborough, C, " State Civil Service Legislation for 191 1," 
in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VI, 235 (191 2). 

Kiggins, F. M., "The Civil Service in the Philippines," in 
Proceedings, 1902. 

King, C. L., "The Appointment and Selection of Govern- 
ment Experts," in Nat. Mun. Rev., Ill, 304 (1914). 

Library of Congress, Select List of References on . . . Civil 
Service Pensions (1903). 

Literary Digest, XLIV, 5 (191 2), "The President's Attack on 
the Pie-Counter." On President Taft's recommenda- 
tion for the extension of the competitive system. 

LIII, 439 (1916), "Deserving Democrats and Repub- 
lican Critics." On spoils system under President Wilson. 

Lodge, H. C, "Why Patronage in Office Is Un-American," in 
Century, XL, 837 (1890). 

Lowell, A. L., "Administrative Experts in Municipal Gov- 
ernment," in Nat. Mun. Rev., IV, 26 (191 5). 

McAneny, George, "The Merit System as an Element in the 
Reform of the New York City Police Department," in 
Proceedings, 1902. 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, I, 
52, "Appointments to Office"; 283, "Civil Service Ex- 
aminations"; 284, "Civil Service, Federal"; 286, "Civil 
Service, State." 

MacVeagh, Franklin, "Civil Service Pensions," in Annals, 
XXXVIII, 3 (1911). 

"The Business Man in Municipal Politics," in Nat. 

Mun. League Proceedings, III, 133 (1897). 

Marks, M. M., "Civil Service Trial Boards," in Rev. of Rev., 
LIII, 458 (1916). 

Mason, E. F., "Municipal Pensions," in Nat. Mun. Rev., II, 
260 (1913)- 



Civil Service Reform 429 

Moses, Robert, " Standardization of Salaries and Grades in 
Civil Service, " in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., X, 296 (1916). 

Moulton, W. B., " Politics and Civil Service in State Institu- 
tions," in Conference on Charities and Corrections, iqio, 
pp. 308 ff. 

Municipal Civil Service Commission Reports, in the principal 
cities. 

Municipal Civil Service Commission of the City of New 
York, Rules and Classification and Laws. (Pamphlet.) 

Munro, W. B., The Government of American Cities (19 16), chs. 
10-11. 

National Civic Federation, Report on Municipal and Private 
Ownership of Public Utilities (1907), I, 88-112, " Labor 
and Politics.' ' 

National Civil Service Reform League, Proceedings at Annual 
Meeting, especially for 1902, 1903, 1908, 1909, 1910. 
Cited in this bibliography as Proceedings. 

National Municipal Review, IV, 662 (1915), "Chicago's Effi- 
ciency £ ommission." 

Oakley, Imogen B., A Sketch of the History of Civil Service 
Reform in England, India, and the United States. (Pam- 
phlet, 1904.) 

Ordway, S. H., "The Civil Service Clause in the State Con- 
stitution/ ' in Academy of Political Science Proceedings, 
V (1914), 251. 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Party System, (10 10), 
(See index,) 

Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties, 

2 vols. (1902). (See index.) 

Outline for the Study of Municipal Government in Its Relations 
to Civil Service Reform. (Pamphlet, Worcester, Mass.. 
1905.) 

Outlook, The, C, 722 (1912), "Patronage in Politics: A Poll of 
the Press." On activity of Federal office-holders in 191 2. 

CV, 453 (1913), "The President and the Merit System." 

Parker, George F., "The Consular Service of the United 
States." in Atlantic Monthly, LXXXV, 455, 669 (1900). 

Pendleton, George H., "Report of the Committee on Civil 
Service and Retrenchment," in Senate Reports, 1st ses- 
sion, 47th Congress, No. 576 (1882). 






430 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Pennsylvania Civil Service Reform Association, Annual Re- 
ports of the Executive Committee, 1908, 1909, 19 10. 
(Pamphlets.) On conditions in Pennsylvania, especially 
in Philadelphia, Pittsburg, and Scranton. 

Powers, F. P., " Reform of the Federal Service," in Pol, Set. 
Quar., Ill, 260 (1888). 

Prentiss, G. L., Our National Bane: Or the Dry Rot in Amer- 
ican Politics, (Pamphlet, 1877.) 

Raum, G. B., " Suggestions in Regard to the Public Service," 
in No. Am. Rev., CXXXVII, 488 (1883). 

Reik, H. O., "The Spoils System and the Merit System in the 
Public Schools System of a Great City" (Baltimore, 
Md.), in Proceedings, 1902. 

Reinsch, P. S. (editor), Readings on American Federal Gov- 
ernment, 651 ft. 

Rice, Mrs. B. T., Outline for the Study of Civil Service Reform. 
(Pamphlet, rev. ed., Worcester, Mass., 1904.) 

Richardson, Charles, "The Spoils System in Philadelphia," 
in Proceedings, 1902. Describes conditions before the 
merit system was introduced. 

A Municipal Revolution, or the Overthrow of the Spoils 

System in Philadelphia in 1905. (Pamphlet, 1906.) 

Richardson, J. B., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 10 
vols. (See index.) 

Rogers, S. S., "George William Curtis and Civil Service Re- 
form," in Atlantic Monthly, LXXI, 15 (1893). 

Roosevelt, Theodore, "Criticism of the Examination System 
Answered," in Good Government, XIV, n (1895). (Also 
as pamphlet.) 

"Politics and the Post-Office," in Outlook, C, 769 (191 2). 

On political activity of postmasters in 191 2. 

American Ideal, pt 2, pp. 5-44, "Six Years of Civil Ser- 
vice Reform." 

"Chapters of a Possible Autobiography: Applied Ideal- 
ism," in Outlook, CIV, 461 (1913). On civil service re- 
form. 

Salmon, Lucy M., Syllabus for the Study of the History of Civil 
Service Reform. (Pamphlet, 1903.) 

Patronage in the Public Schools. (Pamphlet, 1908.) 

Senate Documents, 2d session, 61st Congress, No. 290, "Civil 
Service Retirement in England and New Zealand." 



Civil Service Reform 431 

Senate Executive Documents, ist session, 3 2d Congress, IX, 
No. 60. Report of Senate committee on the merit system 
in 1852. Also quoted in 15th Annual Report of the U. S. 
Civil Service Commission, 473. 

Shaw, Albert, and H. E. Deming, " Civil Service Reform and 
Municipal Government, in Proceedings, 1897. (Also as 
pamphlet, 1897.) 

Shaw, W. B., "The College Graduate and the Civil Service," 
in Outlook, LXXX, 129 (1905). 

"The Civil Service under Roosevelt, " in Rev. of Rev., 

XXXI, 317 (1905). 

Sherwood, Grace M., "Employees Retirement Act of Massa- 
chusetts," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., V, 433 (191 1). 

Shuckers, J. W., Civil Service Reform a Delusion and a Snare. 
(Pamphlet, 1884.) 

Sparks, E. E., National Development, 1877-1885, ch. 12. 

Special Committee of the United States Civil Service Reform 
League, Higher Municipal Appointive Officers and the 
Merit System. (Pamphlet, 1907.) 

Superannuation in the Civil Service. (Pamphlets, 1906, 

1907, 1909.) 

The Activity of Federal Office-Holders in Politics. (Pam- 
phlet, 1909.) 

Spencer, N. S., "New York City's Civil Service," in Nat. 
Mun. Rev., V, 47 (1916). 

Starr, Merritt, "Chicago Since the Adoption of Municipal 
Civil Service," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, II, 162 
(1896). 

State Civil Service Commissions, Annual Reports of, espe- 
cially for Massachusetts, New York, and Wisconsin. 

State Civil Service Reform Associations, Annual Reports of, 
for different States, especially Massachusetts, Pennsyl- 
vania, New York, and Illinois, 1908-10, 

Survey, The, XXII, 583 (1909), "Civil Service and the Chi- 
cago Librarianship." 

Swanson, A. M., "The Practicability of the Merit System," 
in Nat. Mun. Rev., IV, 32 (191 5). 

Swift, L. B., "Civil Service Reform: A Review of Two Ad- 
ministrations" (Cleveland's first and Harrison's), in 
Forum, XIV, 201 (1892-93). 



432 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Tourgee, A. W., " Reform vs. Reformation/ ' in No. Am. Rev., 
CXXXII, 305 (1881). Against civil service reform. 

United States Civil Service Commission, Annual Reports of, 
especially for the year ending 30 June, 1909. 

Van der Zee, J., "The Merit System in Iowa," in Iowa Ap- 
plied History Series, II (19 14). 

Vaughan, W. W., Every Man on His Own Merits. (Pam- 
phlet.) 

Washburn, W. S., "The Administration of the Civil Service 
Law in the Philippines/ ' in Proceedings, 1909. 

Welton, B. F., "The Problem of Securing Efficiency in Mu- 
nicipal Labor," in Annals, XLI, 103 (1912). 

White, Andrew D., "Do the Spoils Belong to the Victors?" 
in No. Am. Rev., CXXXIV, in (1882). A strong de- 
fense of the merit system. 

Whitten, R. H., Public Administration in Massachusetts, ch. 
10. In Columbia University Studies, VIII (1896-98). 

Willard, C. D., "Civil Service in American Cities," in Out- 
look, LXXVI, 938 (1904). 

Women's Auxiliary of the New York Civil Service Reform 
Association, Bibliography of Civil Service Reform and Re- 
lated Subjects. The best bibliography. (Pamphlet, 3d 
ed., New York, 1912.) 

Woodruff, Clinton Rogers, The Merit System in Municipali- 
ties. (Pamphlet, 1902.) 

"Civil Service Reform at Los Angeles," in Nat. Mun. 

Rev., I, 639 (1912). 

Yarros, Victor, "Chicago's Civil Service," in Nat. Mun. Rev., 
V, 316 (1916). 

Young, J. T., The New American Government (191 5), ch. 28. 



CHAPTER XVI 

MACHINES AND BOSSES. THE TAMMANY OR- 
GANIZATION. CONDITIONS PRODUCING AND 
PERPETUATING MACHINES AND BOSSES. 
THE TWO IN JOINT OPERATION. REMEDIES 

In current discussions of practical politics no terms " Ma- 
occur more frequently than "machine," "ring," and £ e ^ ed 
"boss." A political machine may be defined as a 
strict organization of the working members of a party 
designed to secure for a few party managers and their 
friends a predominating influence in the nomination, 
election, and appointment of public officers. A vic- 
torious machine is virtually an oligarchy of profes- 
sional politicians. Although they are not always for- 
mally organized, there is a common understanding 
between them; they are bound together by personal 
though mercenary devotion. 

The term "machine" is really a nickname. The Distmc- 
members of the machine prefer to style themselves \^^' 
the "organization." One often finds, therefore, the "™ a "„ 
terms Republican or Democratic "machine" and and 
"organization" used interchangeably, especially in J2J?»" 
connection with municipal politics. The terms are, 
however, distinguishable. The real organization of a 
party is the hierarchy of committees which has been 
described in a previous chapter. Every State, county, 
and town has its party organization in this sense, but 

433 



434 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

some States, and many counties and towns, are hap- 
pily without any political machine. In the larger 
cities the series of committees which constitute the 
party organization is frequently identical with, or at 
least controlled by, a local machine, in which case it 
is not inaccurate to use the terms machine and organi- 
zation as synonymous. Thus, for example, the Tam- 
many machine is the Democratic organization in New 
York City and the Republican machine in Philadel- 
phia is the Republican party organization for that 
city. Sometimes the party organization for an entire 
State becomes the " State machine." Thus we have 
had the Hill machine controlling the Democratic or- 
ganization in New York State, the Quay and Penrose 
machine in control of the Republican organization in 
Pennsylvania. Usually the term machine applies to 
some area less than an entire State. It is thus possi- 
ble to find several machines within the same party 
in a single State. On the other hand, there is ordi- 
narily only one Democratic or Republican organiza- 
tion for a State. 

Another distinction between a machine and the 
party organization may be seen in the motives con- 
trolling each. As a rule the organization seeks pri- 
marily to promote the interests of the party as a 
whole. The members of the machine subordinate 
party interests to their own personal interests. More 
often than not these personal interests can best be 
advanced by loyalty to the party organization; but 
occasions not infrequently arise, especially in large 
cities, when the Democratic and Republican ma- 
chines unite, regardless of party differences, to ac- 



Machines and Bosses 435 

complish some common end or to oppose some com- 
mon foe that for the time being threatens the very 
existence of one or the other machine. The machine 
politician is ever ready to sacrifice the party if thereby 
the machine can gain some important advantage. 

"Ring" is a term frequently used as synonymous Distinc- 
with the "machine," but these terms are also distin- J 10 * 

between 

guishable. Just as ordinarily a machine is only a "ring" 
fractional part of the party organization, so a "ring" C hme" 
is usually a comparatively small clique or inner circle 
of the machine managers. The ring is bent upon 
accomplishing some purely selfish and usually cor- 
rupt end, such as looting the public treasury, securing 
lucrative contracts for public works, or obtaining 
valuable franchises. Thus we have had the Tweed 
Ring in the Tammany machine in New York City 
and the Gas Ring in the Republican machine in Phil- 
adelphia. 

The most famous and probably the best organized The Tam- 
political machine in existence to-day is that popularly m £j^ 
known as the Tammany organization in New York chine" 
City. A description of the way in which this ma- 
chine is organized may be taken as fairly typical of 
the aims, at least, if not the achievements, of political 
machines in all our large cities, so far as perfection of 
organization is concerned. 

(i) The jurisdiction of the organization commonly The 

called Tammany Hall 1 is, strictly speaking, confined gen ^j 

only to that part of New York City which is legally com- 
mittee 

1 For the materials and facts upon which this description of the 
Tammany organization is based, I am indebted to Edwin P. Kilroe, 
Ph.D., chairman of the general committee of the nineteenth assem- 
bly district. 



436 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

known as New York County, embracing thirty and 
one-half assembly districts, so-called because each of 
them sends a representative to the State Legislature. 
Four other counties are included in New York City, 
and in at least two of them (the Bronx and Kings) 
the Democratic organizations are in sympathy with, 
if not under the control of, the Tammany organiza- 
tion. The enrolled Democratic voters in each of 
these assembly districts elect annually at the primary 
a district general committee^ which in reality is a part 
of the county committee, and until very recently con- 
sisted of about one member for every twenty-five 
votes cast at the last preceding election of governor, 
although at present this ratio is considerably lower. 
Formerly this district general committee was elected 
at large by the assembly district. Any one aspiring 
to become the leader of the district would make up 
his "slate" or primary ticket containing his name 
first, followed by the names of his supporters, who 
thus became candidates for the district committee. 
If this ticket won at the primary his supporters 
promptly chose him assembly district leader. Since 
19 14, owing to the direct primary law enacted in 
December, 1913, the members of the general com- 
mittee are no longer chosen upon a general ticket, 
but the election districts or precincts, into which 
each assembly district is subdivided, have become the 
units of representation upon the district general com- 
mittee. 

The district general committee is the central gov- 
erning body and constitutes the party organization 
within the assembly district. Its functions include 



Machines and Bosses 437 

"the maintenance and promotion of party harmony Functions 
and the postulation and development of principles district 
and programmes for party betterment and progress z eneT * 1 
within its territorial jurisdiction''; the maintenance 
of headquarters throughout the year; the support of 
regularly nominated candidates of the Democratic- 
Republican party, 1 and the conduct and sole charge 
of campaigns within the district in furtherance of 
their candidacy. The rules of the nineteenth assem- 
bly district general committee further declare it to 
be the especial purpose of the district general com- 
mittee " to maintain and advance the ideals of Democ- 
racy and to inculcate in the voters and exact from all 
district representatives and officials the highest re- 
spect for those principles of civil and political hon- 
esty and public service which a true democracy as- 
sures.' ' 

Associated with this district general committee is Auxiliary 
an auxiliary committee, elected by the district com- commi 
mittee, which co-operates with the latter in " stimu- 
lating party activity and promoting the efficiency of 
the party organization within the district." The 
members of the auxiliary committee may participate 
in all meetings of the district general committee and 
have "all the rights and powers of members thereof," 
except that they have no vote in the election of 
officers of the district general committee. 2 

Each district committee may designate as many 
officers as it sees fit, and this is done without uni- 

1 This is the official title of what is popularly called the Tammany 
organization, or 'Tammany Hall." 

2 Nineteenth assembly district Democratic-Republican committee, 
Regulations and Rules (191 4), 12-13. 



438 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Officers of 
the dis- 
trict 
general 
committee 



The 

district 

leader 



formity in the thirty assembly districts of New York 
County. The rules of the central organization lay 
down no requirements in this respect, and the State 
law only requires that a chairman and secretary be 
selected. In the nineteenth assembly district the 
officers include a chairman, two vice-chairmen, a 
recording secretary, a corresponding secretary, a 
treasurer, an executive member, and a sergeant-at- 
arms. Only two of these, the chairman and the 
executive member, require special mention. The 
chairman of the district committee is chairman of the 
campaign committee and a member of all standing 
and special committees; he directs and controls the 
party organization and conducts and supervises gen- 
eral and primary elections within his district; he is 
directly responsible to the district general committee 
for the detail and management of party affairs within 
the district and is " accountable for the proper fulfil- 
ment of party programmes and the suitable exposition 
of party policies in the activities of the district organi- 
zation.' ' In the absence of the executive member 
the chairman assumes the powers and performs the 
duties of that office. 

The executive member is known as the district leader, 1 
and represents the district organization at all meet- 
ings of the executive committee of the county com- 

1 In some districts there are two leaders. This is due to the re- 
apportionment of 1906, which forced in some instances two strong 
political leaders in the same assembly district. Rather than have 
the leaders fight it out for supremacy in their respective districts, 
the rules were changed so as to allow two executive members from 
the same district. Upon the death of one of the leaders, the surviv- 
ing leader assumes full control. There were only about three such 
instances of dual leadership in 19 16. 



district 
leader 



Machines and Bosses 439 

mittee of the county of New York (to be explained 
later). In most of the districts the assembly leader 
is the dominant figure in the organization, and all 
committees and officers are subordinate to his inter- 
ests and under his absolute control. When a district 
leader is no longer able to maintain that dominant 
position and influence he is promptly replaced by a 
stronger man. The office of executive member may 
be declared vacant at any time by a majority vote of 
all members of the district general committee cast at 
a regular or special meeting. In the Regulations and Duties of 
Rules of the district committee of the nineteenth 
assembly district 1 it is made the district leader's duty 
"to assert the principles and maintain the ideals'' 
set forth in the party rules in all party councils which 
he may attend in his official or quasi-official capacity; 
"to secure proper recognition for the district organi- 
zation in the distribution of party patronage/' and 
to "recommend for appointment to and advancement 
in public office only such enrolled Democrats as the 
district general committee may designate; to "pro- 
tect all civil service and exempt appointees in public 
office or employment from political or personal har- 
assment or removal," for which purpose he may in- 
voke when necessary the assistance of the general 
committee. As district leader "it is his duty to pre- 
serve party harmony and to advance generally the 
interests and success of the party in the district." 

1 The scheme of organization of the nineteenth assembly district 
is typical of the assembly district organizations throughout New 
York County. Their rules and regulations, however, are not reduced 
to writing except in rare instances. 



440 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Stated more concretely, it is the business of the dis- 
trict leader to select the candidates for the local 
offices, such as assemblyman and alderman, and the 
persons thus selected become the organization can- 
didates for whose election or nomination the sup- 
porters of the Tammany organization are expected 
to work. Where a candidate is to run for an office 
in more than one assembly district — for example, for 
congressman or for the municipal court — the district 
leaders in the territory comprising the congressional 
or municipal court district select the orgajiization 
candidate. For larger offices, such as county and 
borough offices, the selection is made by the county 
leader — that is, the head of the entire Tammany 
organization — who submits his selections to the exec- 
utive committee for approval. 
The The county leader dominates the executive corn- 

leader mittee much as the president of a university domi- 
nates the board of trustees: any suggestions made 
by the president to the trustees as to appointments 
and matters of policy and administration are usually 
adopted without opposition. In the same way the 
suggestions of the county leader as to candidates, 
party expediency, etc., are usually approved without 
opposition by the executive committee. The present 
county leader and head of the Tammany machine is 
Charles F. Murphy. He is a natural leader who 
occupies no official position in the party organiza- 
tion other than that of executive member for the 
twelfth assembly district. He is not an officer of the 
county committee nor of the executive committee, nor 
even chairman of a subcommittee of these commit- 



Machines and Bosses 441 

tees. 1 He is a political Nestor of the organization, and 
because of his rare political judgment and his shrewd 
manipulation of men is enabled to hold a firm control 
of the party machinery. Holding no other office in 
the organization, and controlling it only through sheer 
personal influence, Mr. Murphy can be deposed only 
with the greatest difficulty. It would be necessary to 
elect county committeemen and executive members 
who would refuse to go to Mr. Murphy for advice and 
refuse to follow his suggestions or orders. Probably 
nothing short of a revolution in the party could bring 
this about. 2 

The district general committee maintains a number District 
of standing committees; for example, a law committee, commit- 
a committee on legislation, another on entertain- tees 
ment, a membership committee, a committee on civil 
service appointment, a committee on public forum, 
and a campaign committee. The number of standing 
and subcommittees varies according to the assembly 
district, and, while the committees may have different 
names in different districts, they perform practically 
the same functions. 

The annual dues to the general or to the auxiliary Dues 
committee are fixed by each assembly district com- 
mittee and may vary according to the location of 

1 During the period when Kelley and, later, Croker were leaders 
of the Tammany machine, the leader held some official position; for 
example, the chairmanship of the finance committee and of the 
executive committee of the county organization. 

2 In the other counties in New York City the county leader is 
usually chairman of the county committee. In New York County 
the chairman of the county committee and the chairman of the 
executive committee are mere functionaries who look to the county 
leader for advice, 



clubs 



442 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

the district and the financial standing of the mem- 
bers. In some districts the dues are $12 per year, 
while in others they are only $6, generally payable 
monthly in advance. The election law of New York 
gives each party the right to assess dues and the 
right to expel members for non-payment; in fact, 
non-payment may be deemed an act of hostility to 
the party. 
District (2) To supplement the district general and auxil- 

iary committees, district clubs are maintained the 
year round. These form important social centres 
both for the party workers and the plain voters. 
Annual balls are arranged, also summer festivals 
and picnics, likewise smokers, card-parties, and other 
forms of amusement and entertainment. Some of 
these clubs have a more serious purpose. The con- 
stitution of the Monongahela Democratic Club of the 
nineteenth assembly district declares that ". . . it 
shall be the policy of this club to foster a becoming 
pride in the Democratic party . . . ; to promote the 
spirit of solidarity and good-fellowship among its 
members by affording frequent opportunities for the 
interchange of social amenities; and by the mainte- 
nance of a forum for public meetings and discussion, 
and by the dissemination of scholarly and appropriate 
literature, to assure a full and fair understanding of 
our civic, industrial, and sociological problems and 
conditions." The needs of the poorer and laboring 
population are by no means overlooked. In one 
assembly district there has been a " Patrick Divver 
Association," in another a " Michael O'Hara Associa- 
tion," while at present one finds the " Timothy D. 



Machines and Bosses 443 

Sullivan Association," the "John F. Curry Associa- 
tion/' and the "Thomas J. McManus Association/' 
named after certain assembly district leaders. This 
means that the leader after whom the association is 
named gives his constituents a vast free picnic in 
summer, chartering steamers and barges, hiring a 
band, and providing liberally for refreshment and 
amusement. Likewise, in the winter months food, 
clothing, and fuel are supplied to the needy. 1 

In addition to charity, the district clubs provide social 
free legal assistance for the poor. They are defended semce 
in the courts and provided with bail if arrested, and 
otherwise helped in the matter of parole, suspended 
sentences, etc. One of the great sources of strength 
of the Tammany machine is the well-known fact that 
if any of its constituents becomes involved in legal 
proceedings, criminal or civil, the organization will 
provide bail, legal advice, or other aid. Tammany, 
therefore, stands not only for politics but for sociabil- 
ity, amusement, good-fellowship, charity, and social 
service; and these features have contributed in an 
incalculable measure to the success and permanence 
of the machine. 

(3) The members of the thirty assembly district The gen- 
committees together constitute the Democratic-Re- bounty 
publican general or county committee of New York committee 
County. Theoretically, this is a most democratic in- 
stitution, since its members come from close contact 

1 See H. C. Merwin, in Atlantic Monthly, LXXII, 244 (1898). "It 
is said that Tammany's contributions to the necessities of the poor 
equal from 15 to 25 per cent of the amount annually expended for 
charitable purposes by New York's combined churches and benev- 
olent societies."— Outlook, LXXXI, 550 (1905). 



444 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

with small units of party voters; but as a matter of 
fact its great size, consisting of over six thousand 
members, makes it an unwieldy body so far as actual 
control over party business is concerned. Its size 
has been defended on the practical ground that it 
enlists among the official workers of the party at 
least one man in twenty-five and also upon the still 
more practical ground that it brings in a vast sum 
each year into the party treasury through the annual 
dues of $10 per member. As a matter of fact, how- 
ever, it is safe to say that probably only about one- 
fourth of the members pay the annual dues or assess- 
ments and that the organization has to depend upon 
the wealthier members for campaign contributions 
and other financial support. There is a district as- 
sessment of $500 for each assembly district, and the 
local candidates for office (such as aldermen and 
assemblymen) are expected to pay an assessment of 
$1.50 per election district for the assembly or alder- 
manic district in which they are running, to cover 
printing expenses, etc. This general committee holds 
no regular meetings, strictly speaking, and special 
meetings only at rare intervals. All the party af- 
fairs are, as a matter of fact, conducted by a sub - 
committee called the executive committee and by 
the county leader. There are also several subcoir* 
mittees in addition to the executive committee, sucii 
as committees on law, legislation, printing, elections, 
and election officers, public meetings, and rules. 
Executive (4) The executive committee is really a subcom- 

committee r . , . * 

mittee of the general or county committee, and con- 
sists of one member from each assembly district, who 



Machines and Bosses 445 

is always the executive member or district leader, 
and, ex officio, the chairmen and vice-chairmen of 
the different standing committees and the treasurer 
of the general committee. In order to promote cen- 
tralization of control in the hands of the executive 
committee there is a rule that each new member of 
that committee must be approved by the retiring 
committee; and if he is not so approved the retiring 
committee may itself select an executive member in 
his stead. In other words, an executive committee 
once in power may perpetuate its control. As a mat- 
ter of fact, however, the rule is a dead letter, and 
under present conditions in New York its enforce- 
ment is highly improbable. The last case when it 
was invoked occurred in 1906. 

By this executive committee the internal affairs of its func- 
the entire Tammany organization are directed, its 
candidates for the principal municipal and county 
offices selected, and plans of campaign for their elec- 
tion arranged. "The executive committee and the 
men intimately associated with it, although often 
unofficially, virtually control the government of the 
party and the city of New York whenever the party 
is in power. They control the finances of the county 
organization, disburse the funds, agree upon the 
distribution of city offices, and decide the policies of 
the board of aldermen and other branches of city 
administration." x 

The thirty and one-half assembly districts in New Election 
ii'ork County are subdivided into election districts C a P tains 
or precincts, each containing about four hundred 

1 Beard, 662, 



446 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

voters. For every election district the chairman of 
the district general committee appoints a district 
captain and may also appoint an assistant captain. 
Each captain is the official representative of the 
party in his election district, and is directly respon- 
sible to the district general committee and may be 
removed at any time by its chairman. He is re- 
quired personally to acquaint himself with the politi- 
cal affiliations and tendencies of all voters within his 
election district, and a list of them he must carefully 
compile and revise before every primary or general 
election, reporting to the general committee of the 
district the names of all voters removing from or 
establishing residences within the election district. 
He is made responsible to the district general com- 
mittee and the district leader for the maintenance 
and augmentation of the party vote in his district. 
He officially represents the party at the polls on 
registration and election days and appoints watchers, 
challengers, and party workers to assist him in bring- 
ing out the party registration and vote. He likewise 
recommends to the chairman suitable voters to serve 
as election officers. 
Com- The district captains are not paid for their services; 

they are in many instances office-holders. Money is 
supplied them on election day which is distributed in 
various ways. Party workers are set to work at 
from five to ten dollars a day to check off the poll- 
list as the voters appear at the polls, to guard against 
fraud, to watch the canvass, to send messages to de- 
linquent voters who fail or neglect or forget to go to 
the polls. The amount of money given to a captain 



pensation 



Machines and Bosses 447 

on election day depends upon the importance of the 
election, the location of the district, the political com- 
plexion of the electorate, and the general financial 
standing of the voters in the election district. In 
some election districts only a small sum of money 
may be used legitimately. In some of the down-town 
districts below Fourteenth Street the sum given to 
an election district captain varies from $150 to $400. 

The district captains committee is composed of the District 
captains of the various election districts within an committee 
assembly district and holds regular meetings. From 
time to time this committee recommends to the con- 
sideration of the district general committee policies 
and measures designed to maintain and increase the 
efficiency of the district organization and to promote 
the success and safeguard the interest of the Demo- 
cratic party in the district. 

Such in outline are the principal features of the 
most famous and formidable political machine in the 
history of American politics. 

The circumstances, conditions, and causes which 
have produced or promoted the development of politi- 
cal machines in this country may be summarized as 
follows: 

(1) The spoils system has been, perhaps, the most Most 
important single factor. In the distribution of Fed- ^tonrki 
eral patronage the President required an intermedi- deveiop- 

r7 t ^ ment of 

ary in each State, and so representatives in Congress, machines: 

but especially senators, became the first State bosses. ^ ^ e 

Their power was largely based upon their control of system 
Federal offices within their States. 1 At the present 

1 See John Wanamaker's analysis of the famous Quay machine 
in Pennsylvania, quoted in Beard's Readings, 127. 



448 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

time, control of State and municipal offices consti- 
tutes an even more important factor. "The cohesive 
power of the ' organization ' is offices/' said a promi- 
nent leader of the Philadelphia Republican machine. 
"We have ten thousand office-holders and they are 
all ours. Under the present administration no man 
can get an office unless he is loyal to the ' organiza- 
tion.' If you want office or preferment in political 
life, you will have to get it through the organization. 
Foreigners, when they come here, vote the Republi- 
can ticket. Why? Because we have the offices and 
they expect favors from office-holders. In New York 
they vote for Tammany for the same reason. Our 
organization bears the same relation to Philadelphia 
that Tammany does to New York. The ownership 
of the offices means the power for withholding pat- 
ronage and for conferring favors upon citizens gen- 
erally, who, in turn, will support the organization. 
It is through this far-reaching power that the great 
Republican party is given its majority in this city 
and State. Without the offices, this great edifice 
would crumble and fall. . . ." l 

1 David H. Lane, quoted by C. R. Woodruff, in Yale Review, 
XV, 8 (1906-7). One important feature of the Philadelphia Re- 
publican machine is the completeness and thoroughness with which 
the organization takes care of its workers and yet subjects them 
to constant dependence upon it for support and maintenance. "The 
old plan of independent ward leaders was abolished, because it 
made necessary the taking of their wishes and views into considera- 
tion. Each ward leader with few exceptions . . . was given an 
appointive position, so that at any time at which he might prove 
recalcitrant he can be brought to terms by threatening removal. 
Councilmen were controlled by receiving clerkships in the adminis- 
trative departments or by having their near relatives, sons, daugh- 
ters, or others dependent upon them for livelihood, given appointive 
places. In this way or through subsidies to interests in which the 
ward leaders or councilmen were interested, the machine could de- 



Machines and Bosses 449 

And it may be added that the strength of all politi- 
cal machines springs from patronage, and they hold 
firmly together either from actual possession or the 
eager expectation of its complete control. 1 

(2) Among the most potent factors in the develop- (2) Mui- 
ment of machines and bosses has been the multiplica- e ieJtive ° 
tion of the number of elective offices which began offices 
early in the nineteenth century. As a means of 
diminishing aristocratic control of government, ap- 
pointive offices were turned into elective by the 
wholesale. Even the heads of State executive de- 
partments that had been appointed by the governor 
or by the legislature were made elective; and the 
judges of State courts did not escape. 2 These changes, 
occurring almost simultaneously with the rapid ex- 
tension of the spoils system, resulted in bringing for- 
ward the political specialists whom we usually call 
professional politicians and bosses. For it was early 
found to be impossible for the people at large to 
remember when the terms of so many officers expired 
and to make provision for the nomination and elec- 
tion of their successors. Nevertheless, this political 
work had to be done by some one and still has to be 
done. The mass of voters being unable or unwilling 
to devote the necessary time to this work, it natu- 

pend at any moment upon the unquestioning fealty of its retainers. 
It did not have to discuss ways and means with them or secure 
their views. It knew that by the very simple process of threaten- 
ing to cut off their bread and butter they could bring them to sup- 
port the most iniquitous or arbitrary measures." C. R. Woodruff, 
in Yale Review , XV, 13 (1906-7). 

1 G. W. Curtis, Orations and Addresses, II, 164. 

2 H. J. Ford, The Rise and Growth of American Politics, 298, and 
Beard, 89 ff. 



450 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

rally fell into the hands of those who made it their 
chief if not their only business. To a certain extent, 
therefore, these political specialists are a genuine and 
a useful product of American democracy. 1 
(3) Big (3) The growth of big business interests desiring 

corpora- special privileges at the hands of State Legislatures 
tions anc j municipal councils has contributed greatly to the 

power of machines and bosses. Corporations have 
found that the easiest way to obtain the privileges 
desired was to contribute money more or less regu- 
larly and generously to the support of the dominant 
machine in the State or municipality concerned, re- 
gardless of party. 2 Living to a great extent upon 
the corporations, bossism and machine politics have 
flourished best in States where big capitalist interests 
were concentrated, where corporations were most 
numerous, such as New York, New Jersey, and Penn- 
sylvania; but they also flourish in many other places. 3 

1 H. J. Ford, op. cit., 299; Herbert Croly, The Promise of American 
Life, 118, 149. "The professional politician is frequently beaten 
and is being vigorously fought; but he himself understands how 
necessary he is under the existing political organization and how 
difficult it will be to dislodge him. Beaten though he be again and 
again, he constantly recovers his influence, because he is performing 
a necessary political task and because he is genuinely representative 
of the needs of his followers." Ibid., 125. 

2 Behind Murphy, the head of Tammany, are the corporations 
whose hope of illicit gain lies in controlling the board of estimate 
and apportionment, which determines the appropriations, lets con- 
tracts, and votes franchises. Outlook, LXXXI, 646 (1905). 

3 The following is a recent description of the Republican machine 
in Pennsylvania: "... Picture a pyramid. The apex is Senator 
Boies Penrose. His throne, inscribed with 'The Divine Right of 
Bosses/ rests upon McNichol and Vare. Under McNichol and Vare 
are contractors, dual office-holders, and hand-fed ward leaders. 
These rest for their influence and immunity upon scores of lesser 
bosses, bosslets, and boss-barnacles apportioned to the various com- 



Machines and Bosses 451 

(4) To the foregoing conditions and causes should (4) Poiiti- 
be added the indifference and neglect of public duties of voters 7 
characteristic of the average voter who is mainly en- 
grossed in his own affairs and takes no active interest 

in politics. These are the citizens who remain away 
from the primaries and thus permit the selfish and 
unscrupulous members of their party to control the 
nominations, little appreciating the fact that the pri- 
maries are the strategic positions in our system of 
government and that whoever controls them con- 
trols the government. 

(5) Slavish devotion to one or the other of the (5) Slavish 
national parties, the spirit which keeps men loyal to to party* 

" regular" party action, whether that action is con- " r . e ^; 
trolled by disinterested leaders or by knaves, has 
helped enormously to make the machine possible. 
This spirit manifests itself in the vast number of 
voters who can always be counted upon by the ma- 
chine to vote the straight party ticket on election 
day, if the candidates be not too flagrantly offensive 
to the moral and political standards of the com- 
munity, however inferior in merit they may be to the 
candidates of the opposing party. 

muni ties of the Commonwealth. Beneath these are the wholesale 
and retail liquor interests, rich, astute, unscrupulous, and levying 
tribute upon themselves and disreputable dependents to fill the cof- 
fers of the dynasty above them. The next layer of the pyramid is 
made up of solid business men, holding their breath and shutting 
their nostrils, but all the while patiently bearing all, ignoring all, 
extenuating all because Penrose, the reputed tariff mogul, is thought 
to sway the protection sceptre that permits them to draw dividends 
and divide profits. And then, under everything and carrying the 
weight of all, are the great, dear, sincere, unsophisticated but duped, 
God-fearing citizens who have thought so much of the raptures of 
the next world that they have not surmised the rottenness of this." 
Editorial in Philadelphia Public Ledger, January 10, 191 5. 



452 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(6) Mass 
of man- 
ageable 
voters in 
large 
cities 



(7) Bi- 
partisan 
boards 
and com- 
missions 



(6) The great cities have afforded the best soil for 
the development of the political machine and ring. 
This is in part due to the fact that they contain the 
largest mass of manageable voters, especially the for- 
eign voters, ignorant, easily led, and purchasable. 
District, ward, and city machines are often built up 
through ability to handle these voters as a mass at 
primaries and as floaters on election day. In the 
cities, furthermore, are to be found innumerable 
offices to be distributed as political prizes, along with 
abundant opportunities for jobbing and grafting in 
connection with the awarding of public contracts and 
municipal franchises. 1 

(7) Mention should also be made in this connec- 
tion of constitutional provisions and laws which re- 
quire representation of a minority party on appoin- 
tive boards and commissions. For example, the 
appointment of numerous boards and commissions of 
three members is authorized and the requirement 
laid down that not more than two shall be members 
of the same political party. This species of " minor- 
ity representation" was well intended at first. It 
was designed to serve as a check upon the majority 
party and to mitigate the evils of partisanship in 
administration; and where parties have been evenly 
divided it has often fulfilled its original purpose. 
But in States and large cities where one party has 
had an overwhelming majority, the system has been 
diverted to the grossest purposes of political corrup- 
tion, and has been no small factor in the construc- 
tion of mischievous political machines or " bipartisan 

1 Bryce, II, 112. 



Machines and Bosses 453 

combines." The leaders of the dominant machine 
have seen to it that minority places are not given 
to genuine partisans of the opposition. This has 
been conspicuously wrought out in Pennsylvania, 
where it has been stated recently that the minority 
place-holders in ninety-five per cent of instances 
were minority men only in name, in actuality being 
part and parcel of the Republican machine, calling 
themselves " Democrats" but in their hearts being 
handy men for the Republican bosses. For many 
years the minority party in that State has subsisted, 
from the patronage point of view, on these minority 
places obtained through connivance of the dominant 
party machine. A close bond of self-interest was 
thus created between the venal leaders of the minor- 
ity and the managers of the dominant machine: the 
Democratic party became degraded to little more 
than an appendage to the Republican machine. 1 A 
minority party rigidly excluded from any share of 
the spoils will be far more likely to grow in moral 
and numerical strength than where the bipartisan 
system of appointments prevails. 

Leadership is necessary and inevitable in any large "Botes' 
and efficient organization. By a process of natural ^ ss _ 
selection, the modern political machine has evolved ism" 
a hierarchy of managers or leaders who devote their 
entire time to politics. We have referred to them as 
the " bosses." Their successful manipulation of the 

1 In justice to the present leaders of the Democratic party in 
Pennsylvania, it should be stated that by 19 14 the faction known 
as the "Reorganizes" had secured control of the State organization, 
and inserted in their State platform that year a vigorous expression 
of opposition to the system of bipartisan appointments. 



454 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

party organization whereby elections are carried, 
offices distributed among their followers, and con- 
tracts and franchises awarded to themselves and their 
friends is commonly called "boss rule," "bossism," 
or the "boss system." 

A boss is something more than a partisan or profes- 
sional politician: there are many partisan or profes- 
sional politicians who are not bosses. A boss is not 
the same thing as a bad or unprincipled politician: 
there are many bad and corrupt politicians who are 
not bosses. The boss is not only a partisan and pro- 
fessional politician, but a political machinist who 
uses the local machinery of the national party to 
which he belongs for his own personal advantage in 
the political affairs of the State, county, city, or dis- 
trict of which he happens to be boss. From this it 
will be seen that "the word boss connotes a territory 
as much as the word king. A boss must be a boss of 
some place, and an unattached boss is as inconceiv- 
able as an unattached king." l 
Evolution There are instances where men of high birth and 
aristocratic affiliations have built up a political ma- 
chine and leaped into prominence as political bosses 
almost at a single bound. Such cases, however, are 
rare, and are due to exceptional circumstances in 
which the possession of great wealth, unusual per- 
sonal magnetism, and extraordinary skill in manag- 
ing men play a most important part. In the vast 
majority of cases, on the other hand, the State or 
the city boss is of humble origin and is the product 
of evolution through successive stages. From a mere 

1 F. C. Lowell, in Atlantic Monthly, LXXXVI, 289 (1900). 



of the 
boss 



Machines and Bosses 455 

"worker" at the polls or primary, with influence lim- 
ited to a narrow circle of neighbors, he becomes the 
lieutenant or " heeler" of some election district or 
precinct leader. In time he himself becomes leader in 
his election district; then he becomes ward or assem- 
bly district boss or leader. The final stage of his de- 
velopment is reached when the assembly district lead- 
ers, nominally of equal rank, find one of their number 
who commands their obedience by his strength of 
will, his cleverness, his audacity, and his luck. "By 
tacit agreement every one wheels into line behind 
this man, recognizing him as the supreme chief, and 
we have the city boss, at the head of the city ma- 
chine." An analogous process of selection brings to 
the front the State boss, at the head of the State 
machine. The nearest approach to a national boss 
is found in the political career of the late Senator 
Hanna. 

The one supreme quality needed in a political leader Qualities 
who aspires to become a boss is skill in handling men. £J£ u t e con " 
He becomes boss who shows the most energy, re- * ohis 
sourcefulness, and tact in managing those leaders, 
who in turn know how to manage or influence the 
masses of the voters. He is constantly, at every 
stage in his career, studying the men about him and 
their weak points, and by trading upon the latter he 
tries to secure as large a following as possible. Other 
personal qualities, such as personal magnetism, gen- 
erosity, and geniality coupled with a certain degree 
of reserve are, of course, important factors in his 
success. On the whole, however, the qualities which 
tend to make a man a successful boss under our 



456 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

present conditions are not apt to be of the kind that 
make him serve the public honestly or disinterestedly. 
In the lower city wards the boss is often, if not gen- 
erally, a man of grossly immoral public or private 
life. On the other hand, city and State bosses are 
often men with at least a veneering of culture and 
refinement, whose private life is blameless, however 
low may be their standards of political morality. 1 

The more powerful bosses seldom come before the 
public as candidates for elective office. The State boss 
has usually preferred the office of United States sena- 
tor because his election was by the legislature, in con- 
nection with which there was abundant opportunity 
for intrigue, and in intrigue every boss is an adept. 
Then, too, there is a large amount of Federal patron- 
age still connected with the office of senator, in spite 
of the results of the civil service reform movement. 
Often, however, the State as well as the city boss 
is content to remain in the background, holding no 
office, or else some obscure appointive one, but wield- 
ing none the less an enormous power. 2 
Distinc- It is important to distinguish between bosses and 

tween*" rea " political leaders. Bosses, as a rule, disclaim any 
bosses such title; they prefer to call themselves " leaders," 
uine poiit- but there is an important distinction. A true politi- 
cal leader leads by moulding and guiding the popular 
intelligence by the sympathy of common convictions, 
by resistless argument and burning appeal. As ex- 
President Roosevelt trenchantly put it: "The differ- 
ence between a boss and a leader is that a leader 

Theodore Roosevelt, in Century, XXXIII, 74 (1886). 
2 F. J. Goodnow, Politics and Administration, 169. 



ical lead- 
ers 



Machines and Bosses 457 

leads and a boss drives. The difference is that a 
leader holds his place by firing the conscience and 
appealing to the reason of his followers and that a 
boss holds his place by corrupt and underhand ma- 
nipulation. The difference is that the leader works 
m the light of day while the boss derives the greater 
Dart of his power from deeds done under cover of 
darkness." * 

Personal qualities thus being primarily responsible The boss 
for the rise of the successful boss, other factors as- campaign 
sist in perpetuating his power. Among these factors funds 
should be noted his control of campaign funds. Every 
boss sees to it that all campaign funds for use among 
his constituents pass through his hands or those of 
his direct representative. The head of Tammany, 
for example, knows, and draws freely upon, all the 
possible sources for campaign funds with which to 
perpetuate the power of the Tammany machine, 
distributing these as he deems wisest for the good 
of the machine and especially the advancement of 
his own personal supremacy. When especially hard 
pressed, a boss will blackmail business corporations 
or financial institutions for additional funds. 2 For 
the money which he handles the boss is never held 
to strict accountability. So long as the machine tri- 
umphs and his lieutenants receive a satisfactory share 
of the spoils of victory, he may lay up as large a pri- 
vate fortune as circumstances seem to warrant. 

Some bosses, especially ward or district bosses in 
large cities, become the dispensers of charity on a 

1 At the New York Republican State convention, September, 19 10. 

2 Ostrogorski, II, 409. 



458 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



The boss 
dispenses 
charity 



Opera- 
tions of 
the boss 
and ma- 
chine: 
(i) con- 
trolling 
nomina- 
tions and 
winning 
elections 



(2) In- 
fluencing 
adminis- 
trative pol- 
icies 



large scale. The money by which all this charity is 
made possible may have been obtained by blackmail- 
ing corporations, or as a bribe, or collected from dis- 
reputable resorts. The social service thus rendered 
is, of course, in no small degree prompted by merce- 
nary motives. Nevertheless, when the boss is "kind 
to the poor" his grateful constituents can almost 
always be relied upon to repay him with their votes 
on primary and election days. 

Having thus outlined the principal conditions which 
have produced the political machine and the political 
boss, we may consider the two in joint operation. 

(i) The boss and the machine hold the keys to all 
our leading offices through their control of nomina- 
tions and ability to carry elections. When the ma- 
chine is dominant, any one wishing, for example, to 
become a municipal councilman or a member of the 
State Legislature must come to terms with the ma- 
chine, "see" the boss, and obtain his approval before 
he can secure what is called a "regular" nomination. 
Having succeeded in transforming elections into an 
industry and being able to deliver its product on the 
most favorable terms, the machine takes orders and 
contracts for the carrying of elections, thus saving 
candidates the trouble and expense of courting popu- 
lar support with their own resources alone. 1 

(2) But the control of the boss and the machine 
does not stop with the nomination and election of 
candidates receiving the hall-mark of their approval. 
Theoretically, the public administrative officers of the 
local and State governments are responsible to the 

1 Ostrogorski, Democracy and the Party System, 245. 



Machines and Bosses 459 

people for the good government of the State or local- 
ity. Their actual power, however, is smaller than 
their official authority. Often they are almost com- 
pletely controlled by the machine which secured their 
election or appointment. In States or cities subject 
to machine rule, practically every official must put 
all his personal and official influence at its disposal. 
"The executive and, in general, the officials who are 
at the head of a department are the first prey of the 
machine, for they dispose of what the machine wants 
above all things — the subordinate offices in the public 
administration with which it pays its henchmen and 
its workers. The department chiefs make over to it 
the patronage which is intrusted to them by law. 
The municipal machine claims it from the mayor; 
the State machine claims it from the governor; the 
State boss extorts the nominations to the Federal 
places of his State from the President of the United 
States.'' l It is not the patronage alone that admin- 
istrative officers place at the command of the ma- 
chine. In the performance of a wide range of dis- 
cretionary acts they are also called upon to obey the 
behests of the machine. The leader or leaders of 
the machine are therefore the real rulers of the com- 
munity, even though they occupy no offices and can- 
not be held in any way publicly responsible. 2 

1 Ibid, 246. 

2 " . . . The boss is not an excrescence nor an unlimited mon- 
arch; he is the natural product of a government of laws devoid of 
human watchfulness. He is the head of a feudal system, bestow- 
ing fiefs (that is, the fourth ward) on his nobles, who in their turn 
muster, tax, and tyrannize over their retainers. . . . The truth is 
that the boss is the one conspicuous man who has made a success in 
American government; he is the discoverer of governmental em- 



460 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

(3) Ma- (3) Even the deliberative functions of the State 

legislative Legislature in not a few States have absolutely ceased 
bodies ± ex i s t j or m any purposes. The legislature registers 
as automatically the will of the boss and the machine 
and as little the results of its own deliberations as 
does the electoral college in the election of the Presi- 
dent. "The form of a legislature survives, but the 
substance and the spirit have vanished. . . . The 
legislative power ... is exercised by one man or a 
small, self-constituted group through dummies who 
are still in name representatives of the people." l 
Sometimes this is because the machine "owns" a 

ciency, and otherwise could not be a boss. By his edict he makes 
laws, unmakes them, and circumvents them. All that the reformers 
and party leaders need for complete success is to tame the boss, 
teach him to draw their chariot and to roar an accompaniment to 
their campaign songs." A. B. Hart, in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VII, 13 

(1013)- 

1 For an admirable picture* in fiction of a boss-ridden legislature, 
see Winston Churchill's novel, Coniston. For many years the State 
boss of Rhode Island occupied an office in the State Capitol during 
sessions of the legislature. In Missouri at one time the boss used 
to sit behind a curtain back of the speaker's chair and from there 
send in his orders or amendments to bills. 

"For some time Boies Penrose has ruled Pennsylvania as abso- 
lutely as the Sultan of Sulu ruled his distant domain and with about 
the same tender regard for the interests of his subjects. It is several 
generations since the people of Pennsylvania have known indepen- 
dence except as a Fourth of July tradition. Governor-Elect Brum- 
baugh has made the amazing discovery that the rights and privileges 
of citizenship in this Commonwealth are not the private perquisites 
of Penrose. Men who have known Harrisburg in recent decades 
have spoken of the members of the legislature as pawns, which is 
an insult to the pawn, because a pawn can take a bishop, a knight, 
or a castle, and can put a king in check; they have been puppets, 
automatically obedient to the will of the Sultan of Sulu. There have 
been periods when the legislature has had to mark time and the 
governor look sublime in enforced idleness until McNichol could 
discover the wish and will of his sovereign overlord in Washington." 
Editorial, Philadelphia Public Ledger, January 10, 19 16. 



Machines and Bosses 461 

certain number of members of the legislature whose 
election expenses it has paid. These tools of the 
machine form a nucleus which is quickly enlarged by 
intimidation and corruption brought to bear on the 
independent members. Anti-machine or " indepen- 
dent" members are brought to their knees by the 
risk of the defeat of bills in which their constituents 
are particularly interested. The legislation which the 
machine demands or extorts from the legislature is 
varied. Sometimes it is the creation of new offices 
to be distributed among the politicians, fiscal and 
other favors for the companies which are its financial 
backers, the reduction of taxes on private corpora- 
tions, the creation of private monopolies, etc. 1 

(4) Even the administration of justice does not es- (4) Tam- 
cape the baneful and corrupting influence of the ma- ^[^ad- 
chine, for the judiciary, being elective officers in most nostra- 

tion of 

States, are, like the others, in need of being put upon justice 
the party slate in order to secure nomination and 
election. The police magistrates in the cities are 
especially the tools and henchmen of the machine. 
They help the machine to control the lower strata 
of the voters. Of the higher magistrates, the ma- 
chine wields the most pernicious influence over the 
prosecuting officers by making them dismiss or sus- 

1 Ostrogorski, op. cit., 247-248. Although a boss or machine may 
control absolutely all State legislation, he or the machine rarely 
attempts anything so ambitious. The machine knows "that to 
attempt to dictate to its followers on general legislation would only 
weaken its authority over them, and hence it confines its attention 
to the distribution of spoils, to laws that bear upon electoral ma- 
chinery, and such bills as affect directly the persons from whom it 
draws its revenues." A. L. Lowell, in Am. Hist. Assn. Report (1901), 
P- 349- 



462 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

pend prosecutions against their adherents. The higher 
judiciary discharge their duties with a fair degree 
of honor and impartiality so long as "politics" are 
not involved. But whenever the interests of the 
party and of the machine to which they owe their 
own election are at stake, it is not unnatural that 
they should be liable to be influenced by party con- 
siderations. The boss can make them atone for their 
independence. More than once a frown from the 
boss has been enough to terminate the most brilliant 
and most dignified judicial career. 1 Many bosses 
deem it wise, however, to leave the higher judiciary 
entirely outside their sphere of influence. 2 
in some As a result of this almost complete machine con- 

demo- *- ro ^ °^ execu ti ve and legislative departments, there 
craticgov- has been no truly free government in New York, 
is trans- Pennsylvania, Delaware, Missouri, Illinois, and prob- 
formed a bjy ther States for many years past. New York, 
tuaiautoc- for example, has been ruled by a Hill, a Piatt, an 
Odell, or a Murphy, "with as complete indifference 
to public interests, popular convictions, and the de- 
sires of the voters of the State as if these irresponsible 
rulers held their places by divine right or by military 
authority." The same is true of other States. The 
people have allowed their policies to be determined 
by a group of men who were sometimes not even in 
public life, held no official positions, were paid no 
salaries, clothed by no authority, elected by no exer- 

1 Ostrogorski, op. cit., 249. 

2 On the relations sometimes existing between big business, ma- 
chines, and the courts, see a series of articles by C. P. Connolly, 
"Big Business and the Bench, " in Everybody's, XXVI, 147, 291, 459 
(1912). 



Machines and Bosses 463 

cise of the suffrage. Measures of the highest impor- 
tance have been decided upon in secret conclave, 
pushed through the legislature practically without 
discussion, under instructions to legislators who have 
been mere puppets responding to the strings that 
were pulled from behind. The business of the State 
has been transacted out of sight, on the back stairs, 
in whispering-galleries, and the people of the State 
have been led like sheep, and like sheep they have 
paid the penalty. " Greater enemies this country 
has never had than men like Piatt, Odell, Addicks, 
and Quay, who have transformed free government 
into autocracies, annulled the fundamental charters 
of the country, and made popular government an 
object of satire, if not of derision, throughout the 
world." i 

(5) In many, especially in great industrial, States (5) Secur- 
and in large cities there has come to exist an alii- f of special 
ance, "a virtual partnership, " between the great pub- 
lic service corporations, such as the railroad, trolley, 
and gas companies, and the political leaders of both 
the Democratic and Republican party organizations. 
As a result of this partnership the bosses give the 
necessary orders to their henchmen, whereby the 
corporations in question receive from legislative bod- 
ies or public officials franchises and special privileges 
and advantages. In return for these privileges the 
corporation managers grant certain favors to the 
party leaders or bosses. These favors assume differ- 

1 Outlook, LXXXII, 67 (1906); see also Elihu Root's speech on 
boss rule and invisible government before the New York Constitu- 
tional Convention, 19 15, summarized in American Year Book y 101s, 
p. 89. 



interests 



464 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(6) Enlist- 
ing the 
support of 
laboring 
men and 
lowest 
class 
interests 



ent forms. Sometimes " retainers" in the form of 
direct money payments are given to the boss. At 
other times heavy contributions are made to the party 
campaign fund. On still other occasions opportuni- 
ties are offered for safe and profitable business ven- 
tures. All favors are adjusted to the moral standards 
of the particular boss or leaders. The corporations 
recoup themselves from the public in excessive rates 
and exemptions from taxation or in other ways. 
Where such a partnership exists, it is always under- 
stood and expected that candidates will be nominated 
by the bosses in both parties who can be trusted to 
do nothing, if elected, to interfere with these privi- 
leges, when granted, and who will help to grant new 
ones when needed. 1 Many of the fierce factional 
fights that go on within party organizations are over 
the tremendous prizes of the nature described above 
awaiting exploitation by those who succeed in gain- 
ing control of the machine and through it of the 
officials in whom is vested the power to award these 
prizes. 2 

(6) Every machine makes great exertions to secure 
the friendship of those who, through their business or 
position, can serve as recruiting sergeants. For this 
purpose it makes friends in the workmen's trade- 
unions, in the factories and the workshops, and even 
descends to the lowest steps in the social ladder to 

1 For instances of such a partnership in Denver, Col., see Judge 
Ben B. Lindsey's "The Beast and the Jungle/ ' in Everybody's, XXI, 
433 ff. (1909). 

2 For example, the bitter factional fight within the ranks of the 
Republican organization in Philadelphia in 191 1 between the fol- 
lowers of the Vare brothers and those of Senator Penrose and State 
Senator McNichol. 



Machines and Bosses 465 

get useful help; it gets hold of the keepers of lodging- 
houses, of gambling-houses, and of every kind of den 
frequented by the criminal or semi-criminal class; it 
gets hold of the saloon-keepers by insuring them pro- 
tection against the police and the law or by paying 
them directly. Since their co-operation is particu- 
larly appreciated, very often the machine takes them 
into partnership and confers on one of them the 
position of " captain" of the precinct in which his 
saloon is situated. 1 

Against boss rule, or machine domination, in State Causes of 
and municipal politics, revolts break out almost pe- revolt 10 
riodically, attended with varying degrees of success against 
and permanence. Usually several causes combine to rule 
produce these revolts, among which may be noted 
the increasing conviction that machine domination is 
essentially undemocratic, the quickening of the pub- 
lic conscience, the arrogance and disregard of public 
sentiment on the part of some boss or machine drunk 
with power, and disclosures of widely ramifying cor- 
ruption and maladministration often traceable to an 
alliance of big business interests with the bosses and 
machines. Out of these revolts have come the fol- 
lowing suggested remedies for boss or machine rule: 

(i) The initiative, referendum, and recall are re- /feme- 
served for fuller treatment elsewhere in this volume, 2 ("direct 
but they should at least be mentioned in this connec- legislation 

*. ■ , . r .. and the 

tion as among the most important of recent devices recall 
for reducing the influence of political machines both 
in legislation and administration. Mention should 
also be made of the direct primary, which can be uti- 

1 Ostrogorski, op. cit., 239. - Chapters XVII and XX. 



466 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

lized to weaken the machine control of nominations, 
though its efficacy in this direction can easily be over- 
estimated; and also nomination by petitions signed 
by a few voters, which greatly reduces the expense of 
securing a nomination. 

(2) The (2) A reduction in the number of elective offices 
ballot will remove one of the fundamental causes of the de- 
velopment of machines and bosses. With the success 
of the short ballot movement, the average voter will 
come to feel that he can exert a more intelligent and 
direct influence upon nominations and elections and 
will therefore feel an incentive to greater political 
activity. The work of selecting candidates and look- 
ing after their campaigns, which now renders the 
professional politicians almost indispensable, would 
be reduced to a minimum. This would not by any 
means entirely eliminate the machine or the boss. 
No doubt the machine would seek to name and thus 
to control the few remaining elective officers because 
of the increased patronage attaching to their offices; 
but it would be much easier for the public perma- 
nently to exert a decisive influence in the choice of 
officials than under present conditions. 

(3) inde- (2) More independent voting, manifested in a dis- 
?oting position to discriminate between good and bad nom- 
inations, would tend to weaken the machine. As ex- 
plained above, the boss relies for much of his power 
upon slavish loyalty or party " regularity" — the 
practice of the great majority in voting a straight 
party ticket, "If we would have good crops in the 
field, we must scratch the weeds out. If we would 
have good men upon the ticket, we must ' scratch y 



Machines and Bosses 467 

bad men off." l This is, of course, only a corrective, 
not a radical, remedy. 

(4) Much could also be accomplished in overthrow- (4) pi- 
ing machine control if municipal and State elections stat^and 
could be divorced from national elections and national natio . nal 

elections 

issues. It seldom happens that national issues have 
any vital connection with State issues, still less with 
municipal issues. But bosses rely upon loyalty to 
the national party among the rank and file of the 
voters to carry State and municipal elections. To 
cover up the misdeeds of the State or city machine, 
the cry is raised that the success of the party in the 
approaching national election, or the existence of the 
tariff, will be endangered by the election of the candi- 
dates of the opposing party or of independent candi- 
dates. This campaign " dodge" has been employed 
so often in the past that intelligent voters are being 
deceived less and less by it. 2 This fact and the re- 
cent increase in independent voting furnish much en- 
couragement to the anti-machine forces. 

(5) The creation of a wider interest in politics (5) in- 
which will find expression in a greater participation JJjJJSoS 
by good citizens in the primaries and in work at the activity of 
polls on election day would also do much to lessen citizens 
the hold of the machine upon local and State politics. 
"When good men sit at home, not knowing that 

there is anything to be done, not caring to know; 
cultivating a feeling that politics are tiresome and 

1 G. W. Curtis, op. ciL, II, 158. 

2 This " dodge' ' was very conspicuously resorted to by the Re- 
publican organization in Philadelphia in 191 1 against the move- 
ment for reform in the municipal administration, but utterly failed 
to accomplish its purpose. 



468 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(6) Ex- 
tension 
of civil 
service 
reform 



(7) Anti- 
lobbying 
and pub- 
licity laws 



dirty and politicians vulgar bullies and bravoes; halt 
persuaded that a republic is the contemptible rule of 
a mob and secretly longing for a splendid and vigor- 
ous despotism — then remember it is not a govern- 
ment mastered by ignorance, it is a government be- 
trayed by intelligence; it is not the victory of the 
slums, it is the surrender of the schools; it is not that 
bad men are brave, but that good men are infidels 
and cowards." x 

(6) The extension of civil service rules to Federal 
appointments not covered by the competitive system, 
as well as the enactment, followed by strict enforce- 
ment, of State and municipal civil service laws, would 
be, perhaps, the most effective means available at 
present for undermining the power of the boss and 
the machine. "It is the command of millions of the 
public money spent in public administration; the con- 
trol of the vast labyrinth of place, with its enormous 
emoluments; the system which makes the whole civil 
service the spoils of party victory. ... It is upon 
this that the hierarchy of the machine is erected.' ' 2 

(7) The divorce of big business interests from 
practical politics would be another damaging blow 
to the domination of the machine. 3 Stringent laws, 
properly enforced, regulating lobbying in legislative 
bodies, and laws requiring publicity of campaign con- 
tributions and the prohibition of campaign contribu- 
tions by corporations, 4 have accomplished much in 

1 G. W. Curtis, op. cit., I, 269. 2 Ibid., II, 160. 

3 On the influence of the U. S. Steel Corporation in the municipal 
politics of western Pennsylvania, see J. A. Fitch, The Steel Workers 
(1010), 229-231. 

4 See chapters XI and XX. 



Machines and Bosses 469 

this direction. Nevertheless, this will long remain 
one of the most difficult and perplexing problems 
with which to deal successfully by legislation so long 
as the interests of the corporations and of political 
machines run parallel. Already, however, there is seen 
to be a growing divergence of these interests in many 
States, which is, indeed, a hopeful and encouraging sign. 

(8) Finally, the creation of more efficient and well- (8) Dis- 
endowed philanthropic organizations, which shall take J^effi- 
over and perform disinterestedly the varied forms of cientphii- 

. anthropic 

social service now rendered by the district or ward organiza- 
boss in our large cities, must not be omitted from this hons 
enumeration of possible remedies for boss rule in 
municipalities. 1 Until this is done it is clear that no 
permanent elimination of boss control in municipal 
politics can be expected. 

For the district or ward boss in our large cities is 
something more than a mere cog in the political ma- 
chine. He is a social force. As such he constitutes 
one of the most formidable obstacles to municipal 
reform and one of the most subtle forces to be over- 
come in the struggle for good government. To many 
the term "ward boss" is synonymous with the low- 
est and most corrupt form of political leader. His 
low standards of political morality need be neither 
questioned nor defended. But there remains the fact 
that no permanent reform can be achieved until some 
efficient substitute is found for the important social 
service which he renders to his people, especially a 
boss of the type of the late " Little Tim" Sullivan 
in New York City. 

1 See Jane Addams, Democracy and Social Ethics, ch. VII. 



470 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Social The ability to place reform administrations in 

rendered power, and, above all, the ability to keep them there, 
by some depends, fundamentally, upon the ability to control 
or command votes, and so to administer or to re- 
model, when necessary, the governmental machinery 
that it shall minister to genuine social needs. In the 
great cities it is the poorer, ignorant classes who, 
by reason of their solidarity and numerical voting 
strength, hold the balance of power. A reform ad- 
ministration cannot, under present conditions, hope 
to remain long in power unless it can gain the sup- 
port of this large class of citizens. It is to this class 
that the ward boss ministers in a very direct way, 
and ministers not spasmodically, but continually. 
He is able to do this because he lives in close touch 
with his people, understands them, knows their needs, 
and is able to obtain money in devious ways with 
which to assist them. They keep him in power be- 
cause he is the embodiment of their ideal of goodness. 
When they have been in distress of any kind, he has 
succored them; when the rent has fallen due and 
eviction has stared them in the face, his hand alone 
has saved them; when they have been out of work, 
he has found them jobs; when sickness befell them, 
he has sent a physician to heal; when the abhorred 
pauper burial seemed inevitable, he has provided a 
respectable funeral. They know that in the scorch- 
ing days of summer his beneficence has provided free 
excursions to the cool countryside; that his bounty 
insures each Thanksgiving and Christmas season the 
free distribution of turkeys and ducks, unmarred by 
any calculating limitations of one to a family; that 



Machines and Bosses 471 

when the hearth-fire has burned low in winter his 
charity has provided fuel and clothing. 

His people know full well that all this care and itssig- 
watchfulness and generosity is no respecter of per- ^appre- 
sons, but goes alike to Tew and Gentile, deserving ciatedby 

ii- -r^ i i. , reformers 

and undeserving, Republican and Democrat. 1 His 
people are too simple-minded and grateful and gener- 
ous themselves to look this gift-horse in the mouth 
and raise the cry of "tainted" money. It is neither 
surprising nor unnatural, therefore, that when elec- 
tion day comes around, and the boss tells them he 
needs their help, that they repay him in the only coin 
they have, namely, their votes. To them the axiom 
that government exists for the welfare of the people 
is no meaningless abstraction, but a concrete reality 
written large in the deeds of their benefactor, incar- 
nated in the personality of their boss. He is all the 
government that they know. In thus realizing this 
ideal of democratic government, the ward or district 
boss has thus far been vastly more successful than 
the ordinary reformer. To the latter politics is, more 
often than not, something apart from every-day life 
and crying human needs; it is an episode. The re- 
former's efforts are disproportionately directed to ex- 
ternalities, to improvements in the governmental ma- 
chinery. So much energy is often devoted to keeping 
the machinery going that the fundamental purpose 
of government, the welfare, social and economic, of 
the plain people, is sometimes obscured, if not en- 
tirely lost to view. To the ward boss, on the other 
hand, government means more than the loaves and 
1 See Beard's Readings, 581 ff., on "Charity in Tammany Politics." 



472 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

fishes, the spoils of office; it is more than a machine, 
It is a thing of flesh and blood, directly and vitally 
capable of ministering to exceedingly real social and 
economic needs of his people. When municipal re- 
formers are willing to humble themselves, lay aside 
their holier-than-thou spirit, and study the methods 
of the ward boss, learn to minister as he ministers, 
and then set themselves not merely to recasting the 
governmental machinery, but also to the creation of 
pure, efficient, and vital human institutions to do 
the philanthropic work which the ward bosses do, 
then, and not till then, it is to be feared, will perma- 
nent success be achieved. Until now the children of 
darkness have been wiser in their day and generation 
than the children of light, and the latter may well 
ponder the lessons to be drawn from careers of some 
of our famous ward or district bosses of the type of 
"Little Tim" Sullivan. 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. Make a careful analysis of the intellectual and other 
personal qualities essential to a successful boss. (See Ostro- 
gorski.) 

2. What are the various tricks and devices of political ma- 
chines to hoodwink and retain the support of "respectable" 
voters? (See Ostrogorski.) 

3. The geographical distribution of political machines at 
the present time in the United States. (See Ostrogorski.) 

4. Explain how the opening up of new city streets, boule- 
vards, and parks is utilized by machines and bosses for their 
personal profit. 

5. An account of machine domination in recent years in 
each of the following cities: Minneapolis, Chicago, San Fran- 
cisco, St. Louis, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Baltimore, and 
Albany, N. Y. (See Steffens.) 



Machines and Bosses 473 

6. The career and methods of the following men as State 
bosses: Aaron Burr, DeWitt Clinton, Thurlow Weed, Roscoe 
Conkling, David B. Hill, Thomas C. Piatt, and Benjamin 
Odell, in New York; Matthew S. Quay and Boies Penrose, in 
Pennsylvania; the late "Boss" Bray ton, in Rhode Island; 
and A. P. Gorman, in Maryland. 

7. The career and methods of prominent ward or district 
bosses, like "Little Tim" Sullivan, in New York City, and 
John J. Coughlin ("Bathhouse John") and Michael Kenna 
("Hinky Dink"), in Chicago. 

8. Martin Van Buren and the Albany regency. 

9. The origin and history of Tammany Hall down to the 
time of Tweed's ascendancy. 

10. The Tweed Ring: its methods and downfall. 

11. The New York Canal Ring in the seventies and its 
overthrow. 

12. Tammany under the leadership of John Kelly, Rich- 
ard Croker, and Charles F. Murphy, respectively. 

13. The career and machine of William Barnes, Jr., in 
Albany, N. Y. (see series of articles in New York Evening 
Post, September, 1910), and of George B. Cox, in Cincinnati. 
(See Turner.) 

14. How have reform movements against machine rule in 
various places been organized and conducted? Why has 
each succeeded or failed ? 

15. The career of Everett W. Colby and of Mark Fagan, in 
New Jersey, and Winston Churchill, in New Hampshire. 

16. Discuss the merits of Governor Hughes's recommenda- 
tion for responsible party leaders in New York and compare 
with Mr. C. J. Bonaparte's proposal for an "elective boss." 

17. Sir Robert Walpole as a political boss. (See standard 
English histories.) 

18. George III as a political boss. (See Porritt and Cor- 
respondence of George III and Lord North.) 

19. Bossism in contemporaneous English politics. 

20. The relation of the police department in large cities to 
machine politics. 

21. Graft in connection with the Pittsburg public school 
system. (See Bulletin of the Pittsburg Voters' League.) 

22. What effect has the introduction of the commission 
form of government had upon political machines in cities ? 



474 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

2 3- J a Y Gould as a capitalist-politician. 

24. To what extent have bipartisan boards and commis- 
sions in your own State contributed to the success of machine 
rule? 

25. How does the impeachment and removal of Governor 
Sulzer in New York in 1913 illustrate boss control of legisla- 
tures? (See references on the Sulzer trial in next chapter.) 

26. What important points relating to boss and machine 
control in New York State government were brought out in 
the Barnes-Roosevelt libel suit, 1915? 

27. Instances where corrupt influences have secured the 
creation of elective offices in order to take their control away 
from the electorate. (See Moffett.) 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

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(1898). 

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"Review of Graft Prosecutions and Exposures for the 

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Beard, C. A., American Government and Politics, and Read- 
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"In Justice to Judge Lindsey," in New Republic, III, 

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(1894). On bosses and big business in New York. 
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Mun. League Proceedings, IX, 87 (1903). 



Machines and Bosses 475 

Blankenburg, R., " Masters and Rulers of the Freemen of 
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(See index.) 

Bliss, W. D. P. (editor), New Encyclopedia of Social Reform, 
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Bonaparte, C. J., "An Elective Boss," in Outlook, XCIII, 

765, 773 (1909). 
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III, 392 (1887). 

Brooks, Sydney, "The Politics of American Business," in 

No. Am. Rev., CXCIII, 708 (1911). 
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68, 88-89 (4th edition). Includes chapters on Tammany 

and the Philadelphia Gas Ring. 
Cannon, J. F., "Under the Prophet in Utah," in Everybody's, 

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On David B. Hill's machine in New York. 
LXXXV, 951 (1913), "The Larger Hope Against Tam- 
many." 
Coler, B. S., "Commercialism in Politics," in Independent, 

LIII, 2561 (1901). 
Crandall, R., "Tim Sullivan's Power," in Harper's Weekly, 

LVIII, October 18, 1913, p. 14. 
Croly, Herbert, The Promise of American Life (1910), 

chs. 5-6. 
Curtis, G. W., Orations and Addresses, II, 145 ff., "Machine 

Politics and the Remedy." 
Deming, H. E., "Corrupt Practices and Electoral Reform," 

in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XII, 308 (1906). On 

Everett Colby and New Jersey politics. 
Eaton, D. B., The Government of Municipalities (1899), chs. 

4-6. On the operations of Tammany. 
Edmonds, F. S., "Significance of the Recent Reform Move- 
ment in Philadelphia," in Annals, XXVII, 180 (1906). 
Edwards, E. J., "History of Tammany Hall," in McClure's, 

IV, 445, 569; V, 132, 325, 542 (1894-95). 

Ford, H. J., The Rise and Growth of American Politics (1898), 
ch. 24. 



476 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Frisbie, W. A., "The Minneapolis House-Cleaning" (1902)/ 
in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings , IX, 109 (1903). - 

Garvin, L. F.C., "The State Boss and How He May Be De- 
throned," in Century, LXVI, 310 (1903). 

Godkin, E. L., "The Nominating System," in Unforeseen 
Tendencies of Democracy. 

Goodnow, F. J., Politics and Administration (1900), ch. 8, 
"The Boss." 

Green, G. W., "Our Nominating Machines," in Atlantic 
Monthly, LII, 323 (1883). Chiefly on the methods of 
the Tweed Ring. 

Hamilton, J. J., The Dethronement of the City Boss (1909). 
On effects of commission government upon machine rule. 

Hapgood, N., "The Tammany Plot," in Harper's Weekly, 
LVIII, October n, 1913, p. 24. 

Harper's Weekly, volumes for the years 1868-71 contain 
much on the Tweed Ring, especially the famous cartoons 
by Thomas Nast. 

Hart, A. B., "The Bosses' Day in Court," in Outlook, CII, 
389 (1912). 

Hart, J. A., "The Political Tangle in San Francisco," in 
World's Work, XIII, 8749 (1907). On the rise of 
Schmitz and Ruef. 

Hendrick, B. J., "The Twilight of Tammany Hall," in 
World's Work, XXVII, 432 (1914). 

Hichborn, F., "The System," as Uncovered by the San Fran- 
cisco Graft Prosecution (191 5). 

Hodder, A., "A Fight for the City," in Outlook, LXXIII, 
159, 203, 251, 284, 393, 437 (1903). On District Attor- 
ney Jerome's campaign in New York City in 1901. 

A Fight for a City (1903). 

Holden, Alice M., "The Graft Investigations of the Year 
(1913-14), in Nat. Mun. Rev., Ill, 525 (1914). 

Home, R., "The Story of Tammany," in Harper's, XLIV, 
685, 835 (1872). 

Howe, F. C, The City: The Hope of Democracy (1905), 
chs. 6-7. 

Howland, H. J., "The Grafter at Work in American Cities," 
in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XVI, 190 (19 10). 

Independent, The, LIV, 845 (1902), "The Confessions of a 
Boss." 



Machines and Bosses 477 

Independent, The, LV, 1013 (1903), "Defence of a Political 

Boss by Himself." 
"Independent," "The Political Career and Character of 

David B. Hill," in Forum, XVIII, 257 (1894). 
Investigation of the Offices and Departments of the City of New 

York, 1899. Especially on Croker's control of Tammany 

and the connection of the police with politics. 
Ivins, W. M., Machine Politics, in New York City (1897). 
Johnston, A., "The Albany Regency," in Lalor, I, 45. 
Kennan, George, "The Fight for Reform in San Francisco," 

in McClure's, XXIX, 547 (1907). 
"Criminal Government and the Private Citizen," in 

McClure's, XXX, 60 (1907). 
Kilroe, E. P., Saint Tammany and the Origin of the Society of 

Tammany or Columbian Order in the City of New York 

(1913)- 

The Origin and Development of Tammany Rail. In 

preparation. 

Lansing, I. J., "Reform in Scranton, Pennsylvania," in Nat. 
Mun. League Proceedings, VII, 85 (1901). 

Leavitt, J. B., "Criminal Degradation of New York Citizen- 
ship," in Forum, XVII, 659 (1894). 

Lewis, A. H., "The Diary of a New York Policeman," in 
McClure's, XL, 115, 158 (1912-13). 

The Boss and How He Came to Rule New York (1904). 

Lindsey, B. B., "The Beast and the Jungle," in Everybody's, 
XXI, 433, 579, 770 (1909). On political conditions in 
Denver, Col. 

Literary Digest, XL VII, 927 (1913), "Tammany's Waterloo." 
On New York City election of 1913. 

Lowell, F. C, "The American Boss," in Atlantic Monthly , 
LXXXVI, 289 (1900). Chiefly on Tammany. 

McKelway, A. J., "The Invisible Government at Washing- 
ton," in Harper's Weekly, LVIII, September 20, 1913, 
p. 6. 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, I, 
145, "Boss and Boss System"; 479, "Corruption, Politi- 
cal"; II, 177, "Influence in Government"; 384, "Ma- 
chine, Political"; 591, "Organizations"; III, 467, "Tam- 
many." 



478 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

MacVeagh, Wayne, "A Great Victory for Honest Politics, " 
in No. Am. Rev., CLXXXII, i (1906). On the Pennsyl- 
vania reform movement of 1905. 

Malone, D. F., "Tohn Purroy Mitchel," in World's Work, 
XXVII, 391 (1914). 

Maltbie, M. R., "Municipal Political Parties," in Nat. Mun. 
League Proceedings, VI, 226 (1900). 

Marcosson, I. F., "Fall of the House of Quay," in World's 
Work, XI, 7119 (1906). 

Merwin, H. C, "Tammany Hall," in Atlantic Monthly, 
LXXIII, 240 (1898). 

Mitchell, J. I., "Political Bosses," in No. Am. Rev., CXXXV, 
363 (1882). 

Moffett, S. E., "The Railroad Commission of California," 
in Annals, VI, 469 (1895). 

Munro, W. B., Government of American Cities (1916), ch. 7. 

Murphy, C. F., "Tammany Society," in Encyclopedia Amer- 
icana, XX (1904). 

North American Review, CV, 148 (1867), "The Judiciary of 
New York City," in the time of the Tweed Ring. 

Oliver Grand Jury, Report on the Causes of Municipal Cor- 
ruption in San Francisco. (Pamphlet, January 5, 19 10.) 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties, II (1902). (See index.) 

Democracy and the Party System (1910), ch. 11. 

Outlook, The, LXXXII, 66 (1906), "The Doom of Political 
Autocracy." 

XCIV, 54 (1910), "Little Tim Sullivan." 

CVI, 737 (1914), "A Woman Fights Political Bosses." 

On Miss Drake's campaign in Chicago against Alderman 
Coughlin. 

Parsons, Frank, The City for the People (1901), ch. 8. 

Pittsburg Voters' League, Bulletin, "Concerning [Corrup- 
tion in] the Pittsburg Public School System," February 
15, 1911. 

Piatt, T. C, "Autobiography of Senator Piatt, in McClure's, 
XXXV, 423 (1910). On conditions in New York City. 

Porritt, Edward, "England's Last Royal Political Boss," in 
Century, LXXVI, 304 (1908). 

Pray, K. M., "The Siege of Penrose," in Harper's Weekly, 
LIX, October 17, 1914, p. 375. 



Machines and Bosses 479 

Quigg, L. E., "Thomas Piatt," in No. Am. Rev., CXCI, 668 

(ioio). 
Remick, J. W., " Winston Churchill and His Campaign, ,, in 

Outlook, LXXXIV, 17 (1906). On alliances between 

corporations and politicians in New Hampshire. 
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Politics." 

XLI, 387 (1910), "The New York [Boss] System." 

Rhodes, J. F., History of the United States Since 18 jo, VI, 

392 ff. On the Tweed Ring. 
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in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, X, 148 (1905). 
Roosevelt, Theodore, American Ideals, pt. 2, pp. 45-88, 

"Administering the New York Police Force." 
"Municipal Administration: the New York Police 

Force," in Atlantic Monthly, LXXX, 289 (1897). 
"Machine Politics in New York City," in Century, 

XXXIII, 74 (1886). 

Essays on Practical Politics (1888). 

Root, Elihu, "Invisible Government," in Rev. of Rev., LII, 

465 (1915)- 
Seaber, Louis, "Philadelphia's Machine in Action," in In- 

dependent, LVIII, 584 (1905). 
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(Philadelphia), in World' } s Work, VII, 4460 (1904). 
Steffens, Lincoln, The Shame of the Cities (1904). On ma- 
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Pittsburg, Philadelphia, and a few other large cities. 
"Enemies of the Republic," in McClure's, XXII, 587 

(1904). On big business and political corruption in 

Missouri. 
"New Jersey: A Traitor State," in McClure's, XXIV, 

649; XXV, 41 (1905). On big business and corruption 

in New Jersey. 
"Ohio— A Tale of Two Cities," in McClure's, XXV, 

293 (1905). On corruption in Cincinnati and Cleveland. 
"A Servant of God and the People," in McClure's, 

XXVI, 297 (1906). On Mark Fagan in Jersey City. 
"The Gentleman from Essex," in McClure's, XXVI, 

421 (1906). On Everett Colby. 



480 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Steffens, Lincoln, The Struggle for Self -Government (1906). 

Stickney, Albert, Organized Democracy (1906), chs. 1, 3. 

Suzzalo, H., "The Municipal Situation in San Francisco," in 
Independent, LXIV, 17 (1908). 

Terry, E. R., "How Murphy Works," in Harper's Weekly, 
LVIII, October 18 and 25, 1913, pp. 22, 10. 

Tilden, S. J., The New York City Ring: Its Origin, Maturity 
and Fall (1873). 

Turner, G. K., "Tammany's Control of New York City by 
Professional Criminals," in McClure's, XXXIII, 117 
(1909). 

"The Thing Above the Law," in McClure's, XXXVIII, 

575 (191 2). On the career of George B. Cox in Cin- 
cinnati. 

"The City of Chicago: A Study of the Great Immorali- 
ties," in McClure's, XXVIII, 575 (1907). On ward 
bosses. 

Vickers, George, The Fall of Bossism (1883). On the over- 
throw of the Philadelphia Gas Ring. 

Walker, H. W., "The Trail of the Tammany Tiger," in 
Saturday Evening Post, CLXXXVI, March 28, April 4, 
11, and 18, 1914. 

Wanamaker, John, Speeches on Quayism and Boss Domina- 
tion in Pennsylvania (1898). Extracts are given in 
Beard's Readings. 

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Proceedings, XV, 417 (1909). 

Welsh, Herbert, "The Degradation of Pennsylvania Politics," 
in Forum, XII, 330 (1891-92). 

Weyl, W. E., "The Plutocracy in Politics," ch. 8, in The Neii 
Democracy. 

Wheeler, E. P., "Tammany Hall," in Outlook, CV, 73 (1913), 

White, T. R., "The Revolution in Philadelphia" (1905), U 
Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XII, 135 (1906). 

White, W. A., "Folk," in McClure's, XXVI, 115 (1905). 
"The story of a little leaven in a great commonwealth" 
(Missouri). 

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Williams, Talcott, "Tammany Hall," in Lalor, III, 856. 



Machines and Bosses 481 

Wingate, C. F., "An Episode in Municipal Government," in 

No. Am. Rev., CXIX, 359; CXX, 119; CXXI, 113; 

CXXIII, 362 (1874-76). On the Tweed Ring in New 

York. 
Wister, Owen, "The Case of the Quaker City," in Outlook, 

CI, 163 (1912). 
Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems (1914), 

ch. 17. 
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XV, 8 (1906-07). 
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XII, 350 (1906). 
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Amer. Jour. Soc, XIX, 468 (1914). 
WorlaVs Work, XI, 7342 (1906), "Industrialized Politics." 

On B. B. Odell as boss of New York. 



CHAPTER XVII 

THE RESPONSIBILITY OF PUBLIC OFFICERS. 
THEIR REMOVAL BY IMPEACHMENT AND 
THE RECALL. THE "RECALL OF JUDICIAL 
DECISIONS'' 

Making It is an axiom of democratic government that all 

mint" 1 " governmental officials should be responsible to the 
officials people. Whether our government is democratic in 
sponsible reality or democratic only in name, whether our legis- 
^(fTe latures are representative or misrepresentative bodies, 
depends upon the degree of responsibility which the 
people can impose upon those whom they have chosen 
to carry on the work of government, whether that 
work be legislative, administrative, or judicial. How 
to enforce the maximum degree of responsibility and 
thus retain effective control of our legislative, ad- 
ministrative, and judicial officers constitutes one of 
the most important problems in practical politics at 
the present time. In cities and States subject to 
machine rule it has come to pass that legislative and 
administrative officers and, in some instances, even 
the judiciary, are frequently compelled to place all 
their personal and official influence at the disposal of 
the dominant machine or boss or of some powerful 
special interest. Increased knowledge of and dis- 
satisfaction with such conditions have recently im- 
parted new interest and intensity to the inquiry as 
to what means the people now possess, or what new 

482 



The Recall 483 

means may be devised, which will make the officials 
chosen to carry on the people's government more re- 
sponsive to the will of the people and less responsive 
to the will of bosses and special interests. 

How, it is being asked over and over, can public 
officials best be made to realize that they must exer- 
cise the power of their respective offices, not for the 
advantage of any special interest or political machine 
nor for the benefit of a single class in the community, 
but in the interest of all the people? If a legislative, 
administrative, or judicial officer proves unfaithful 
incompetent, or otherwise unworthy of public con- 
fidence, what is the best means of getting rid of him ? 

In seeking an answer to these questions, the public Are the 
is seriously considering whether the old and time- ° f e ^_ eans 
honored means of enforcing a proper sense of official for cing 

• • • responsi- 

responsibility and of removing delinquent officials are biiity ade- 
adapted to the needs of the present, or whether these present* 
means should be abandoned and newer and com- needs? 
paratively untried devices be substituted. Such are 
the basic considerations underlying most of the pres- 
ent agitation for and against the " recall" of elective 
officers. 1 In order to understand the origin and bear- 

1 Since the adoption of the recall provision in the Los Angeles 
charter of 1903, thirty- three States "have either adopted new laws 
providing for the summary discharge of undutiful public officers or 
have strengthened their old laws by the passage of vigorous amend- 
ments or have somehow facilitated the power of removal. " The 
number and variety of offenses for which a public officer may be 
removed has been greatly increased and differentiated. Such offenses 
"now include dishonesty, corruption, habitual drunkenness, gam- 
bling, delinquency, unprofessional or disorderly conduct, habitual 
and wilful neglect of duty, incompetence, disability, financial irreg- 
ularity, gross partiality, oppression, extortion, maladministration, 
conscious obstruction to the due course of the administration of 



484 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

ing of that agitation, it is necessary to review briefly 
the existing means whereby the people are able to 
bring about the deposition of public officials before 
the expiration of the term for which they were chosen. 
This may now be accomplished in one of six ways: 
Ways of (i) In the case of appointive officers, the public 

offidak ma y k°ld responsible the elected official who made the 
from appointment and may bring such pressure to bear 

that he will exercise his right of removal and substi- 
tute an official likely to prove more satisfactory to 
the public. Thus the President is held responsible 
for the character and official acts of the vast army 
of Federal officers holding by appointment. He en- 
joys an extensive power of removal subject only to 
the comparatively few restrictions contained in acts 
of Congress and the civil service rules. The gov- 
ernors of the several States, however, enjoy only a 
very limited power of removal. In some States this 
is limited to the removal of officers whom they them- 
selves have appointed, 
impeach- (2) Removal by impeachment is authorized by the 

ment Federal and State constitutions. The Constitution of 

» 

the United States provides that "the President, Vice- 
President, and all civil officers of the United States, 
shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and 
conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes 
and misdemeanors." l Whether or not senators and 
representatives are " civil officers" whose removal 

public affairs, malpractice, malfeasance, nonfeasance, misfeasance, 
conviction of a felony or misdemeanor or any other cause deemed 
sufficient." Charles Kettleborough, in Am. Pol. Set. Rev. t VIII, 
622 (1914). 

1 Article II, section 4. 



The Recall 485 

could be accomplished through the process of im- 
peachment has never been definitely determined. It 
has never been invoked against a representative, and 
only once against a senator, 1 and then the result was 
indecisive on this point. 

State constitutions provide in many instances for 
the impeachment of any civil officer, while in other 
States only executive officers are liable to impeach- 
ment. The causes justifying impeachment proceed- 
ings vary, but crime, misdemeanor, treason, bribery, 
drunkenness, malfeasance, gross immorality, extor- 
tion, neglect of duty, incompetency, and misconduct 
are among those most commonly enumerated. South 
Carolina, however, assigns no cause, but leaves the 
matter to the legislature. In Oregon " public officers " 
are not impeachable; but they may be tried for " in- 
competence, corruption, malfeasance, or delinquency 
in office," in the same manner as for criminal offenses, 
and, upon conviction, may be removed from office. 2 

(3) In New York and some other States officials 
may be removed by the governor and Senate. 8 

(4) Judges of State courts in about sixteen States 
may be removed by a joint resolution of both branches 
of the legislature. 4 

(5) Prosecuting attorneys, minor judicial officers, 
and minor county and town officers may, in a few 
States, be removed by the judges of the higher courts. 5 

1 William Blount, senator from Tennessee. The case was tried 
in 1798-99. 

2 Beard, 509; G. H. Haynes, in Pol. Set. Quar., XXVI, 35 (191 1). 

3 Beard, 510. 

4 T. J. Walsh, in Congressional Record, XL VII, pt. 4, pp. 4137 ff. 
6 Beard, 510. 



486 



Political Parlies and Practical Politics 



The 
recall 



Origin 
and rapid 
spread of 
the recall 



Procedure 
under the 
recall 



(6) A few States have recently adopted the novel 
process of removal by means of a special election com- 
monly known as the "recall." This method has re- 
cently assumed such importance in political discus- 
sions as to deserve somewhat detailed consideration. 1 

The recall made its first appearance in the United 
States in the municipal charter of Los Angeles, Cali- 
fornia, in 1903. From there, in one form or another, 
it has been extended to cover State officers in eleven 
States: Oregon (1908), California (1911), Colorado, 
Washington, Idaho, Nevada, and Arizona (191 2), 
Michigan (1913), Louisiana, North Dakota, and 
Kansas (19 14). The recall has also been made a 
prominent feature of the commission form of mu- 
nicipal government in most States where that system 
is established. Elective officers are the ones to whom 
the recall is usually applied, although it has in some 
cases been extended to appointive officers. In favor 
of the recall of appointive officers it is argued that 
many of the appointive State offices possess political 
power of as much importance as that possessed by 
many elective offices. 

The procedure in bringing about the removal of 
an undesirable official by means of the recall varies in 
different States, but there are two principal methods. 
(a) A petition for a new election must be filed with 
some specified officer. This petition must contain a 
statement of the charges against the official and a de- 
mand for his removal. The petition must be signed 
by a certain percentage of the voters qualified to vote 

1 The Socialist platform of 1016 indorsed the recall for the national 
as well as local government officials. See chapter III. 



The Recall 487 

for the officer whose removal is sought or for his suc- 
cessor, the number of signatures required varying in 
different States from 15 per cent to 60 per cent. 
The basis upon which this percentage is generally 
computed is the entire vote cast at the last preced- 
ing general election for all candidates for the office 
affected. 1 If the petition is found to be drawn in 
conformity to the law, a date is set by the proper 
authority for the removal or " recall" election. 
This usually occurs thirty or forty days after the 
filing of the required petition. In addition to the 
statement of charges against the official in the recall 
petition, Oregon insures further publicity by provid- 
ing for a reservation of space on the ballot used in 
the recall election for a statement by the petitioners 
in not more than two hundred words. The office- 
holder against whom the charges are brought may set 
forth his defense in a similar statement on the ballot. 2 
Kansas requires that a petition for the recall of any 
officer shall be signed only by citizens who actually 
voted for the election of the officer whose recall is 
sought or for the appointing officer where the official 
whose removal is desired holds office by appointment. 
"This plan was intended to recognize the principle 
that a public officer is responsible primarily to those 
whose confidence he presumably possessed at the out- 
set of his term ; and that proceedings for his removal 
from office are not to originate in the partisan 

1 Margaret A. Schaffner, The Recall, Wisconsin Legislative Ref- 
erence Bulletin, No. 12 (1907), pp. 18, 19. 

2 In Oregon the legislature is authorized to provide some compen- 
sation to the office-holder for the expense of his campaign should he 
not be recalled. American Year Book, 191 2, p. 66. 



488 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

schemes of his political opponents, but only in the 
course of duty by political friends." l 

The officer whose removal is sought may avoid re- 
call by resigning within a certain number of days 
after the filing of the petition, or he may be a candi- 
date to succeed himself; and unless he requests other- 
wise, his name must be placed upon the ballot with- 
out formal nomination. Other candidates may also 
be nominated, and the recall election is conducted 
in practically the same manner as an ordinary elec- 
tion. The one receiving the highest number of votes 
at the recall election wins. If it be the incumbent, 
he remains in office; if a rival candidate, the incum- 
bent is removed or "recalled," and his successor serves 
during the remainder of the term. 

(b) In California and some other States a slightly 
different procedure obtains. The name of the office- 
holder does not appear as a candidate to succeed him- 
self, and there is a separate vote on the question of 
a recall. Candidates for the succession may be 
nominated by petition, by a special primary, or by 
designation of any appropriate party committee au- 
thorized by law. If the majority of those voting at 
the election vote for the recall, the officer is removed 
from office and the office goes to the candidate with 
the highest vote. A vote for a successor, however, 
is void unless the voter also votes on the question of 
recall; and if the majority vote against recall, all 
votes for a successor are void. 2 

1 American Year Book, igi 3, p. 79. 

2 American Year Book, IQ12, p. 65. In some States a recall elec- 
tion may be preceded by a special primary at which two candidates 



The Recall 489 

Arizona has the distinction of being the only State The " ad- 
to extend the recall to representatives and senators recaifin 
in Congress and to Federal judges having jurisdic- Arizona 
tion within the State. Inasmuch as these officers 
hold office under the Federal Constitution and laws, 
they are not subject to direct recall under the State 
law; so an ingenious indirect or " advisory" recall 
has been adopted to cover them. In the case of a 
Federal judge, the people may vote to advise his 
resignation and at the same time recommend to the 
President their choice for his successor. Whether 
this advice is followed depends, of course, wholly 
upon the judge and the President. Such a recall can 
be enforced by no legal process but depends for its 
efficacy solely upon the force of public opinion. 
Against senators and representatives, on the other 
hand, the advisory recall is likely to be much more 
effective. Candidates for these offices are given an 
opportunity to pledge or not to pledge themselves 
to obey an advisory recall. Acceptance of the prof- 
fered pledge will, of course, enhance, and withholding 
it will prejudice, a candidate's chances of nomination 
and election. 1 

There are certain checks connected with the recall checks 
which tend to lessen the likelihood of a too frequent Squint 
resort to it. It is usually provided that no petition use of 
for removal may be filed until the official has been in 
office for a stated period. A second recall election 

are selected to compete for the office in question at the ensuing 
recall election. If the office-holder fails to be renominated at the 
primary he is thereby recalled. This is a method used exclusively 
in municipal elections. Ibid., 65. 

1 McLaughlin and Hart's Cyclo. Am. Govt., Ill, 158-159. 



490 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Causes 
which led 
to adop- 
tion of 
the recall 



Advan- 
tages of 
the recall 



cannot be ordered during the term for which the officer 
was elected. This restriction is modified in Oregon 
by permitting a second recall election, but only on 
condition that the signers of the petition pay into the 
State treasury the entire expense of the first recall 
election. The expensiveness of the recall election 
both to the public and to the candidates is likely 
to prevent too frequent employment. Still another 
check is to be found in the liability to prosecution 
for libel where untrue or defamatory charges have 
been preferred. When the offense has been a legis- 
lative act, the possibility, in some States, of invoking 
the referendum has diminished the demand for recall 
elections. Finally, the good sense of the voters can 
be relied upon to serve as an important check. 1 

Some of the more important causes which have pro- 
duced the recall are the alleged inadequacy of the 
other methods of removal for dealing with the enact- 
ment of pernicious legislation, the giving away of 
valuable franchises and other forms of political job- 
bery by city councils and State Legislatures, the non- 
administration and the bad administration of existing 
laws, and the not infrequent inattention, insolence, 
and even open defiance of public opinion by elected 
or appointive officers. 2 The public has lost patience 
with the slowness and inadequacy of other methods 
of removal, and in a few States the recall has been 
adopted as more effective and speedy in operation. 

Among the other advantages claimed for the recall 
the following may be noted. Tenure of office is 

1 J. D. Barnett, in Am. Pol. Set. Rev., VI, 41 (191 2). 

2 New Encyclopedia of Social Reform. 



The Recall 491 

frankly placed on a political basis, at the mercy 
of political considerations. This very insecurity of 
tenure is, in fact, the chief element in the recall. 
"Public office subject to the recall becomes a public 
trust in a more practical sense than was true when 
the holder was able to cut loose from his constituents 
and go merrily on his way with the comforting thought 
that he would have to render an account of his stew- 
ardship only after the lapse of a specified period/' l 

It is further claimed that the recall makes legis- 
lators far more responsive to the wishes of their con- 
stituents; that executive officers seek really to en- 
force the laws; that the people are made to feel that 
they are responsible for the men they choose to office 
and to feel a greater interest in their own government. 2 

The experience of the State of Oregon in the actual Defects 
operation of the recall has served to bring to light sev- recal J as 
eral serious defects or weaknesses of this method of seen in 
making elective officers more directly responsible to 
the people. First, the reasons for the demand for a 
recall which are stated in the petition do not always 
disclose all the motives, nor always the chief motive, 
for the demand. It is possible for the recall to be 
used merely as an instrument of personal or factional 
spite. It may be impossible to determine that the 
recall of an official has been because of grounds as- 
serted in the petition or on other grounds not stated 
therein. 3 

In the second place, the official whose recall is 
sought is not given a fair chance before the people. 

1 H. S. Gilbertson, in Annals, XXXVIII, 833 (1911). 

* New Encyclopedia of Social Reform. 3 J. D. Barnett, op. cit. 



492 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

For, in the campaign preceding the recall election, he 
is required not only to defend his own record as an 
official, but to overcome the personal popularity of 
rival candidates with no record to defend. Thus the 
recall does not present to the voters the clearly 
defined issue whether the official has faithfully per- 
formed the duties of his office, which ought to be the 
sole issue at such an election. This defect might be 
remedied either by the separation of the recall elec- 
tion from the election of a successor or by having 
the successor appointed instead of elected. 

While, thirdly, political "sins of commission" have 
been prevented, "sins of omission" have been caused 
by fear of a recall. For example, it is thought that 
the tax assessors in many instances have failed to 
enforce the law fully. 1 

Furthermore, it is claimed that the number of sig- 
natures to the petition is too low (25 per cent), and 
that the method of securing signatures is unfortunate. 
The petitions are circulated either by paid circulators 
or gratuitously by persons sufficiently interested. 
They are circulated at mass-meetings, at a revival 
meeting (in one case), on the streets, etc. Forgery 
of signatures is easy and has been charged. These 
defects could easily be remedied either by raising the 
percentage required or, better, by a requirement that 
the petition shall be left at some public office for sig- 
nature. "The only possible excuse for the recall is 
that it should be spontaneous and that each signer 
should be sufficiently interested to go to some public 
office and sign the petition — not wait to have it 

* Ibid. 



The Recall 493 

shoved in his hand with a ' sign here ' from a five-cents- 
a-name getter.' ' * 

Finally, the application of the recall to short-term 
officers is regarded by some as an important defect. 
For it is the short-term official whose acts are most 
intimately known by the people. His removal may 
be accomplished by refusal to re-elect at the expira- 
tion of his term, without the interference with the 
performance of his official duties which is inseparable 
from a recall campaign. The greatest value of the 
recall appears to lie in its possible application to 
officers having terms exceeding two years in length. 

In a few States the recall is applied to judges of the The recaD 
State and local courts. It is this application of the JfJ e 
recall to the judiciary that has encountered the strong- i udiciar y 
est opposition, because it is regarded by many as an 
unwarranted and dangerous attack upon the " inde- 
pendence of the judiciary." We have long been in 
the habit of regarding the judiciary as quite inde- 
pendent of popular control. This independence is 
generally regarded not only as in the highest degree 
desirable, but absolutely essential for the fair and 
equal administration of justice between man and 
man and between the individual and the State. 
Consequently, any proposal like the recall, which 
undoubtedly would bring State and local judges 2 into 
more direct and immediate popular control, has 
aroused intense opposition, especially on the part, of 
those who look upon the courts as the bulwark of the 
property interests. 

l Ibid. 

2 It is rarely proposed to extend the recall to Federal judges. 



494 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

indepen- When, however, we come to examine the methods 
th^judi- ^ which the judges are selected in the several States, 
ciary more we find that this judicial independence exists more 
than real in theory than in reality. For in thirty-six States the 
judges are chosen by popular election. In the other 
States they are appointed either by the governor and 
Senate or by the legislature. Moreover, the judges of 
the lower courts in the great majority of States are 
elected for short terms. Judges of the higher courts 
hold office for longer periods — usually varying from 
six to twelve years, although in a few States the terms 
are even longer. Being elective, therefore, in most 
States the judges are, after all, supposedly responsible 
to, not independent of, the people who have chosen 
them to perform the judicial work which they have 
neither the time nor the training to do themselves. 
The shorter the term of the judge, the greater, obvi- 
ously, is his lack of independence and the closer his 
dependence upon the people. In reality the judges 
are dependent upon thos^e in control of the nomina- 
tion and election machinery. For when we say that 
in most States the judges are elected, we really mean 
that generally two persons, one a Democrat and the 
other a Republican, are selected as candidates by the 
political bosses or machines and the people simply 
choose between them. The result is to give us polit- 
ical judges who are dependent for their renomination 
and re-election upon the same forces that brought 
them forward in the first place. 1 The application of 
the recall to judges is, therefore, not intended to im- 
pair their independence, but to substitute for a de- 
pendence upon bosses, machines, and corporations a 
1 Outlook, C, 524 (1912). 



The Recall 495 

dependence upon the whole people, in whose interest 
and for whose welfare the judges are supposed to 
function. 

Where the recall does not exist and the people de- other 
sire to remove an unworthy judge before the expira- ^Vemov- 
tion of his term, they are compelled in the majority ing judges 
of States to resort to formal impeachment proceed- 
ings before the legislature. In Massachusetts and 
about fifteen other States, however, removal may be 
brought about by a joint resolution of the two houses 
of the legislature, while in New York the recommen- 
dation of the governor and a two-thirds vote of the 
Senate are required. All of the foregoing methods of 
removal, and especially the process of impeachment, 
have, in the opinion of many people, proved unsatis- 
factory. Where the legislative body is the instrument 
by which removal must be accomplished, party con- 
siderations are likely to be paramount or to exercise 
an undue influence in the proceedings. Objection is 
also made to the slowness and delay incident to 
impeachment or removal proceedings. Furthermore, 
evidence sufficient to convince two-thirds of the body 
may be hard to get, the offense not grave enough to 
be a crime and yet serious enough to condemn a judge 
at the bar of intelligent public opinion. As Wendell 
Phillips said: "A man may be unfit to be a judge 
long before he is fit for the State prison." In actual 
practice, therefore, it has been found that " impeach- 
ment does not work, that unfair judges stay on the 
bench in spite of it, and indeed because of the fact 
that impeachment is the only remedy that can be 
used against them." 

In its concrete application the adoption of the ju- 



196 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Concrete 
application 
of the 
judicial 
recall 



States 
having 
the judi- 
cial recall 



dicial recall moans that when a specified number of 
voters in a community think that a judge of a State 
or local court has decided a particular case wrongly, 
or is in the habit of deciding cases wrongly, or goes 
on the bench in a state of intoxication, or permits a 
railway or other corporation attorney to finance his 
campaign; or if a judge becomes a known corrup- 
tionist, a political trickster, or dissolute in his habits, 
or is guilty of other discreditable conduct, then the 
community may determine at a special election 
whether he shall remain upon the bench or be re- 
moved and some one else chosen in his place. 

The recall of judges is now 1 permitted by the con- 
stitutions of seven States: Oregon, Arizona, Cali- 
fornia, Colorado, North Dakota, Kansas, and Nevada. 
When the Territory of Arizona applied for admission 
to the Union (jqio^ her constitution permitted the 
recall of all elective officers, including judges. On 
this account President Taft vetoed the joint resolu- 
tion providing for her admission as a State. Accord- 
ingly, the constitution was so amended as to except 
judges from the application of the recall, and with 
her constitution in that form Arizona was admitted 
into the Union. Having been admitted into the 
Union as a State, the people of Arizona legally could 
reinsert in their constitution, and in November, 1912, 
did reinsert, the provision applying the recall to 
judges. 

Those who favor the judicial recall assert that it is 
of fundamental importance that the judges enjoy the 
confidence of the people. If for any reason, justitia- 

1 In 1916. 



The Recall 497 

ble or unjustifiable, the public loses confidence in a Argu- 
judge, his usefulness to do the people's work is sadly j£^. 
impaired, if not ended. The recall, it is claimed, able t0 

_ , . . , . the recall 

would operate to permit the restoration of public f judges 
confidence in the courts, 1 because, among other rea- 
sons, it would tend to emancipate them from the cor- 
rupting control of corporations, political machines, 
and bosses. On the other hand, those who oppose 
the judicial recall contend that it would rob, or tend 
to rob, the judge of his independence, impelling him 
constantly in his official acts to court the favor of 
the people by consulting their hopes concerning liti- 
gation before him and conforming his judgments to 
the desires of the majority. "The character of judges 
would deteriorate to that of trimmers and time- 
servers. Self-respecting men would hesitate to ac- 
cept judicial office with such a sword of Damocles 
hanging over them, and independent judicial action 
would become a thing of the past." 2 

Much of the favor with which the proposed recall 
of judges has been received is traceable to the wide- 
spread feeling that the majority of our judges are out 
of touch with actual social and economic conditions 
and with the movement toward a wider democracy. 
This is most conspicuously revealed in those numerous 
instances where judges have nullified the will of the 
people, as embodied in legislation, by declaring un- 
constitutional, upon purely technical grounds, legis- 
lative acts designed to ameliorate social and economic 
conditions of large classes in the community. The 

1 T. J. Walsh, op. cit. 

2 President Taft's Arizona veto message. 



498 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



The ju- 
dicial re- 
call a 
crude 
remedy 



possibility of a recall, it is claimed, would put an end 
to this practice and tend to bring judges more into 
sympathy with the popular will and progress of ideas 
among the people. 

Nevertheless, it has to be confessed that the recall 
is a clumsy remedy. The true remedy would seem to 
be not to unseat an unpopular judge at any time for 
any act, but either to limit or to take away the power 
of the judges to declare unconstitutional acts duly 
passed by the people's legislative agents, or at least 
to provide an appeal from such decisions. This could 
be accomplished in different ways. 1 

(a) The State constitution might be so amended 
as to deny to the courts of the State the power to 
declare acts of the legislature unconstitutional. 2 

(b) The State constitution might be so amended as 
to make the legislature the final judge as to its own 
powers. If at any time the interpretation placed 
upon the constitution by one legislature was not 
satisfactory to the people, they could choose a new 
legislature at the next election which would reflect 
their views. Thus the final interpretation of the 
constitution would be in the hands of the people, 
where it originated, as in the case of the English 
Parliament. 

(c) The same result might be attained by a consti- 
tutional amendment creating special tribunals for the 



1 Outlook, C, 524 (19 1 2). "During the period of seven years, from 
1902 to 1908, the supreme courts of the several States declared un- 
constitutional about five hundred statutes." C. A. Beard, in Beard 
and Shultz, Documents, 55. 

2 The changes here described in connection with the State courts 
£ould be applied to the Federal courts by a constitutional amendment. 



The Recall 499 

decision of cases involving the constitutionality of 
legislative acts, the members of this tribunal to be 
directly responsible to the people. If this tribunal 
failed to reflect the views of the people, the people 
% would have an opportunity to elect new members 
who would correctly reflect the popular mind. 

(d) The suggestion which in 191 2 roused the widest Popular 
discussion is the following: In the case of a law Recall "' 
which is held by a court to be unconstitutional and of judicial 
therefore void, it is proposed that an appeal be taken 
to the people, by a process analogous to the referen- 
dum, in order that the people may pass upon the 
question in a special election. 

Stated a little more fully, the "recalj or review of 
decisions" means that if the legislature of a State 
supposedly representing the wishes of the majority 
of the people of that State enacts, in the exercise of 
the police power, a statute which is approved by the 
governor, and the highest court of that State, in pass- 
ing upon that law in a specific case, declares it to be 
unconstitutional, and therefore void, the question of 
its constitutionality shall be submitted to the people 
at the next general election, for them to determine 
whether the law as passed by the legislature and the 
governor shall stand, or whether the constitution 
of the State as interpreted by the highest court shall 
continue to stand and the law thereby to fail. "The 
plan proposed is not that the decision, meaning the 
judgment in the case, shall be recalled, but that the 
decision, meaning the opinion of the court that the 
act is contrary to the constitution, shall be so far 
recalled that after an affirmative vote by the people 



500 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

in favor of the act the court cannot in a subsequent 
case declare that the act is invalid." l 

This novel proposal is based upon the presumption 
that if the people are wise enough to adopt their own 
constitutions, in the first place, then they are wise* 
enough to decide, after due deliberation, whether the 
language of their constitution shall be construed by 
the courts to permit the passage of the act declared 
to be unconstitutional; that in case of a clash be- 
tween their legislative and their judicial servants the 
people should decide. This is not a recall of the judges 
who render the decisions; it is an appeal from the 
judges. Though popularly known as the "recall of 
decisions," it is more accurately called the popular 
"review of decisions." So far as the judges them- 
selves are concerned, the process involved finds an 
analogy in the review, reversal, or affirmation by the 
Supreme Court of the United States of decisions ren- 
dered in the inferior Federal courts: the judges of the 
inferior courts continue in office, but make their future 
decisions conform to the decision of the Supreme Court. 

Unfortunately for the fair and unprejudiced con- 
sideration of this novel proposition, it was advanced 
in the heat of an unusually exciting pre-convention 
Presidential campaign. It was also unfortunate in 
its paternity, for, despite his great qualities as a 
President and as a popular leader, Mr. Roosevelt is 
undoubtedly regarded by many people as a dangerous 
radical. Therefore, any proposition emanating from 

1 William Draper Lewis, speech before the New York Young Men's 
Republican Club, March 22, 191 2, as reported in Philadelphia Public 
Ledger, March 23, 191 2. 



The Recall 501 

him, regardless of its intrinsic merits, has to run the 
gauntlet of a strong, and in some cases insuperable, 
personal prejudice. 1 

To say that the proposal to subject a single class Attitude 
of judicial decisions to popular review startled the serva ti V es 
legal profession and the conservative classes is to put toward 

° x # popular 

the case mildly. Their attitude seems to have been review of 
cogently expressed by President Taft when he said: 
"I have examined this proposed method of reversing 
judicial decisions on constitutional questions with 
care. I do not hesitate to say that it lays the axe at 
the foot of the tree of well-ordered freedom and sub- 
jects the guarantees of life, liberty, and property 
without remedy to the fitful impulse of a temporary 
majority of an electorate. . . . Such a proposal as 
this is utterly without merit or utility, and instead of 
being progressive is reactionary; instead of being in 
the interest of all the people and of the stability of 
popular government is sowing the seeds of confusion 
and tyranny." 2 

The opinion of the average citizen concerning this Four 
proposal will probably be determined, consciously or b^kept 
unconsciously, by the extent to which he believes that in mind 
the people are capable of making a wise use of such a 
power. Four points should be kept constantly and 
prominently in mind as an aid to clear thinking and 
fair judgment: 

First, the recall of decisions is not the same as the 

1 For an elaboration and justification of this proposal, see Mr. 
Roosevelt's speech before the Ohio constitutional convention, and 
in Carnegie Hall, New York City, published in Outlook, C, 390, 618 
(1912). 

2 Quoted in Outlook, C, 604* (191 2). 



502 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

recall of judges, for judges would continue to hold 
office until the end of their term, regardless of the 
popular vote on their decisions. On the contrary, the 
recall of decisions is offered as a substitute for the 
recall of judges. Secondly, it is not proposed to apply 
this recall of decisions to the decisions of the Federal 
courts, but only to those of the highest State courts. 
Thirdly, the recall of decisions would not apply to 
or have any connection with ordinary suits, civil or 
criminal, as between individuals, or between an in- 
dividual and the State. It would apply only to a 
very limited class of cases, namely, those which in- 
volve the exercise by the legislature of the police 
power, that is, "the power of promoting the public 
welfare by restraining the use of liberty and prop- 
erty." Finally, it is claimed that in the case of a 
popular recall or review of a decision the final pop- 
ular verdict would not be reached in undue haste. 
There would necessarily intervene between the de- 
cision and the recall election a considerable period of 
time. Previous to the decision the matter would 
be threshed out in the State Legislature, before the 
governor, before the court, and by the court itself in 
its decision. After this, from four to six months 
would probably elapse before the necessary petition 
for the election could be prepared and arrangements 
completed, which would afford abundant opportunity 
for a " campaign of education." Accordingly, there 
would be a period of probably not less than two years 
in which the people could make up their minds upon 
the issue thus presented to them. 1 

1 Theodore Roosevelt, in Outlook, C, 618 (1912). 






The Recall 503 

Thus far, Colorado is the only State which has Colorado 
adopted the recall of judicial decisions. A constitu- J^Srf 
tional amendment was adopted in 19 12 which pro- judicial 
hibits all courts except the Supreme Court from I9I2 
passing upon the constitutionality of any law or city 
charter or amendment thereof adopted by the people 
of a city. Decisions of the Supreme Court upon 
State laws and city charters do not become binding 
for sixty days after they are filed in the office of the 
clerk of the Supreme Court. Within that period 
five per cent of the qualified voters may request that 
such law be submitted to the people; in which case 
the Secretary of State must publish the text of the 
law and submit it to the people at a general election 
if held within ninety days. The legislature may also 
provide for submitting such laws and charters at a 
special election. If a majority approve the act at 
the election it becomes binding as a law of the State 
regardless of the decision of the Supreme Court. 
Analogous provisions apply to the case of a city 
charter. 1 

Ohio in the same year adopted an entirely different Ohio's 
device for mitigating the evils of excessive and arbi- ti °nai 
trary legislation by judges under the guise of con- amend * 

ment, 

stitutional interpretation. A constitutional amend- 1912 
ment was adopted which declares that no act of the 
legislature approved by the governor and not vetoed 
by the people through the use of the referendum 
shall be held unconstitutional by the Supreme Court 
unless at least six of the seven judges concur in this 
decision. This plan prevents judicial nullification of 

1 See Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VIII, 633 (1914). 



504 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

legislation by a bare majority of the court, a thing 
which has occurred repeatedly in practically every 
State. 1 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. What method of removing officials is provided by the 
constitution or laws of your own State? Has it ever been 
resorted to, and, if so, how often and under what circum- 
stances ? 

2. The impeachment of Andrew Johnson. 

3. The other Federal impeachment cases, including the 
Archbald case, 1912. (See Roger Foster's Commentaries on 
the Constitution, and general histories.) 

4. The actual operation of the recall in each State where it 
is authorized. (See Barnett, Oberholtzer.) 

5. Is the recall of elective officers consistent with a repub- 
lican form of government ? (See Fink, Gilbertson, and cases 
there cited.) 

6. The recall feature of the Arizona constitution and Presi- 
dent Taft's veto message. (See Congressional Record.) 

7. An analysis of the congressional debate over the recall 
provision of the Arizona constitution in the first session of 
the 6^d Congress (191 1). (See Congressional Record.) 

8. What are the arguments for and against the recall of 
judicial decisions as advocated by Mr. Roosevelt. 

9. Known instances of improper relations existing between 
judges of courts and special interests. (See Connolly.) 

10. Summarize legislation relating to removals from office 
enacted in the several States since 1903. (See Kettleborough.) 

1 In 19 1 5 Congress passed an act which has an important bearing 
on the much-discussed recall of judicial decisions. The act provides 
that the United States Supreme Court may review the decisions of 
the highest State courts when State statutes are held to be uncon- 
stitutional because they conflict with the Federal Constituticn or 
laws. Heretofore, there was no appeal to the Supreme Court in such 
ca^es. The change will probably result in greater uniformity in de- 
cisions involving the constitutionality of State social-welfare legis- 
lation and will have some tendency to diminish criticism of the 
exercise oi judicial powers by State courts in declaring such statutes 
unconstitutional, American Year Book, ipij, p. 85. 






The Recall 505 

n. The operation of the recall in Los Angeles. (See Stet- 
son.) 

12. The recall of Mayor Gill in Seattle in 191 3 and his re- 
election in 1 914. (See California Outlook, Cotlett, Hendricks, 
Outlook.) 

13. The recall of Judge C. L. Weller in San Francisco, 1913. 
(See Literary Digest.) 

14. Proposed methods of taking judges out of politics. 
(See Harley.) 

15. The debate in the New York constitutional convention 
of 191 5 on the method of selecting judges. 

16. The impeachment and removal of Governor Sulzer in 
New York in 1913. 

17. Discussions in the Ohio constitutional convention of 
1 91 2 upon the recall and the recall of judicial decisions. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

American Bar Association, Report of Committee to Oppose 

Judicial Recall (19 13). 
American Year Book, IQI2, pp. 64-67, "The Recall"; JpiJ, 

PP- 53~55j " Impeachment of Governor Sulzer." 
Ashley, C. D., "The Recall of Judicial Decisions," in Acad. 

of Pol. Sci. Proceedings, III, 48 (1913). 
Barnett, J. D., "The Operation of the Recall in Oregon," in 

Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VI, 41 (1912). 
Operation of the Initiative, Referendum and Recall in 

Oregon (1915). Pt. 2, "The Recall." 
Beard, C. A., and Shultz, B. E. (editors), Documents on the 

State-wide Initiative, Referendum, and Recall (191 2). 

American City Government (191 2), ch. 3. On the recall. 

Bourne, Jonathan, Jr., "Initiative, Referendum and Recall," 

in Atlantic Monthly, CIX, 122 (1912). 
Brown, R. G., "The Judicial Recall — A Fallacy Repugnant 

to Constitutional Government," in Annals, XLIII, 239 

(1912). ^ 
"Judicial Recall," in Senate Documents, 2d session, 63d 

Congress, No. 617 (1914). 
Cleveland, F. A., Organized Democracy (19 13), chs. 30-33. 
Congressional Record, 1st session, 6 2d Congress. See index 

for the debate over the judicial recall in the constitution 

of Arizona, 



506 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Connolly, C. P., "Big Business and the Bench," in Every- 
body's, XXVI, 147, 291, 459 (1912). 

Cottlett, F. W., "The Working of the Recall in Seattle, ,, in 
Annals, XLIII, 227 (191 2). 

Current Literature, LI, 240 (191 1), "The Cry of Judicial 
Despotism." 

Davis, H. A., "The Recall as a Measure of Control by the 
People," in National Municipal League Proceedings, XII, 
38 (1906). 

Davis, T. A., "Annulment of Legislation by the U. S. Su- 
preme Court," in Am Pol. Sci. Rev., VII, 541 (1913). 

The Judicial Veto (1914). 

Dodd, W. F., "The Growth of Judicial Power," in Pol. Sci. 
Quar., XXIV, 193 (1909). 

"Social Legislation and the Courts," in Pol. Sci. Quar., 

XXVIII, 1 (1913). 

Dougherty, J. H., "The Recall of Judges," in Acad, of Pol. 
Sci. Proceedings, III, 99 (191 3). 

" Inherent Limitations upon Impeachment," in Yale 

Law Journal, XXIII, 60 (19 13). 

Fink, A., "Recall of Judges," in No. Am. Rev., CXCIII, 672 
(1911). 

Fitzpatrick, F. S., "Some Recent Uses of the Recall," in 
Nat. Mun. Rev., V, 380 (1916). 

France, C. J., "The Recall of the Recalled," in California 
Outlook, XVI, 13 (March 21, 19 14). 

Frederick, K. T., "The Significance of the Recall of Judicial 
Decisions," in Atlantic Monthly, CX, 46 (191 2). 

Gilbertson, H. S., "Popular Control Under the Recall," in 
Annals, XXXVIII, 833 (191 1). 

"The Recall — Its Provisions and Significance," in An- 
nals, XLIII, 216 (191 2). 

"Conservative Aspects of the Recall," in Nat. Mun. 

Rev., I, 204 (191 2). 

Hamill, C. H., "Constitutional Chaos," in Forum, XL VIII, 
45 (191 2). On the recall of judicial decisions. 

Harley, Herbert, "Taking Judges Out of Politics," in Annals, 
LXIV, 184 (1916). 

Haynes, J. R., "The Actual Workings of the Initiative, Ref- 
erendum and Recall," in Nat. Mun. Rev., I, 506 (191 2). 
Gives a list of recall elections to date of issue. 



The Recall 507 

Hendrick, B. J., "The Recall in Seattle," in McClure's, 
XXXVII, 647 (191 1). 

Kales, A. M., Unpopular Government in the United States 
(1914), ch. 17. 

Kettleborough, Charles, "Removal of Public Officers: A 
Ten- Year Review," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VIII, 621 
(1914). 

Lewis, W. D., Address Before the New York Young Men's 
Republican Club, March 22, IQ12. A defense of the 
recall of judicial decisions. See New York and Phila- 
delphia papers, March 23, 191 2. 

"A New Method of Constitutional Amendment by Pop- 
ular Vote," in Annals, XLIII, 311 (1912). 

"The Recall of Judicial Decisions," in Acad, of Pol. 

Sci. Proceedings, III, 37 (1913). 

Library of Congress, Select List of References on Impeachment 
(1912). 

Select List of References on the Initiative, Referendum 

and Recall (191 2). 

Literary Digest, XLVI, 169 (1913), "Judge ArchbakTs Con- 
viction." 

XLVI, 1048 (1913), "A Judge Ousted by Women's 

Votes," in San Francisco. 

XL VII, 267 (1913), "The Impeachment of Governor 

Sulzer." 

XL VII, 303, "The Struggle in New York." Sulzer's 

impeachment. 

XL VII, 742, "The Removal of Governor Sulzer." 

XL VII, 797, "Sulzer and Tammany." 

Lodge, H. C, "The Compulsory Initiative, Referendum and 
Recall of Judges," in Senate Documents, 2d session, 62d 
Congress, No. 406 (191 2). 

Lowrie, S. G., "The Recall," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., V, 248 
(191 1). Brief summary of the recent California law. 

McCoy, B. B., "The Judicial Recall," in Century, LXXXIV, 
15 (1912). 

McLaughlin, A. C, The Courts, the Constitution, and Parties 
(1912). 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, II, 
149, "Impeachment"; III, 157, "Recall." 



508 Political Parties and Practical Politico 

Mason, E. F., "Learning to Use the Recall/' in Nat. Mun. 

Rev., I, 659 (1012). 
Maxey, Edwin, "The Recall of the Judges," in Forum, 

XL VIII, 294 (1912). 
Metcalf, J. A., "Dangers That Lurk in the Recall of the 

Judiciary," in Annals, XLIII, 278 (191 2). 
Moore, B. F., "The Judicial Veto and Political Democracy," 

in Am. Pol. Set. Rev., X, 700 (1916). 
Morgan, J. T., "Partisanship in the Supreme Court," in 

No. Am. Rev., CXXXII, 176 (1881). 
Munro, W. B., The Government of American Cities (1912), 

pp. 350-356. On the recall in cities. 
Northcutt, J. G., "The Recall in Colorado," in Green Bag, 

XXV, 372 (1913). 

Oberholtzer, E. P., The Referendum in America, ch. 18, "The 

Recall" (new edition, 191 2). 
Outlook, The, XCVII, 295, 375* (191 1), "The Seattle Recall." 

XCVII, 947, "Mayor Seymour of Tacoma." 

XCVIII, 697 (1911), "The Recall in Texas." 

XCVIII, 852 (1911), "Folly of the Recall." 

XCVIII, 912, "The Statehood Veto," of the joint reso- 
lution for the admission of Arizona. 

C, 522 (1912), "The Recall of Judges." 

C, 528 (191 2), "Mr. Roosevelt's Columbus Address." 

C, 604* (191 2), "President Taft on the Recall of Judges 

and Decisions." 
C, 607, "The Recall of Judges." A letter to the editor, 

signed "Jus." 
CI, 58 (1912), "The Review of Decisions: An Historical 

Illustration." 

CII, 250 (191 2), "The Judges and the Plain People." 

CIII, 145* (1913), "The Conviction of Judge Archibald." 

CIV, 875*, 886 (1913), "Governor Sulzer Impeached." 

CV, 391 (1913), "What Are You Going to Do About 

It?" On Sulzer's removal. 

CVI, 333 (1914), "Buying a Judgeship." 

Owen, R. L., "Election and Recall of Federal Judges," in 

Senate Documents, 1st session, 62d Congress, No. 99 

(1911). 
"Judicial Recall," in Senate Documents, 2d session, 62d 

Congress, No. 249 (191 2). 



The Recall 509 

Phelps, E. M., Selected Articles on the Recall (191 3). 

Philadelphia Public Ledger, September 7, 191 3, "Legal Status 
of Governor Sulzer during Impeachment. " 

Ransom, W. L., Majority Rule and the Judiciary (191 2). 

Remington, H., "Mr. Roosevelt's Recall of Judicial Deci- 
sions," in Rev. of Rev., XLV, 567 (1912). 

Roe, G. E., Our Judicial Oligarchy (191 2). 

"The Recall of Judges," in Acad, of Pol. Sci. Proceed- 
ings, III, 93 (1913)- 

Roosevelt, Theodore, "Arizona and the Recall of the Ju- 
diciary," in Outlook, XCVIII, 378 (1911). 

"A Charter of Democracy," in Outlook, C, 390 (191 2). 

Address to the Ohio constitutional convention, first 
proposing the recall of judicial decisions. 

"The Right of the People to Rule," in Outlook, C, 618 

(191 2). New York Carnegie Hall speech defending the 
recall of decisions. 

"A Short Political Creed," in Outlook, C, 720 (191 2). 

"The Judges, the Lawyers, and the People," in Outlook, 

CI, 1003 (1912). 

"The Right of the People to Rule," in Senate Documents, 

2d session, 62d Congress, No. 473 (191 2). 

Schaffner, Margaret A., The Recall, Wisconsin Legislative 
Reference Bulletin, No. 12 (1907). 

"The Initiative, Referendum, and Recall," in Am. PoL 

Sci. Rev., II, 32 (1907). 

Senate Document No. 876, 2d session, 62d Congress, Extracts 
from the Journal of the United States Senate in All Cases 
of Impeachment, 1798-1904. 

Stetson, F. J., "The Operation of the Recall in Los Angeles," 
in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XV, 326 (1909). 

Stimson, F. J., "Certain Retrogressive Policies of the Pro- 
gressive Party," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev. supplement, VII, 
149 (1913)- 

Storey, Moorefield, "The Recall of Decisions," in Annals, 
LII, 13 (1914). 

Sulzer, William, Governor Sulzer, the Politicians, the Bosses 
and the Legislature. (1914.) 

Taft, W. H., Veto Message, on the joint resolution for the 
admission of Arizona, August 15, 1911, in Congressional 



510 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Record, XLVII, pt. 4, p. 3964. Also in Beard and 

Shultz, Documents. 
Taylor, C. F. (editor), Equity. A quarterly review devoted 

to direct primary legislation, preferential voting, the 

short ballot, the initiative, referendum, and recall. 

(Philadelphia.) 
"Checks on Concentration in Modern Charters/' in 

Nat. Mun. Rev., IV, 54 (1915). 
Walsh, T. J., " Address on the Recall of Judges," printed in 

Congressional Record, XLVII, pt. 4, pp. 4137 ff. 
" Recall of Judges/' in Senate Documents, 1st session, 

62d Congress, No. 100 (191 1). 
Woodburn, J. A., Political Parties and Party Problems (19 14), 

pp. 449-456. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

PRACTICAL POLITICS IN LEGISLATIVE BODIES. 
CHARACTER AND QUALIFICATIONS OF MEM- 
BERS. THE SPEAKERSHIP AND THE COM- 
MITTEE SYSTEM. SPECIAL AND "RIPPER" 
LEGISLATION. METHODS OF PROCEDURE 

The ultimate aim of a political party is only par- The re- 
tially attained when it secures control of the executive ,*?? m ! 8 

J upon a 

or administrative offices. Control of the legislative party in 
department is almost equally important. A party fgov- 
which controls the executive branch of the govern- ernment 
ment, and has elected a majority of members in Con- 
gress, the State Legislature, or municipal councils, is 
in a position to utilize to the utmost for party pur- 
poses the machinery of government. Practically the 
only checks upon a party in such a position consist of 
constitutional and statutory restrictions and respect 
for public opinion. The party may use this power 
either to enact legislation to defeat or to carry out 
the popular will. It may enact legislation for the 
general welfare or it may legislate chiefly for the 
benefit of special interests. Most legislative bodies 
enact some legislation of each type. Subject to the 
limitations named, the party in power is practically 
unrestrained as to what it may legally do in the 
way of "practical" politics to strengthen its organi- 
zation and to perpetuate its hold upon the govern- 
ment and the suffrages of the people. Of the way in 

511 



512 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Popular 
distrust of 
legislative 
bodies 



Reasons 
for this 
distrust 



which executive officials use their power for party- 
purposes something has been said in the chapter on 
the spoils system. 1 In this chapter we shall review 
some of the forms which practical politics assume in 
the legislative sphere as revealed (i) in the character 
and qualifications of members, (2) in the organiza- 
tion of legislative bodies, (3) in the character of legis- 
lation, and (4) in actual legislative procedure. 

(1) In recent years the general public has come to 
entertain a feeling of distrust and even of contempt 
for legislative bodies, including Congress and munic- 
ipal councils, but especially State Legislatures. The 
convening of Congress and State Legislatures is not 
hailed with joy, and a universal sigh of relief follows 
their adjournment. The utterances of the press, the 
opinions of publicists and scholars, and the sentiment 
of the street and market-place unite in their de- 
nunciation. 2 

One of the principal causes of this general distrust 
is to be found in the character and lack of qualifica- 
tions of the members. It is a well-established fact 
that the lower house of Congress, and more especially 
the State Legislatures and municipal councils, con- 
tain few men of first-rate ability. Even leading pol- 
iticians seldom trouble themselves to become members 
of State Legislatures or municipal councils, preferring 
to keep in the background and manipulate the legisla- 



1 Chapter XIV. 

2 S. P. Orth, in Atlantic Monthly, XCIV, 723 (1904). This popular 
distrust of legislative bodies is strongly reflected in the limitations 
placed upon State Legislatures and municipal councils in recent State 
constitutions and city charters. See chapter XX; also Beard and 
Shultz, Documents. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 513 

tors as mere pawns in the game of practical politics. 
The most inferior legislative bodies are found in those 
States which have received the greatest influx of im- 
migrants, and in which the large cities have fallen 
most completely under the control of unscrupulous 
party managers. 1 Yet even in these States where 
jobbing and bribery, actual stealing from the State 
or municipality, and the general prostitution of the 
legislative power to private interests have been most 
rampant, the majority of members are not bad men, 
but are either the victims of their own ignorance and 
inexperience or are helpless in the presence of an all- 
powerful political machine. Indeed, " ignorance and 
stupidity in State Legislatures cause more trouble 
than bad intentions, because they are more common 
and are the materials on which men of bad intentions 
play." 2 

Timidity is one striking characteristic of State leg- 
islators. Few seem to think of having an opinion of 
their own. There are times, however, when this lack 
of independence has produced good results, as, for 
example, when it has enabled a small minority of 
zealous and independent reformers, backed by an 
aroused public opinion, to carry schemes of reform to 
which the majority would have been indifferent or 
hostile if they had dared. But under ordinary cir- 
cumstances the bosses and special interests are the 
ones to derive most profit from the timidity, ignorance, 
and inexperience of legislators. Much of this timid- 
ity, it should be said, is due to a conscious lack of 
experience and expert knowledge of legislative methods 

1 Bryce, I, 546. 2 Ibid. 






514 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

and wise principles of legislation. 1 The chief func- 
tion of legislative bodies is of course to make laws. 
Successfully to perform this function requires expert 
knowledge, judicious temperament, and great wis- 
dom. None of these qualities are apparent in bulk 
in any State Legislature. The class of men who pos- 
sess expert knowledge in framing and interpreting 
laws are the lawyers. While they predominate over 
other professions in the legislatures, such lawyers as 
are ordinarily found there are either young men or 
men without large practice. An expert greatly needed 
in law-making but seldom found in legislative bodies 
is the man who is possessed of technical information 
concerning the conditions that bring forth the law: 
the mining engineer, the electrician, the shipmaster, 
the sociologist, the men who are most affected by the 
contemplated laws. 2 Furthermore, the majority of 
members are without previous legislative experience. 
It has been estimated that only from one-fourth to 
one-third of the members of each new State Legisla- 
ture have had experience in legislative work. 3 

This ignorance of legislative methods often renders 
even the best-intentioned and best-principled of legis- 

1 lbid. i 547. 

2 In the Illinois legislature of 19 13 were found 67 lawyers, 35 farm- 
ers, 16 real-estate men, 10 clerks, 13 merchants, 8 manufacturers, 
5 bankers, 5 physicians, 3 editors, 3 insurance men, 3 contractors, 3 
newspaper men, 3 publishers, 2 clergymen, 2 managers, 2 " teaming, " 
2 salesmen, and one from each of the following vocations: druggist, 
printer, barber, writer, painter, solicitor, teacher, investments, auc- 
tioneer, paymaster, dentist, coal-miner, optometrist, hotel-keeper, 
civil engineer, lumber dealer, iron moulder, foundryman, building 
materials, yardmaster, and grain inspector. Illinois Blue Book, 
iQij-14, P. 24. 

3 S. P. Orth, op. cit. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 515 

lators easy victims of the wiles of the highly skilled Result of 
representative of special interests. For every new Jj^oJ 1 " 
member desires to create the impression among his members 
constituents of having accomplished something for 
their direct benefit. He has certain measures which 
he wishes to bring forward and get passed. Totally 
unacquainted with the customs and procedure of the 
house, unfamiliar with the general nature of legis- 
lative life, the inexperienced member is at a loss what 
steps to take and is practically forced to seek assist- 
ance somewhere. His fellow members are equally 
without experience, for the most part, and are also 
busily engaged in promoting their own pet measures. 
His salary is too small to enable him to engage ex- 
pert advice. Under such conditions it is no wonder 
that the highly trained and well-informed representa- 
tives of the special interests, called "lobbyists," find 
it possible to render themselves exceedingly useful, 
if not indispensable, to inexperienced members. Hav- 
ing accepted their assistance, the member quickly 
finds himself under obligation to the interests they 
represent, an obligation which they take advantage 
of in due time. 1 

Many a timid legislator seriously impairs his use- 
fulness and exposes himself to improper influences 
because he is willing to sacrifice his own views of the 
public interest on many important matters, or resort 
to or connive at corruption, in order to "get through" 
some measure desired by his constituents. Or he may 
become over-anxious regarding the attitude which he 
should take on this or that measure because of the 

1 P. S, Reinsch, American Legislatures, 295. 



516 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Some 
members 
11 owned " 
by special 
interests 



Legisla- 
tors gen- 
erally 
have a 
narrow 
concep- 
tion of 
their 
functions 



possible effect upon his own political fortunes. Such 
men, and they are far too numerous, can never do 
good work as long as they are worrying over their 
own future. The political boss or the representative 
of special interests is not slow to take advantage of 
such wavering and vacillation in ways which are 
more or less reprehensible. 

Then, again, there are men in nearly every legisla- 
tive body who, while good men themselves, are vir- 
tually " owned " by outside parties, usually politicians 
in control of a machine in the district from which the 
member is elected; or else by some wealthy citizen 
who may not be in politics himself, but who is identi- 
fied with big business interests seeking special legis- 
lative favors and who has paid in whole or in part 
the campaign expenses of the member. Not unmind- 
ful of the favors he has thus received, the member 
abandons his own convictions under more or less 
pressure and votes in accordance with the wishes of 
his "owner." l 

Another serious weakness in the character of leg- 
islators lies in their narrow conception of their func- 
tions. "The spirit of localism" completely rules 
them. A member of Congress, of the State Legisla- 
ture, or of the municipal council rarely feels that he 
is a member for the country, the State, or the city, 
chosen by a comparatively small district but bound 
to think first of the general welfare of the nation, 
State, or city: he is a member for New York, or for 
the seventh assembly district, or for the third ward, 
as the case may be. He feels that his first and main 

1 Theodore Roosevelt, in Century, XXIX, 824 (1885). 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 517 

duty is to get the most he can for his constituency 
by means of appropriations from the Federal, State, 
or city treasury, or by means of legislation which 
specially favors his locality. No appeal to the gen- 
eral interest would have weight with him against the 
interests of that spot. What is more, he is deemed 
by his colleagues of the same party to be the sole ex- 
ponent of the wishes of his locality and solely en- 
titled to handle its affairs. If he approves a bill 
which affects the place and nothing but the place, 
that is conclusive; nobody else has any business to 
interfere. This rule is the more readily accepted 
because its application all round serves the private 
interest of every member alike. Members of more 
enlarged views, who ought to champion the interests 
of the country or the State or the city, and sound 
principles of legislation, are rare. 1 

Other defects in the character and qualifications ot 
our legislators might be enumerated, but it is suffi- 
cient to have pointed out the most important. On 
the whole, our legislative bodies are composed of 
" average men, possessed of human weaknesses, prej- 
udices, and passions. They are elected by party 
machinery. They are pressed by corporation and 
party demands. The majority are as honest as they 
are simple and as efficient as they. are wise." 2 This 
was written especially of State Legislatures, but it 
applies with almost equal truth to members of Con- 
gress and municipal councils. 

In the character and qualifications of members of 
legislative bodies we have only a partial explanation 

1 Bryce, I, 549. 2 S. P. Orth, op. cit., 733. 



518 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Practical 
politics in 
the or- 
ganiza- 
tion of 
legisla- 
tive bodies 

Contested 

election 

cases 



The 

choice of 
presiding 
officers 



of the present wide-spread contempt of legislatures. 
Further explanation is to be found in an examination 
of their organization, the character and methods of 
legislation, as well as the factors or influences shap- 
ing legislation. 

(2) In the organization of a legislature, practical 
politics often play an important though not always a 
conspicuous part. In the first place, the Federal 
Constitution and most State constitutions make each 
house of the legislature the sole judge of the qualifica- 
tions and elections of its members. Where the right 
of any member to a seat is contested, the case and 
the evidence are considered by a standing committee 
of the body concerned, sometimes called the com- 
mittee on privileges and elections. The majority of 
this committee usually belong to the party having a 
majority in the house. When this party has a very 
small majority the committee often disregards the 
merits of the case before it and recommends that 
the contestant belonging to the dominant party be 
seated. This, of course, tends to strengthen the 
party in the legislature, at least numerically. More 
than one such case has occurred in the history of 
Congress, and doubtless such cases are even more 
numerous in some of our State Legislatures. 

One of the first duties of a legislative body is to 
choose its presiding officer, if that officer has not been 
designated by the constitution. The Federal and 
State constitutions determine that the Vice-President 
and the lieutenant-governor shall be presiding offi- 
cers of the United States Senate and the upper 
house of the State Legislature, respectively, but there 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 519 

is opportunity for party considerations to appear in 
connection with the choice of the president pro tem- 
pore in each of those bodies. Party lines are also 
sharply drawn in the election of presiding officers of 
municipal legislative bodies. In the lower house of 
Congress and the State Legislatures the presiding 
officer is called the speaker. He wields such an 
enormous political power that practical politics ap- 
pear very prominently in his selection and official 
conduct. 

The speaker must be a man whom his party or The 
its dominant u organization " can unreservedly trust, speak * r 
one who will not injure the future of the party or 
" organization" to gain personal popularity or ag- 
grandizement, or even to secure legislation which he 
individually favors if it runs counter to the plans of 
the party or " organization." It is expected that he 
will so exercise his great powers that at the end of 
his term the party in city. State, or nation will find 
itself stronger than at the beginning. To be most 
successful he must be tactful, quick of mind, a man 
of force and decision, and one who is thoroughly 
familiar with the rules and precedents of the body 
over which he presides. In States where the ma- 
chine and boss dominate politics, the speaker is always 
a man thoroughly in sympathy with machine ideals 
and practices, or at least is believed so to be by the 
leaders when he is selected; and he must expect to 
listen to and be guided by the wishes of the bosses 
or leaders of the " organization " on all important 
legislative matters. 

Jn theory the presiding officers of legislative bodies 



520 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Sources 

of the 

speaker's 

power 



are chosen by the majority of the members. In 
actual practice the selection is made in the caucus of 
the majority party and ratified by vote in the whole 
house. In the caucus there may be rival candidates 
for the office, but the one who can secure a majority 
becomes the nominee of the party, and all party mem- 
bers arc expected to vote for him. 

Aside from their respective moderators, the officers 
of Congress and of State and city legislatures are not 
important. Nevertheless, the selection of these minor 
officials is honeycombed with politics, and has some- 
times led to queer arrangements, by which one set of 
men do the work and divide the salary with another 
set who have the nominal appointments. 1 

The enormous political power of the congressional 
and Slate speaker, alluded to above, arises mainly 
from three sources: from his power of " recognition, " 
that is, his power to assign the floor to a member 
and thus enable the member to get a hearing before 
the house; from his power of " reference/ ' that is, his 
power to assign bills to the several committees for con- 
sideration before they are acted upon by the house; 
and from his power of "appointment," that is, his 
power to name the members on the different legislative 
committees which handle the great mass of bills intro- 
duced. Leaving the speaker's power of recognition 
and reference for later consideration, we may appro- 
priately take up here the speaker's power of appoint- 
ment. 

1 A. B, Hart, Actual Government, 131, See also Philadelphia and 
Pittsburg newspapers on conditions disclosed in the Pennsylvania 

legislature, 1913, ami Illinois Legislative Voters' League Assembly 
Bulletins, 19 16. 



Practical Politics iti Legislative Bodies 5 C 21 

Every legislative body is divided into a large num- The com- 
mittee 

system 



ber of standing or permanent committees and a l 



smaller number of select committees, appointed from 
time to time for some special purpose, and practically 
all legislation passes through the hands of these com- 
mittees. 1 Each committee is supposed to deal exclu- 
sively with bills relating to some specific subject or 
group of closely related subjects. Thus, for example, 
there are committees on banking, corporations, rail- 
ways, ways and means, appropriations, etc. These 
committees are almost invariably appointed by the 
speaker or other presiding officer, except in the case of 
the congressional committees. In the national House 
of Representatives, before the changes of 1910-1911, 
the committees were all appointed by the speaker. 
They are now formally elected by the house, al- 
though in reality the majority party members of the 
committee on ways and means, acting as a committee 
on committees, following the practice of the Senate, 
makes the different committee assignments subject 
to the approval of the majority caucus. 2 

Some legislative committees are more important Consider- 
than others, and appointments to the more important fnfluen'ces 
ones are much desired. The career of a member of affectin « 

commit' 

Congress or of the State Legislature, and, to some ex- tee as- 
tent, of members of municipal councils, depends very 
largely upon assignment to what are regarded as 
"good" committees. This is secured through the 

1 An excellent work on the committee system is L. G. McCon- 

achie's Congressional Committees; also eh. 5 in Reinsch's American 
Legislatures. 

2 In all legislative bodies the minority party is given at least 
some recognition on practically all committees. 



sign- 
ments 



522 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Relations 
between 
the com- 
mittees 
and the 
boss or 
leaders 



speaker's favor. Certain prominent leaders in the 
house who supported the speaker when he was a can- 
didate before the party caucus must, of course, be 
rewarded with such choice appointments as the chair- 
manship of the committee on ways and means or 
appropriations, etc. But in the distribution of other 
committee assignments, including the appointment of 
the chairmen, speakers are practically a law unto 
themselves, subject, of course, to the approval or ad- 
vice of those leaders outside the house to whom they 
may owe allegiance; and thus speakers may promote 
or prevent a successful legislative career. 1 

Between State and municipal legislative committees 
and the boss or leaders of the dominant machine there 
often exists a very intimate relation. The appoint- 
ment of committees is often delayed for weeks, even 
months, in order to give the machine an opportunity 
to test its material before grouping it for actual leg- 
islative business. In some States the power of the 
machine to assign members to the different commit- 
tees, exercised through a subservient speaker, gives it 
abundant means of enticement, so that many men 
mortgage their legislative independence at the very 



1 This will be explained more fully in connection with the in- 
fluences shaping legislation. An important reform was achieved 
in Congress in 191 1 when the house took away from the speaker the 
power to appoint the committees of that body and made all standing 
committees elective. It may well be doubted whether the speakef 
in Congress will for some time to come exercise the immense in- 
fluence which speakers enjoyed before the changes of 1910-11. See 
the Democratic platform of 1908 on the power of the speaker; also 
House Manual, 1st session, 6 2d Congress. A similar change was 
made by the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in 19 13 (see 
Legislative Journal), but the old practice was restored in 1915. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 523 

beginning of the session for the empty honor of being 
placed on a prominent committee. Sometimes large 
committees are favored because they are unwieldy 
and can be controlled by a select ring through the 
use of subcommittees. In such cases the majority 
of the members are kept in the dark respecting im- 
portant legislation, and the formal meetings simply 
give opportunity to the chairman to get a vote on 
the measures desired by the inner ring. Where such 
conditions prevail, "snap" committee meetings are 
frequently called — that is, meetings without sufficient 
notice. 1 

This committee system, as the practice of having Advan- 
bills first considered by committees is called, has very t hf com- 
obvious advantages, and it is difficult to see how any ^ ttQe 
better system can be devised for handling the enor- 
mous number of bills which are introduced into every 
session of practically every legislative body. 2 It is a 
convenient means of killing off worthless bills; it en- 
ables the legislature to deal with more bills than 
would otherwise be possible; it promotes specializa- 
tion in legislative work; it affords a plan by which 
Congress and other bodies can scrutinize the conduct 
of the executive departments of government; and it 
affords a means of co-operation between the execu- 
tive and legislative departments. 3 

1 To remedy this evil, Massachusetts has passed a law requiring 
sufficient notice to be given of all committee meetings. P. S. 
Reinsch, op. cit., 247, 257. 

2 In forty-three legislatures meeting in 1915, 58,600 bills were in- 
troduced; in the 2d session, 63d Congress, 29,400. See D. Y. 
Thomas, in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXIX, 85-86 (1914). 

3 J. A. Woodburn, The American Republic, 284; Bryce, I, 162 ff. 






Disad- 
vantages 

and de- 
fects of 
the com- 
mittee 
system 



524 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

On the other hand, the committee system has very 
serious disadvantages and defects. From the stand- 
point of practical politics, the most serious disad- 
vantages arise from the following circumstances: The 
deliberations of committees are usually secret. Pub- 
lic hearings are frequently granted on the more im- 
portant bills, at which evidence is taken and argu- 
ments are presented for and against the measure under 
consideration. But ordinarily no record is kept of 
committee sessions and of how each member votes. 
Consequently it is difficult, if not impossible, to fix 
responsibility for what takes place in the committee 
room. 1 The public ordinarily knows little or nothing 
01 committee deliberations. In strict parliamentary 
practice, no member is permitted to allude in the 
house to anything which has taken place in committee. 
It is largely owing to this secrecy that the legislative 
committees are subjected at times to tremendous 
pressure of private interests, so that the bills which 
they finally report to the house are often little more 
than the combined concessions to eager advocates 
who make their direct personal appeals to the com- 



1 This difficulty is enhanced by the large number of standing 
committees to be found in Congress and other legislative bodies. 
In the Sixty-fourth Congress there were 59 standing committees in 
the House and 75 in the Senate; Congressional Directory, 64th Con- 
gress (19 1 6). In the Pennsylvania legislature in 19 13 there were 
32 standing committees in the Senate and 41 in the House; SmuWs 
Legislative Handbook, 1913. In Philadelphia the common and select 
councils each had 27 standing committees in 191 1. In the Illinois 
legislature of 19 13 there were 67 committees in the House and 51 in 
the Senate. In 191 5, after a bitter struggle, the number was re- 
duced to 33 in the House and 26 in the Senate; the Senate of 191 7 
raised the number to 33. The Chicago City Council had 15 stand- 
ing committees in 1915. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 5%5 

mittee concerned. 1 Abundant opportunity is offered 
for underhand and corrupt influences to be brought 
to bear upon committeemen. "In the small com- 
mittee the voice of each member is well worth secur- 
ing, and may be secured with little danger of pub- 
lic scandal. . . . Round the committees buzz that 
swarm of professional agents called the ' lobby/ so- 
licitiug the members, threatening them with trouble 
in their constituencies, plying them with all sorts of 
inducements, treating them to dinners, drinks, and 
cigars." 2 

The committee chairmen possess extraordinary influence 
power, which may be, and often is, used as well for ^g^ c " 
evil as for good. The chairman alone can call a commit- 

• r i • i *r , ... !•• tee chairs 

meeting of the committee, and if practical politics men 
seem to require that the committee be prevented from 
meeting to consider a given measure, he may refuse 
to call it together, or he may fix some inconvenient 
time when no quorum can be secured. If he is 
backed by the dominant " organization," there is prac- 
tically no check whatever upon his action. He may 
declare measures passed by the committee and report 
them back to the house, although they have actu- 
ally never received consideration or been approved 
by the committee. This is done when the chairman 
has reason to believe that a majority of the com- 
mittee are opposed to the measure which he or the 
bosses favor. On the other hand, an unwelcome 



1 M. P. Follett, The Speaker of the House of Representatives, 244. 
No better example of such influence is to be found than in connec- 
tion with tariff bills before Congress, 
2 Bryce, I, 162; II, 160. 



526 



Political Parlies and Practical Politics 



Practical 
politics af- 
fect the 
char- 
acter of 
legisla- 
tion 

Special 

legisla- 
tion 



measure may be passed by a majority in the com- 
mittee and yet be carried about indefinitely by the 
chairman and possibly not reported at all to the 
house. 1 

(3) Practical politics, reflected in the character of 
legislation } are found frequently in connection with 
the enactment of what is called private or special 
legislation, as distinguished from general legislation. 
General laws are those which apply to all persons or 
certain classes of persons throughout the State or 
country. For example, laws regulating interstate 
commerce, providing for the administration of jus- 
tice by the courts, regulating banking and the cur- 
rency, regulating the conduct of primaries and elec- 
tions throughout the State, laws compelling all manu- 
facturers to maintain certain sanitary standards in 
their shops, are all classed as general or public laws. 
A special or local law, on the other hand, is "one 
applying to some particular person or corporation or 
locality, township, county, or city." 2 Corporations, 
notably public service corporations, often desire the 
enactment of special laws exempting them from the 
payment of certain taxes; railways seek legislation 
exempting them from the requirement of equipping 
their trains with safety appliances and for freedom 

1 Some legislative bodies, owing to sad experiences with the meth- 
ods described above, now have rules which enable a determined 
majority in the house to prevent a hostile committee or its chair- 
man from thus smothering legislation desired by a majority. I 
rule popularly supposed to have accomplished this was recently 
adopted by the House oi Representatives in Washington, but has 
not resulted in any substantia] improvement. See Haines, Your 
Congress (1915), 87 ft". 

2 Beard, 530. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies M7 

to control their schedule of rates. Perpetual or long- 
term franchises for trolley, gas, or water companies 
Constitute Still another important species of special 
legislation. 

The evil of special legislation is most rife in State Special 
Legislatures, although private or special bills consti- rfSboth 
tute by far the larger number of bills introduced into in the 

J . States and 

Congress. In all State Legislatures bills that are incon- 
merely local or special greatly outnumber the general gre88 
bills. The excessive amount of special and locaJ 
legislation has been one of tin* chief strongholds of 
legislative corruption. It is one of the principal 
means by which the political boss and his machine 
make their power felt in dealing out or withholding 
special privileges or advantages. Besides confusing 
the general law, it furnishes almost unlimited oppor- 
tunities for perpetrating jobs and for inflicting in- 
justice on individuals or localities, in the interest of 
some group of speculators or politicians. The vast 
amount of special legislation is one of the scandals 
of the country and "a perennial fountain of corrup- 
tion." Hence many State constitutions contain pro- 
visions designed to check this kind of Legislation. In 
spite of such constitutional prohibitions, the amount 
of special legislation everywhere enacted is amazing. 1 

One kind of special legislation which is peculiarly "Ripper" 
attractive to the practical politician and especially jf-jf^ 
pernicious in its effects is commonly called " ripper" its differ- 
legislation. This assumes a number of different forms. 
We have laws which modify municipal charters in such 
a way as materially to strengthen the power of the 

1 ftryce, I, 542; P. S. Relnsch, Op, cil. } 147 ff. 



MH Political Parties and Practical Politics 

parly which controls the State Legislature. For ex- 
ample, if a reform mayor has been chosen in a irfu- 

nicipal election, the legislature may pass laws which 
strip him of his most Important powers and vest those 
powers in old or newly created boards which the ma- 
chine feels that it can control. In fait, municipal 
government is the favorite held for "ripper" legis- 
lation. By shifting administrative functions from 
State hoards to municipal bodies, and vice versa, the 
loss of power by the organization in any locality can 
be neutralized and periods of strong local opposition 
successfully tided over. 1 'This shifting of power is 
also useful to the practical politician in connection 
with the granting of franchises or other legislation de- 
sired by trolley and other public service corporations. 
In some States municipal ripper legislation has gone 
so far as to deprive large cities of "home rule" by 
legislating out of oi'Wcc the rightfully elected officials 
who are hostile to the machine and substituting for 
them officials appointed by a subservient governor. 2 

Hut ripper legislation is by no means confined to 
municipalities. In the State governments the dom- 
inant machine has not Infrequently transferred the 
appointive power from the executive to the legislature 
when it has feared the election of a hostile governor. 
At other times ripper legislation takes the form of 
laws depriving district attorneys of the right to chal- 
lenge jurors in certain cases, in order to influence the 
selection of juries in political trials; laws taking the 

1 r. s. Roinich, <>/>. < -//., 168. 

1 For example, the Pennsylvania act of 1901, affecting Pittsburg, 
Allegheny, and Scranton. See Reinsch, <>/>. 1 //., >68 369. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 529 

power to grant liquor licenses from the judiciary and 
giving it to a State excise board; and acts granting 
to private corporations in perpetuity extensive water- 
power rights belonging to the State: all these are 
illustrations of ripper legislation. 

(4) In the actual procedure of legislative bodies prac- Practical 
tical politics operate conspicuously. State constitu- J^jsiative 
tions and municipal charters contain more or less pro- 
numerous restrictions upon legislative procedure, and 
even the Federal Constitution contains a few clauses 
relating to congressional procedure. Such provisions constitu- 
are designed to secure regularity, publicity, and due tlonal P ro "' 
deliberation in the discussion and enactment of mea- regulating 
sures. For example, it is often provided that laws proce ure 
must always be passed in the form of bills, and that 
each bill must cover only one subject clearly ex- 
pressed in the title, in order to prevent the coupling 
of many vicious bills with a good one or to prevent 
the insertion of totally distinct matters; that former 
statutes may be amended only in such a way as to 
make clear the exact change that has been made in 
the law; that there must be three different readings 
of every measure passed; that no bills shall be in- 
troduced after the expiration of a certain part of the 
session, so as to prevent rushing through pernicious 
measures during the closing hours of the session. 1 

Every legislative body has a more or less elaborate R U i e8 
body of printed rules which are supposed to govern ^^e- 
all its proceedings. In practice, however, the rules garded or 
of Congress and, even more frequently and glaringly, 
the rules of State Legislatures are modified by the 

1 Beard, 536. 



rule 



530 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Gavel exigencies of party and machine politics to an extent 
that is surprising to the uninitiated. Even constitu- 
tional requirements are often treated with scant re- 
spect by State Legislatures, so that at times parlia- 
mentary proceedings are turned into a mere formality 
if not a travesty on regular and orderly procedure. 1 
In actual practice all rules are modified to accord with 
the peculiar methods and needs of the controlling 
organization. An artificial " common consent" is 
created by which all constitutional and legal safe- 
guards against hasty or special legislation are evaded 
and become almost futile so long as the machine has 
power to command action. 2 For example, the read- 
ing of the journal is quite often dispensed with, and 
this document which authoritatively records the ac- 
tion of the legislative body is usually not printed till 
several days have elapsed. The calendar, which 
ought to be a safe guide to members, is made up 
arbitrarily and disregarded in practice. Measures 
are placed upon it, or taken off, or advanced over 
others at will by " general consent." 3 The time limit 
for the introduction of new bills is frequently evaded 
by offering substitutes in the form of amendments to 
bills introduced before the limitation expired, strik- 
ing out all after the enacting clause. Members are 
found introducing sham bills in due season which 
they can use as stocks upon which to graft any bill 
they may desire after the time limit has expired. 4 A 



1 See F. S. Munro, Legislative Spendthrifts (191 6), and facts brought 
out in the so-called Fergus cases, for illustrations of such practices 
in the Illinois legislature of 191 5. 

*Reinsch, ch. 8. 3 Ibid., 259. 4 See Bryce, I, ch. 40. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 531 

large amount of time is wasted by nearly every legis- 
lative body in the early part of the session. As a re- 
sult there is very frequently an unseemly crowding 
of measures in the last few days. Confusion at times 
reigns supreme, 1 and the ordinary member finds it 
impossible to follow the course of business. Here 
is an opportunity for a capable and unscrupulous 
speaker to rule the assembly with a high hand, de- 
clare motions or bills carried or lost, in accordance 
with the interests of the clique or machine to which 
he may belong, and often in utter disregard of the 
actual facts, of parliamentary practice, of the rules 
of the house, and of constitutional restrictions. Many 
a bad measure and crudely drawn good measure is 
thus declared passed or "gavelled through," as it is 
called, in the last crowded days of a session. 2 

The process of amendment, as suggested above, is Perai- 
frequently employed by the " organization " to defeat Vend- 
or to emasculate legislation backed by independent ments 
or reform elements in the legislature. For example, 
apparently innocent amendments will be added which, 
as the better-informed members are aware, will seri- 
ously impair the constitutionality of the measure when 
tested before the courts. Again, "good" laws, or 
laws designed to suppress crime and protected vice, 
may be loaded down with provisions too stringent to 
be capable of strict enforcement. Thus, while ap- 
parently supporting a " reform" measure, the corrupt 

1 For a description of the disorderly proceedings connected with 
the closing sessions of the Pennsylvania legislature in 191 1, see 
World's Work, XXII, 14789 (191 1). 

2 Reinsch, 259. 



532 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

politicians gain another pretext for levying additional 
tribute upon the vicious and criminal classes in return 
for immunity from prosecution. "When, therefore, 
the cry of 'good government' is raised by politicians 
of this class, the real friends of decency do well to be 
on their guard, for in most cases what the bosses de- 
sire will be the creation of what has been called an 
1 administrative lie,' that is, the placing on the statute 
books of stringent laws against liquor and vice the 
very strictness of which is, however, made the means 
of extortion by the local political managers. It fre- 
quently happens that the influences representing lax 
morality gain important privileges from the legislature 
through acts the full bearing of which is not realized 
by the members in general." l 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. Are the members of Congress and other legislative bodies 
chosen by the people to think for them or merely to give 
legislative expression to the popular thought and will ? (See 
M. K. Hart.) 

2. How are contested election cases disposed of in the dif- 
ferent State Legislatures? (See Reinsch.) 

3. Summarize the history of contested election cases before 
the House of Representatives in Congress. (See Rammel- 
kamp.) 

4. What are the duties and powers of the presiding officers 
in municipal councils? 

5. A brief historical sketch of the most famous contests in 
Congress over the election of a speaker. (See Follett, and 
the general histories.) 

1 Reinsch, 273. For a good description of the way in which the 
committee system and legislative rules can be made to serve the 
interests of a political machine and to defeat measures supported 
by members outside of the "organization," see Reinsch, 260 fif., 
Beard, 538, and M. C. Kelley's Machine Made Legislation in Penn- 
sylvania (191 2). 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 533 

6. Enlarge upon the advantages and disadvantages of the 
"committee system" in Congress and State Legislatures and 
explain the remedies proposed for the evils of the system. 
(See McConachie, Wilson, Bryce, Haines.) 

7. Make a list of the committees in both houses of Con- 
gress and of your own State Legislature and city government. 
Do any special business, political, or sectional interests ap- 
pear to be in control of the most important of these commit- 
tees ? 

8. The English party "whip" and his functions. Is there 
any similar institution in Congress? (See Bryce, Lowell.) 

9. What effect is the popular distrust of legislative bodies 
having upon the influence and powers of the governor and 
mayor in different States and cities? (See Beard.) 

10. Compile all the available data showing the number and 
character of bills ordinarily introduced into and enacted by 
State Legislatures. 

11. Tabulate and summarize the State constitutional lim- 
itations upon legislatures designed to prevent special or local 
legislation. 

12. The discussions in the Pennsylvania constitutional 
convention of 1873 over limitations upon the power of the 
legislature. 

13. The discussions in the New York constitutional con- 
vention of 1894 over limitations upon the power of the 
legislature. 

14. What important "ripper" legislation has been enacted 
or attempted in your own State? What were the interests 
behind it ? 

15. The discussion in the Illinois constitutional convention 
of 1870 over limitations upon the powers of the legislature. 

16. The abuses connected with contested election cases in 
the Illinois legislature. (See Munro.) 

17. Private bills in recent Illinois legislatures. (See 
Munro.) 

18. The change in the house rules in 19 10 providing for 
a "calendar of motions to discharge committees," and how 
it has worked in practice. (See Haines.) 

19. Explain the way in which the so-called house machine 
is perpetuated from one session of Congress to another. (See 
Haines.) 



53-4 Political Parties and Practical Politics 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Alexander, D. S., The History and Procedure of the House of 

Representatives (191 6). 
Beard, C. A., American Government and Politics and Readings, 

chs. 14, 25. 
Bliss, W. D. P. (editor), New Encyclopedia of Social Reform, 

article, " Corruption. " 
Bryce, James, "The American Commonwealth" (4th edi- 
tion), I, chs. 13-15, 44-46; II, ch. 67. 
Buell, C. J., The Minnesota Legislature of ipij. (1915.) 
Croly, Herbert, The Promise of American Life. (See index, 

"Legislative Organization.") 
Culkins, W. C, "Educating the Rural Legislator," in Nat. 

Mun. Rev., V, 287 (1916). • 

Chicago City Club Bulletin, VI, 49-59 (1913), "The Political 

Situation at Springfield. " 
Davis, R. J., "Automatic Government," in Nation, CI, 353 

(191 5). On defects in State Legislatures. 
Deming, H. E., "The Legislature in City and State, 1797- 

1897," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, III, 89 (1897). 
Follett, Mary P., The Speaker of the House of Representatives 

(1896). 
Godkin, E. L., "The Decline of Legislatures," in Unforeseen 

Tendencies in Democracy. 
Haines, Lynn, The Minnesota Legislature of igu (191 2). 
"A Near View of Congress," in Chicago City Club 

Bulletin, VI, 78 (1913). 
Your Congress (191 5). A most illuminating analysis of 

congressional politics. 
Hart, A. B., Actual Government, chs. 7, 14. 
Hart, M. K., "People versus the Representative," in Outlook, 

Lxxxvn, 730 (1907). 

Haynes, G. H., "Representation in State Legislatures," in 
Annals, XV, 204, 405, and XVI, 93, 243 (1900). 

Hichborn, F., Story of the California Legislature of iqoq. 

Story of the California Legislature of iqii. 

Hodges, G. H., "Distrust of State Legislatures: The Cause, 
the Remedy," reprinted in J. T. Young's The New Amer- 
ican Government (191 5), 643 ff. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 535 

Holcombe, A. N., State Government in the United States (1916), 
ch. 10. 

Horack, F. E., "The Committee System/' in Statute Law- 
Making in Iowa (1916), pp. 533 ff.; in vol. Ill, Iowa 
Applied History Series. 

Iowa Applied History Series , vol. Ill, Statute Law-Making 
in Iowa (191 6), pp. 533 ff. 

Jameson, J. F., "The Origin of the Standing Committee Sys- 
tem in American Legislative Bodies," in Pol. Sci. Quar. 9 
IX, 246 (1894). 

Kelley, M. C, Machine Made Legislation in Pennsylvania 
(191 2). By a member of the legislature of 191 1. 

Lapp, J. A., "Actual State Legislation," in Annals, XLIII, 
49 (1912). 

Leupp, F. E., "Do Our Representatives Represent?" in 
Atlantic Monthly, CXIV, 433 (1914). 

Lowell, A. L., Public Opinion and Popular Government (1913), 
ch. 10, "Loss of Confidence in Representative Bodies." 

McCall, S. W., The Business of Congress (191 1). 

The Life of Thomas B. Reed (191 5). 

McConachie, L. G., Congressional Committees (1898). 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government,!, 
655, "Elections, Contested"; II, 336, "Legislative Out- 
put, State and National"; 341, "Legislature and Legis- 
lative Reform"; III, 355, "Committee System in the 
U. S."; 382, "Congress of the U. S." 

Munro, F. S., Legislative Spendthrifts (1916). Throws much 
light upon practices in the Illinois legislature. 

Munro, W. B., The Government of American Cities (191 2), 
ch. 8. On city councils. 

National Voters' League Bulletins and The Searchlight on 
Congress. Issued monthly. 

O'Neal, Emmet, "Distrust of State Legislatures: The Cause; 
The Remedy," in No. Am. Rev., CXCIX, 685 (1914). 

Orth, S. P., "Our State Legislators," in Atlantic Monthly, 
XCIV, 728 (1904). 

"Special Legislation," in Atlantic Monthly, XCVII, 69 

(1906). 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties (1902), II. (See index.) 

Democracy and the Party System (1910), ch. 13. 



536 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Rammelkamp, C. H., " Contested Congressional Election 
Cases in the United States/' in Pol. Set. Quar., XX, 421 

(1905)- 

Reinsch, P. S., American Legislatures and Legislative Methods 
(1907). 

Readings in American State Government (191 1). 

Roosevelt, Theodore, " Phases of State Legislation," in Cen- 
tury, XXIX, 820 (1885). 

Wilson, Woodrow, Congressional Government (1885). 

Woodburn, J. A., The American Republic (1903), chs. 4-5. 

Woodruff, C. R., "The Pennsylvania Rippers, " in Municipal 
Affairs, VI, 212 (1902). On the rippers of 1901 affect- 
ing Pittsburg and Scranton. 

World's Work, XXII, 14789 (1911), "Is This Representative 
Government ?" Description of the disorder attending 
the closing sessions of the Pennsylvania legislature in 
1911. 



CHAPTER XIX 

PRACTICAL POLITICS IN LEGISLATIVE BODIES 
(CONCLUDED). FACTORS INFLUENCING 
LEGISLATION. THE SPEAKER. EXECUTIVE 
INFLUENCE. PARTISAN CONSIDERATIONS. 
GERRYMANDERS. LOBBYING. LOG-ROLLING 
AND BRIBERY 

Among the influences or factors shaping or determin- Forces 
ing legislation, other than those incidentally men- ^legis-" 
tioned in the preceding chapter, (i) the speaker occu- lati . ve 
pies a position of great importance. 

Every bill introduced into a legislative body is at The 
once referred by the speaker to some committee, powero/ 
Ordinarily, no bill can be acted upon by the house a PP° int - 
until it has been reported back by the committee to reference 
which it has been referred. Therefore, through his 
power of appointment and reference, the speaker may 
determine in advance the fate of bills anticipated and 
of bills unexpected. For example, if the speaker or 
those whom he represents are opposed to a reduction 
in the tariff, to a change in the currency or banking 
laws, to a State tax on incomes or on corporations, to 
increased appropriations for highways or educational 
institutions, etc., the committees which deal with 
these matters may be "packed" with men who are 
known to the leaders, at least, to be willing to use 
their position to defeat such measures in one way or 
another. On the other hand, the committees may be 

537 



tion 



538 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

so constituted as to insure the success of measures 
favored by a speaker personally or by his political 
friends. 
The Through his power of "recognition" the speaker of 

powe/o/ the House of Representatives in Congress in a large 
recogni- measure controls the order of business and decides 
what bills shall be considered by that body. The 
power of " recognition" means the power to assign 
the floor to this, that, or the other member. 1 The 
speaker may recognize whomsoever he pleases. Again 
and again, when a member rises to obtain recogni- 
tion, the speaker has asked, "For what purpose?" 
and then has decided whether the member is "recog- 
nized." This decision depends upon whether the 
member rises for a purpose which has the speaker's 
approval. When an important bill is before the 
house for consideration, the speaker usually has be- 
fore him a list of men desiring to speak. So many 
members struggle for the floor that previous arrange- 
ment has been found to be necessary. 2 Any member, 
therefore, who wishes to call up a measure in the 
house must, as a matter of practice, visit the speaker 
in advance and secure his approval. In giving his 
consent the speaker is not unmindful of the service 
he has secured or may secure from the man soliciting 
his favor. 3 

By this power of recognition speakers have been 
able to prevent the consideration of motions to which 
they personally, or the clique to which they belong, 

1 See M. P. Follett's The Speaker of the House of Representatives , 
ch. 9. 

2 M. P. Follett, op. cit., 251. * Beard, 282. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 539 

were opposed. 1 Where party lines are sharply drawn 
upon important subjects of legislation, the minority 
party is absolutely helpless to avail itself even of the 
rules unless it can first get the recognition of the 
speaker. The arbitrary exercise of the power of recog- 
nition is by no means confined to the speakers of Con- 
gress. In the State Legislatures, especially in States 
where the party organization or machine is highly 
developed, the speaker exercises the power of recog- 
nition in practically the same arbitrary manner to 
promote or defeat legislation. 

The speaker's power to influence legislation in Con- The com- 
gress through the right of recognition was enormously Jjjjjfg e on 
reinforced prior to March, 1910, by the fact that he 
was the chairman of the committee on rules, the four 
other members of which were appointed by himself 
and were therefore his creatures. This small com- 
mittee in recent years has come to exercise practically 
absolute control over all important legislation, almost 
literally determining what might and what might not 
be considered by the house, and limiting the time of 
debate as well as the number and form of amendments. 
Similar committees on rules are found in the State Leg- 
islatures, exercising powers which differ in degree, but 
not in kind, from those enjoyed by the congressional 
committee. By March, 1910, however, the tyranny 
of this committee on rules had become intolerable, and 
after a dramatic session the house voted to remove 
the speaker from that committee, and to have the 

1 For examples of this occurring under Speakers Blaine, Carlisle, 
Reed, and Cannon, see M. P. Follett, op. cit., and the list of refer- 
ences at the end of this chapter. 



540 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Forceful 
and popu- 
lar execu- 
tives 



Executive 
messages 



committee henceforth enlarged to ten, so as to be 
more truly representative of the wishes of the ma- 
jority; and, finally, to have the members of the com- 
mittee in future chosen, not by the speaker, but by 
the whole house. 1 

Among other influences or factors shaping or deter- 
mining legislation, we must consider (2) the increas- 
ing influence in recent years of executive officers, the 
President of the United States, the governors of the 
States, and the mayors of our largest cities. This 
executive influence upon legislation may be exercised 
in a number of different ways. 

It has more and more become the practice for ex- 
ecutives to frame bills respecting important subjects 
of legislation which embody their own personal views 
and to have these bills introduced into the legislative 
body. The attention and consideration which such 
bills receive depend partly upon the party divisions 
in the legislature and partly upon the extent of the 
popular support back of these executive recommen- 
dations. 

The President is required by the Constitution to 
give Congress information from time to time upon 
the state of the Union. This information takes the 
form of the President's message, "the most widely 
read public document in the United States." In his 
messages the President often indicates very clearly 
along just what lines specific legislation is needed, 
and sometimes an entire message is given up to an 

1 Subsequently the number of members was increased to eleven. 
In practice, committee assignments are determined in the caucus of 
each party in the house, subsequently ratified in a session of the 
whole house. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 541 

explanation of some specific bill recommended by 
the President, together with arguments in its favor. 
The governors of the different States and the mayors 
of cities enjoy the same privilege of urging legislation 
upon the attention of State Legislatures and munici- 
pal councils. Not infrequently executive messages, 
although addressed to the legislature, are in reality 
intended as appeals to the general public for support 
of certain bills to which the legislature is hostile or 
indifferent. 

It is not uncommon for Presidents, governors, and 
mayors to secure legislation from a reluctant legisla- 
ture by withholding or threatening to withhold pat- 
ronage from members who refuse to recede from their 
opposition to the measures favored by the executive. 
Not infrequently the executive control of patronage 
has been used to force the enactment of legislation 
demanded by an aroused public sentiment, but which 
ran counter to the wishes of some powerful special 
interest or political machine to which the members 
of the legislature were inclined to be subservient. 1 

The right to veto legislation is enjoyed by the The veto 
President and the governors of all but one of the power 
States (North Carolina), and also by most mayors 
of cities. This power is often a means of preventing 
pernicious legislation from taking effect. In a ma- 
jority of the States the governor has the right to veto 
specific items in appropriation bills; and mayors fre- 
quently have the same right. This is a power by 
means of which a strong executive may prevent waste 

1 See comment on this practice in chapter XIV on the spoils sys- 
tem. 



542 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



The veto 
of specific 
appropria- 
tions 
would 
curb con- 
gressional 
extrava- 
gance 



and extravagance; on the other hand, it may be used 
to build up a personal following and thus to advance 
the political fortunes of the executive. With this 
end in view, appropriations which are to be expended 
in the districts of politicians who do not enjoy the 
governor's favor may be greatly reduced or entirely 
eliminated, while extravagant sums appropriated for 
districts in which the governor desires to strengthen 
himself politically may be permitted to stand. 

This power to veto specific items in congressional 
appropriation bills is not exercised by the President. 
He either vetoes or accepts in its entirety the bill as 
it passes Congress. Much extravagance and waste 
might be prevented if the contrary practice prevailed, 
for advantage is frequently taken of this practice to 
incorporate in bills appropriating money for the sup- 
port of the government or of necessary public works 
and improvements certain other items appropriating 
money for unworthy enterprises. The President is 
thus forced either to veto the entire bill and thus 
deprive the government of necessary funds or else 
to approve the unworthy items along with the worthy. 
Perhaps the most notorious instances of the kind are 
the annual river and harbor appropriation bill, the 
bills appropriating money for the erection of public 
or Federal buildings, such as post-offices, and for the 
establishment and maintenance of military posts and 
navy-yards. Reckless and extravagant appropria- 
tions for these and even more unworthy objects have 
resulted from the desire of practical politicians in 
both houses of Congress to have as much as possible 
of the government's money spent in their own dis- 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 543 

tricts as a means of increasing their political influ- 
ence at home. Millions of dollars are thus wasted 
every year by Congress until the practice has come 
to be a national scandal, and the appropriation bills 
mentioned above have received the opprobrious epi- 
thet of the " national pork barrel." It is a matter of 
profound regret that the President does not enjoy 
the right to veto specific items in appropriation bills, 
although it is conceivable that the power might at 
times be improperly used. 

In still another way members of Congress take ad- 
vantage of this phase of the veto power. Amend- 
ments called "riders," embodying legislation disap- 
proved by the President, are sometimes attached to 
appropriation bills. The President is then forced 
either to accept this obnoxious amendment or to veto 
the entire bill. The practice of attaching "riders" 
is somewhat discredited and is usually tried only as 
a last resource. It obtains to some extent in State 
Legislatures and municipal councils. 

Through their power of calling special sessions of Power to 
Congress or of the State Legislature, Presidents and £iai sea-*"" 
governors may exercise no small influence upon legis- sions " 
lation. Special sessions are sometimes resorted to 
not merely for the purpose of meeting some emer- 
gency which has arisen, but also for the purpose of 
forcing upon the reluctant attention of the legislature 
subjects of legislation in which the executive is espe- 
cially interested. Where, as in some States, the 
legislature can consider in special session only sub- 
jects which are specifically named in the summons 
issued by the governor, the power of calling special 



544 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Consider- 
ations of 
party ex- 
pediency 
or ad- 
vantage 



Strictly 
" party 
mea- 
sures " 
compara- 
tively in- 
frequent 



sessions may be made a powerful lever for good in 
the hands of a strong executive backed by a powerful 
public sentiment. 

(3) Considerations based upon party expediency or 
party advantage are often potent factors in the shap- 
ing and enactment of legislation. Some measures in 
Congress are spoken of as " party" measures and are 
passed or defeated by a " strictly party" vote. Of 
the total number of bills voted upon by Congress, 
however, "party measures" form but a small pro- 
portion. The amount of party voting in Congress 
varies from one Congress to another and even from 
one session to another, and does not follow any fixed 
law of evolution. The proportion of party votes in 
Congress is distinctly less than in the English Par- 
liament. 1 

In the State Legislatures, party lines are even less 
tightly drawn upon subjects of general legislation. 
Our political parties are essentially national parties, 
and they divide mainly upon national issues. It is, 
therefore, difficult for them to take sides upon ques- 
tions of State legislation without drawing lines that 
cut and cross the regular party lines and offend a 
certain number of adherents. Members of most State 
legislatures are elected on party lines that have com- 
paratively little connection with the actual legis- 
lative questions which they are called upon to de- 
cide. 2 When the legislature is being organized and 
its offices distributed, party activity is indeed very 
animated. On such questions as the redistricting of 

1 A. L. Lowell, in Am. Hist. Assn. Report, I, 319 (1901). 

2 Ibid. , 347. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 545 

the electorate or the creation of new local units of 
government, party discipline is usually kept up, but 
questions of general legislation are rarely made a 
matter of party difference. The frequency of unani- 
mous votes is surprising. It is not unusual for more 
than one-half of the votes in the session to be unani- 
mous. 1 

Nevertheless, considerations of party expediency Odious 
frequently appear in the enactment of State legisla- fegisfation 
tion of a distinctly and offensively partisan character. 
Such legislation is designed and defended as a means 
of perpetuating the party's control of the State and 
local governments and of strengthening it numerically 
in Congress. Certain kinds of " ripper" legislation, 
such as laws providing for the removal of political 
opponents, laws providing long terms of office for 
partisan favorites, laws amending municipal charters 
one way for political friends and another way for 
political opponents, without regard to decency, con- 
sistency, or right: these are all instances of odious 
partisan influence in legislation. 

Unfair election laws afford another illustration of 
partisan legislation of the baser sort. In a few States 
such legislation has gone to great lengths. Some 
years ago the party in control of the Kentucky legis- 
lature created an election system which centralized 
and vested in the governor, or in officials selected by 
him, the appointment of all local election officials 
throughout the State, regardless of the democratic 
principle of home rule, and authorized the legislature 
itself to canvass the election returns and to reject, 

1 Reinsch, 276-277. 



546 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

virtually at its discretion, the votes of any county in 
the State and to declare elected whichever candidate 
it pleased. Furthermore, the courts were deprived 
of jurisdiction to review the proceedings of the legis- 
lature for the purpose of correcting errors or to 
regulate its action in accordance with well-established 
legal principles. 1 
Gerry- Perhaps the worst species of legislation dictated 

solely by partisan considerations is to be found in 
laws which create unequal and unfair districts from 
which representatives in Congress and members of 
the State Legislature are to be chosen. Legal ob- 
stacles to such legislation are to be found in those 
Federal and State statutes and provisions of State 
constitutions which provide that districts shall be 
composed of contiguous territory and that they shall 
contain as nearly as practicable an equal number of 
inhabitants. Nevertheless, these legal requirements 
are either evaded or clearly violated by practically 
every legislative act outlining congressional or legis- 
lative districts. Where representation in a legisla- 
tive body is based upon districts, it is obvious that 
an advantage will accrue to the party which has a 
majority in as many districts as possible. Exact 
equality in outlining districts is impracticable. It is 
impossible to expect the party controlling the legis- 
lature to give the advantage of the inequality to the 
opposite party. Instead, the dominant party takes 
advantage of this inevitable inequality to strengthen 
itself. Consequently we find States divided in such 
a way that the dominant party shall have a small 

1 D. B. Hill, in No. Am. Rev., CLXX, 367 (1900). 






Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 547 

but ordinarily safe majority in as many districts as 
possible, while the strength of the opposing party 
will be concentrated in as few districts as possible, 
where its majorities will be overwhelming. Such 
unequal districting of a State for partisan purposes 
is called a " gerrymander." 

A gerrymander of congressional districts is most 
likely to occur soon after the publication of the re- 
sults of the decennial census, especially if this shows 
the necessity for any change in a State's congressional 
representation. A gerrymander of State legislative 
districts may occur more frequently. It occurs most 
frequently in States where parties are evenly divided 
and where legislatures alternate frequently in their 
political complexion. In such States it has come to 
be taken for granted that the party victorious in the 
election of the members of the State Legislature will 
gerrymander the S|tate in its own favor. 1 

As a result of gerrymanders, the maps of congres- Results of 
sional and legislative districts in some States present JuuSers 
very striking irregularities in boundaries and in the 
shape of different districts. For example, we have 
had the famous " shoe-string " district in Mississippi, 
three hundred miles long by twenty broad; another 
district, in Pennsylvania, resembling a dumb-bell; 

1 J. R. Commons, Proportional Representation, 59. In the State 
and congressional campaign of 19 10 the chairman of the New York 
State Republican committee sent out a circular letter containing 
the following warning: "The election is unusually important. . . . 
The election of the Democratic ticket will enable the Democrats 
to redistrict the congressional districts so that for the next ten years 
twenty-five congressional districts will probably be Democratic, in- 
stead of twelve as at present. . . ." Quoted in Outlook, XCVTI, 
192 (1911). 



548 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

the famous " saddle-bags' ' district (the 23d) in Illi- 
nois; and the "belt-line" district (the nth) also in 
Illinois, running around Cook County. 1 

As another result of a gerrymander, it has some- 
times happened that a representative in Congress, 
after having served several terms and acquired famil- 
iarity with the rules, and attained national promi- 
nence, has found his home district so reconstructed 
as to give the opposite party a majority, resulting in 
his retirement from Congress at the next election. 
Mr. McKinley. later President, was thus legislated 
out (.jj offi e, and other instances might be cited. 2 

Perhaps the worst result of a gerrymander is that 

it virtually disfranchises many voters by placing them 

in districts in which their party, under all ordinary 

circumstances, is always in a minority, thus virtually 

preventing their representation in either legislature 

or Congress. 

Creation Another species of legislation dictated mainly by 

fluous partisan considerations consists of acts which create 

offices and new anc j unnecessary offices or burden these and old 

officials t J 

ones with superfluous officials. This is done with the 
expectation that these offices can be used as rewards 
for party workers or otherwise for the strengthening 
of the party or the dominant machine. This prac- 
tice has already been considered in connection with 
the spoils system 3 and needs no further comment. 
The party (4) The party legislative caucus constitutes another 
lative important factor affecting legislation. One use made 
caucus of the party caucus is for the nomination of candi- 

1 Reinsch, 202; Bryce, I, 126 n. 

2 J. R. Commons, op. cit., 41; Reinsch, 201. 3 Chapter XIV. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 549 

dates for various offices which are to be filled by elec- 
tion by the legislature, as, for example, the speaker 
of the house and the president pro tempore of the 
Senate. Nomination by the caucus of the dominant 
party is generally equivalent to election by the legis- 
lature. The contests in the caucus are frequently 
very heated and the methods resorted to in such 
cases are not always the purest. The lobbyists rep- 
resenting the special interests actively seek to get 
a speaker who will appoint committees favorable to 
their schemes. Pledges may be required and given, 
with the result that the committees are packed in 
advance, and thus the cause of legislation is pre- 
determined. 1 

Besides influencing legislation in these indirect 
ways, the party legislative caucus exerts a much more 
direct influence. Whenever a line of policy has to be 
settled, or the whole party in the legislature rallied 
to support or oppose a given measure, the party 
members "go into caucus." Caucuses are held more 
frequently for such purposes in Congress than in State 
Legislatures. In State legislation the small number 
of distinctively party measures and the centralization 
of party management, including legislation, in the 
hands of a boss or machine oligarchy are the chief 
reasons for the relative unimportance of the party 
caucus in State Legislatures. Even in Congress only 
the most important measures are made the subject 
of caucus action. Such action cannot be applied 
every day or to every bill. Since 191 1 the house 
caucus of the majority party has become vastly more 

1 Ostrogorski, Democracy and the Party System, 291. 



550 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



The cau- 
cus as a 
means of 
discipline 



* Confer- 
ences " 



important as a factor shaping and influencing legis- 
lation than ever before. It has now become perhaps 
the chief source of all legislation on the issues of the 
day and the mainspring of party action and control 
in the house. 1 

A caucus is sometimes resorted to where there is 
fear of mutiny against the orders of the organization 
leaders. In such cases the object of the caucus is not 
so much to smooth out differences of opinion as to 
coerce the individual members into submission. Or- 
dinarily the caucus affords an opportunity for free 
discussion and thus serves as a sort of safety-valve 
for pent-up feelings. It sometimes happens that 
members who have "gone into caucus" "walk out" 
of the caucus before a decision has been reached on 
the subject under discussion, in order not to be bound 
by that decision. For it has come to be a recognized 
rule that once a member has gone into caucus he 
must abide by the decision of the majority or become 
a "bolter" or "insurgent." Where party organiza- 
tion is strong the bolter takes his political life in his 
hand. Sometimes it is deemed wise, for the sake of 
harmony, instead of or before resorting to the more 
drastic caucus action, to call a "conference" of the 
party members in the legislative body. The deci- 
sions of a "conference" are not supposed to be bind- 
ing upon those who participate. On the whole, the 
caucus decisions reached in Congress, although fre- 
quently obtained by moral coercion, are not neces- 
sarily bad in themselves. Often they may be sound 

1 American Year Book, 1911, p. 178; see also Haines, Your Con- 
gress, 75 ff. 






Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 551 

and helpful for carrying on legislation. The same is 
less true of State legislative caucuses. Caucus deci- 
sions are seldom withheld from the public, although 
the caucus is usually held behind closed doors. This 
exclusion of the public from caucus sessions affords 
another opportunity for the representatives of special 
interests to promote of defeat legislation in ways 
more or less devious, and has been widely criticised 
in recent years. 1 

(5) Perhaps the most powerful influence shaping The 
legislation is the " lobby." The lobby is the name ° y 
given to persons who undertake to influence the 
members of a legislative body to oppose or to support 
proposed legislation. One who makes a practice of 
thus seeking to influence legislators is called a "lob- 
byist," and his activity in that direction is called 
"lobbying." The term does not necessarily imply 
the corrupt use of money, nor does it necessarily 
impute any improper motive or conduct. Often, Legiti- 
where the lobby is most industrious, numerous, per- J^^ng 
sistent, and successful, corruption is wholly absent. 
"By casual interviews, by printed appeals in pam- 
phlet form, by newspaper communications and lead- 
ing articles, by personal introductions from or through 
men of supposed influence, by dinners, receptions, 
and other entertainments, by the arts of social life 
and the charms of feminine attraction," the legislator 
is besought to look with favor or disfavor upon mea- 
sures which interested parties desire to have enacted 

1 In 19 13 the Republican minority caucus adopted a rule for open 
caucuses; but the rule contains a "joker" which provides that a 
secret session may be ordered at any time by a majority. See Amer- 
ican Year book, i£i3 % p. 22, and Haines, Your Congress } 79. 



55% Political Parties and Practical Politics 

or defeated. Lobbying of this nature can be and 
often is of the greatest educative value to legislators 
who are personally unacquainted with the merits or 
defects of particular legislation. 1 

Two There are two well-defined classes of lobbyists. 

lobbyists The first class consists of perfectly honorable men, 
and sometimes women, who* adopt open-and-above- 
board methods of influencing legislation. " They seek 
to organize a public opinion favorable to their mea- 
sures by the industrious collection and publication 
of facts, the distribution of documents, and the tak- 
ing of testimony before committees. . . . Reputable 
men in every department of life frequently endeavor 
to influence legislation, even in matters in which they 
have no pecuniary interest whatever." 2 The exis- 
tence of this class of lobbyists constitutes no serious 
problem except as it renders difficult the drafting 
of laws regulating lobbying which shall not unduly 
restrict such legitimate activities. 

The other class of lobbyists has been called the un- 
scrupulous " harpies and vultures of politics." Some 
of these lobbyists are paid attorneys of corporations; 
many of them are former members of Congress or of 
State Legislatures who understand the inner workings 
of the legislative machinery. It is this class, very 
largely representing the special interests and em- 
ploying means more or less corrupt, which is, per- 
haps, the chief cause of bad legislation and the defeat 
of much that is good. Many congressmen and State 
legislators and municipal councilmen are personally 
interested, and lobby for themselves among their col- 

1 A. R. Spofford, in Lalor, II, 778. 2 Ibid., 779. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 553 

leagues from the vantage-ground of their official po- 
sitions. In great financial centres like New York 
a practice had grown up a few years ago which, while 
formally legal, carried with it a great temptation to 
employ corrupt means. Firms of lawyers would 
undertake to draft a bill for a certain purpose, have 
it introduced, watch its progress, argue it before 
committees, prepare written statements, and finally, 
after it had passed, defend its constitutionality, 
which they guaranteed. The remuneration paid for 
these services was at times exceedingly high, fees 
of $100,000 being not unusual. As the fees were 
contingent upon the passage and final validity of 
the law, it is apparent that they constituted an 
inducement to use methods which were not strictly 
professional. In fact, under the guise of legal rep- 
resentation, compensated by regular fees, some of 
the most objectionable lobbying has been carried on. 1 

In States or cities where a boss or machine is in Lobbying 
full control of a legislature the number of lobbyists JjjXjf 
is likely to be small. Instead of each special interest pears 
which desires to influence legislation having to go to there is a 
the trouble and expense of interviewing and persuad- f^ 6 
ing the individual members until a sufficient number 
can be won over, all that is necessary is to "see" the 
boss and comply with his terms. Whereupon the 
boss issues the necessary orders to "the boys" in the 
legislature or council, and the measure usually meets 
the fate desired. Here, as was explained in an earlier 
chapter, 2 is one of the greatest sources of power of the 
boss. The opportunity thus afforded for the enact- 

1 Reinsch, 292. 2 Chapter XVI. 



meat of special legislation of a pernicious character, 
and lor the defeat of good legislation, is too obvious 

to r.ooo furtb'rr ;orr.rro:ot : 

In the case of Congress, however, there is no such 
tbir.z >-. or.-; ;.%'orb.zoo -_r V:o^ob.z- : o bboby. At 
every session a host of lobbyists descends upon Wash- 
bor.or. oro ^ttorr.yt. tt boboor.v; b;0obot:\.o rrr.o- 
tbooo- by bobb.obo^ -orr.otbooo- by o— ooiotoo potior.. 
Changes in the tariff rates, in the internal revenue 
taxes, in the banking and currency laws, mining 
-tototo- ::bb Lor.o !.>v.-;, :,otor.t i.;.: oo.ob r. '.ov,-,. 
shaping subsidy bills, labor legislation, railway reg- 
oootio.o troo-t ".o^i bo tior. oy:.rooobot:or. bibs for rivor 
and harbor improvements — these and a multitude of 
other subjects of legislation bring to the capital ex- 
pert lobbyists skilled in the manipulation of legisla- 
bodies and employing every imaginable means.* 
The chief causes of the widely ramifying activities 
the lobby, both in Congress and State Legislatures, 
o~o to bo 'ooo bo tbo r.otoro tf or b.orbbotb.o rootb- 
ods, especially in the opportunities which the com- 
mittee system furrb r influences to be brought 
to boor oo tr. o fo-w yor-oro-: v.-bt . . .ooy ~:rot:;rb. y;b- 
tions with respect to pending legislation; and in the 
increasing number and variety of matters with which 
legislative bodies are called upon to deal Sixty years 

; 
But unc oitions it is impossible for any 

member of a legislative body to keep abreast 

■ . ' '• 

'SeeRonsc: O P : ,0 -: ; ;-•. 






Practical PoKi 

neec /Marion and the merit- lend- 

ing bills is utterly inadequate. 7"he nur bills 

which explain then- mparatively small, and 

on many points even the most intelligent and 
memh>er 

:' the funct: hues are, after all, 

nearly as much judicial in nature as strictly 

For comparatively little leg .ates 

in the State Legislate: al councils. In 

the case of r _ oly the 

hi drafted by mem' But in al! 

islative bodies the major part of bills 

nd introduced le meml 

Thus it has come about that a legislative 
body of necessity beoon ;nt a court, 

or, better, in view of the universal commit :em, 

a sec hich hear and determine 

matters brought before them by interested par 
While special interests ar-: on hand to 

their ca public m is sel- 

dom sufficiently well c ; to mal 

effectually. 2 

vertheless. public opinion should be reck- Public 

d among the important la- 

although it has to be confessed that instances 
of its influence at times seem all too rare. On occa- 
sions, however, public opinion has been even more 
powerful than the the machine. These 

occasions he frequently arisen when public 

1 Independent, LXJ 

------ - - 

institutions in the Pennsylvania legislature, Philadelphia Public 



;~ I™'.,' 



556 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



interest in legislation has been stimulated through 
some crying abuse or as a result of vigorous agitation 
in favor of some important reform measure. " Pub- 
lic opinion in such cases becomes articulate through 
newspaper propaganda and through the organization 
of various reform associations. While the special in- 
terests, of course, always provide themselves with 
newspaper organs, such affiliations are soon discov- 
ered by the public and the editorial column of such 
papers loses its influence. Some of the most gratify- 
ing defeats of machine manipulations in legislation 
have been brought about by the hue and cry raised 
by the independent metropolitan press. . . . Legis- 
lative organizations will be careful not to defy public 
opinion, however ready they may be to defeat it." * 
(7) The other factors or influences shaping legisla- 
tion call for only brief comment. Many bills are put 
through legislative bodies by resorting to what is 
called " log-rolling." This process may be illustrated 
as follows: "Two members, each of whom has a bill 
" Log-roll- to get through, or one of whom desires to prevent his 
railroad from being interfered with while the other 
wishes the tariff on an article which he manufactures 
kept up, make a compact by which each aids the 
other. This is log-rolling. You help me roll my 
log, which is too heavy for my unaided strength, and 
I will help you to roll yours." 2 The term is derived 
from pioneer times, when frontiersmen helped one 
another in rolling logs, making clearings, and building 
cabins. 

The practice of log-rolling explains the enactment 

1 Reinsch, 279, 282. 2 Bryce, II, 160. 



Miscel- 
laneous 
forces in 

fluencing 
legisla- 
tion 



mg 7 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 551 

of much special legislation of a pernicious character Extrava- 
and much of the wastefulness and extravagance that £22*- 
have appeared in congressional appropriations and, tive bodie8 
in a somewhat less degree, in State appropriations, due to log- 
River and harbor bills, for example, are loaded down roUing 
with appropriations for utterly unworthy undertak- 
ings, because congressmen have come to feel that their 
standing with their constituents and tenure of posi- 
tion depend not upon their high abilities for dealing 
with really great issues, but upon the success with 
which they may secure appropriations for selfish local 
interests — that is, "get pork out of the public pork- 
barrel." And it is only by voting for the appropria- 
tions of this nature which are desired by his colleagues 
that the ordinary congressman can secure the appro- 
priations he desires for his own district. 1 Log-rolling 
also obtains to a deplorable degree in connection with 
appropriations for public or Federal buildings, the 
establishment and upkeep of army posts, and special 
legislation in the form of private pension bills. In 
State Legislatures, on a smaller scale, the same ex- 
travagant and wasteful method of log-rolling is ram- 
pant. The size of appropriations is determined not 
by any fair or adequate considerations of the merits 
of the recipient institution or project, but by the 
necessity of making the surplus in the State treasury 
"go round/' so that as many interests as possible 
may be served at the " pie-counter. " 

The precise extent to which bribery and other forms Briber? 
of corruption serve to influence legislation will prob- 
ably never be known. In the nature of the transac- 
1 Beard, 271. 



558 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Inviting 
bribery 
by "hold- 
up " or 
black- 
mailing 
bills 



tion, with laws and public opinion almost universally 
condemning bribery, it is conducted with the greatest 
possible secrecy. Only now and then does an expo- 
sure suggest the possible full extent of the evil. It 
undoubtedly exists to some extent in all legislative 
bodies, and is believed to be especially frequent in 
the case of municipal councils and the legislatures of 
a few States. In Congress Mr. Bryce estimates that 
perhaps five per cent of the members may be suscep- 
tible to such influence. Proof of direct corruption in 
Congress has been very rare, though during the Civil 
War there were some actual cases of the payment of 
money for votes, and during Reconstruction three 
members of the house were found guilty of selling 
nominations to West Point. Occasionally members 
have been known to accept stocks and bonds as gifts, 
or to take them over at low prices, with the under- 
standing that the enactment of pending legislation 
would greatly increase their market value. During 
the last forty years, however, few legislative bodies 
in the world have been freer from charges of the 
transfer of votes for money or direct valuable con- 
siderations. 1 

Many people feel that when legislators accept 
bribes they are more sinned against than sinning, 
and should therefore be dealt with leniently. The 
pressure brought to bear upon law-makers by 
bosses, special interests, and political machines, it 
is pointed out, is a force of whose power the 
average citizen has no adequate conception. At the 
same time, many, if not most, of the State Legisla- 

1 A. B. Hart, Actual Government, 247. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 559 

tures contain a few unprincipled members who de- 
liberately invite bribery. This takes the form of 
what is called "strike" legislation, or "hold-up" 
bills. Sometimes a member brings in a bill directed 
against some railroad or other corporation, merely to 
levy blackmail upon it. Examples of such " strikes," 
or " hold-ups," are to be found in bills requiring rail- 
roads to establish standard scales at country cross- 
roads, put asphalt between the rails in desolate places, 
place stock-yards on costly terminal grounds, etc. 1 
Mr. Bryce mentions a certain State senator who for 
some years regularly practised this trick. Having 
introduced his "strike," the senator would come 
straight to New York, call at the railroad offices, and 
ask the president of the road what he would give him 
to withdraw the bill. Professor Reinsch is authority 
for the statement that the president of a New York 
life insurance company declared that eighty per cent 
of all legislative bills referring to insurance are "hold- 
up" measures. 2 

Owing to this practice, the representatives of in- 
dustrial and commercial interests claim that they are 
forced to the adoption of corrupt methods as a means 
of self-protection against unreasonable legislation or 
of securing such laws as are necessary to the proper 
prosecution of their business. In the majority of 
cases, however, this defense of corruption is uncon- 
vincing. Money spent in this way to avoid legisla- 

X M. Gardenshire, in No. Am. Rev., CXCI, 483 (1910). 

2 Bryce, II, 161; Reinsch, 283. See also Haines, The Minnesota 
Legislature of iqii, pp. 97-98. For examples of " hold-up " or " reg- 
ulator " bills in the Illinois legislature, see I. L. Pollock, in Statute 
Law-Making in Iowa (1916), 684, n. 66. 



560 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

tion is worse than wasted, since the appetite grows 
by what it feeds on. It appears clearly, from a study 
of the action of the great industrial interests, that 
they often do not go into the legislature primarily for 
the purpose of self-defense, but on account of a desire 
to gain undue privileges denied to others, and to resist 
legislation demanded in the interest of the public. 1 
influence A strong, well-organized, and ably led minority in 
andweu- g a legislative body sometimes exerts an influence in 
led mi- shaping legislation. By taking advantage of disa- 
greements in the dominant party, and by resorting 
to dilatory parliamentary tactics, called "filibuster- 
ing," a minority has been able to wear out the ma- 
jority and prevent an obnoxious measure from com- 
ing to a final vote. This is sometimes a potent 
weapon in the last crowded days of a congressional 
or legislative session. Filibustering may also be re- 
sorted to with the view not of ultimately defeating a 
measure, but for the purpose of bringing the majority 
party to accept certain amendments desired by the 
minority. Again, the minority has not infrequently 
performed an important service by exposing the hol- 
lowness of much supposedly good legislation sup- 
ported by the organization and the perniciousness of 
other organization measures. 

Having thus reviewed the principal ways in which 
practical politics appear in connection with legislative 
bodies, and noted some of the evils connected there- 
with, we shall outline in the next chapter some of 
the ways in which certain of these evils have been 
met and, in a measure, remedied. 

1 Reinsch, 255. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 561 



QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. Give specific instances "where the speaker's power of 
recognition has been used to influence congressional legisla- 
tion? (See Bryce, Follett, Hale.) 

2. Compare the position, influence, and methods of the 
speaker of Congress with the speaker of the English House 
of Commons. 

3. Compare the influence and methods of the speaker in 
Congress and the speaker in your own State Legislature. 

4. In what different ways did the following men add to the 
influence and power of the speakership in Congress: Henry 
Clay, James G. Blaine, Schuyler Colfax, Samuel J. Randall, 
Thomas B. Reed? (See Follett.) 

5. Causes and results of the agitation against "Cannon- 
ism," 1907-10. 

6. Collect specific instances of the way in which the house 
committee on rules influenced important congressional legis- 
lation before the change of 19 10. 

7. An account of the circumstances attending the elimina- 
tion of the speaker from the committee on rules in Congress, 
March 19, 1910. 

8. The new method of selecting house committees in Con- 
gress, the circumstances which produced the change, and 
the debate over the proposed change in 191 1. 

9. Compare the composition, powers, and methods of the 
committee on rules in your own State Legislature with those 
of the congressional committee on rules. 

10. Compare English and Canadian parliamentary meth- 
ods with American legislative procedure. (See Bryce, Ford, 
Lowell's Government of England.) 

n. The English system of dealing with private bills and 
regulating lobbying before Parliament. 

12. The Louisiana Lottery Company and the Louisiana 
legislature. (See Buell, McGloin, Wicliffe.) 

13. Lobbying methods in the New York legislature as re- 
vealed in the insurance investigation of 1905. 

14. Lobbying in Congress by the Union Pacific Railway 
interests, 1867-88. (See Senate Exec. Docs., 1st session, 50th 
Congress.) 



56% Political Parties and Practical Politics 

15. What pernicious legislative methods appear in connec- 
tion with congressional river and harbor bills, pension legis- 
lation, appropriations for post-offices and other Federal 
buildings ? 

16. Mention as many important instances as you can in 
which executive influence was an important factor in forcing 
or shaping legislation under Presidents Cleveland, Roosevelt, 
Taft, and Wilson. 

17. The President of the United States as a party leader. 

18. Compare the conception of the proper relations of the 
governor to the State Legislature illustrated in the methods 
of Governor Hughes and Governor Dix, of New York; Gov- 
ernor Baldwin, of Connecticut; Governor Wilson, of New 
Jersey; and Governor Harmon, of Ohio. 

19. What important State legislation has been brought 
about largely through the influence of recent governors, 
notably Governors La Follette, of Wisconsin; Wilson, of New 
Jersey; Harmon, of Ohio; and Johnson, of California? 

20. Give as many instances as you can in which mayors of 
important cities have been largely instrumental in bringing 
about desirable and preventing undesirable municipal legis- 
lation. 

21. The effect of national parties upon State parties and 
State politics. (See Bryce, Lowell.) 

22. Give concrete illustrations of the ways in which mi- 
norities have been able to influence important legislation, 
especially in Congress. 

23. Give all the instances you can, in recent years, when 
organized public opinion has compelled the abandonment or 
the enactment of important State and congressional legisla- 
tion. 

24. Explain how and why the minority party in State Leg- 
islatures and municipal councils often works in harmony with 
the dominant party or " organization.' ' (See Reinsch, Bryce.) 

25. Criticisms of the tyranny of the modern congressional 
caucus. (See Beard's Readings, quoting the Congressional 
Record, and Haines.) 

26. The origin of the practice of gerrymandering and early 
instances of its use. (See Griffin, Griffith.) 

27. The Wisconsin gerrymander of 1891. (See Commons 
and Rev. of Rev.) 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 563 

28. The New York apportionment fight of 1905. 

29. Corruption in Southern State Legislatures during the 
period of " carpet-bag and negro rule." (See Fleming's Doc- 
umentary History of Reconstruction, II, and various mono- 
graphs on Reconstruction.) 

30. The selling of nominations to West Point by congress- 
men in the Reconstruction period. 

31. Recent disclosures of corruption in the legislatures of 
New York and other States in connection with legislation. 
(See Gardenshire.) 

32. The Mormon church in its relations to State and na- 
tional politics. 

^^. Speaker James G. Blaine and the Little Rock and Fort 
Smith affair, 1871-76. (See Rhodes.) 

34. The Credit Mobilier scandal in Congress in 1872. 

35. The contest in the Pennsylvania legislature of 191 3 
over changes in the rules and the method of appointing 
committees. 

36. The Senate investigation of the tariff lobby in 191 3, 
1st session, 63d Congress. 

37. Governor James Cox, of Ohio, and his influence upon 
Ohio legislation (1 913-14). 

^8. Appropriation legislation for charitable and educational 
institutions in Pennsylvania. (See Fleischer.) 

39. What is to be said in favor of restricting the powers 
of the house committee on rules in Congress? (See Haines.) 

40. Discuss the important riders attached to appropriation 
bills during President Wilson's administration. (See Haines.) 

41. What are the principal criticisms directed against the 
caucus domination of the House of Representatives in Con- 
gress? (See Haines.) 

42. The work of the Democratic house caucus in the 6 2d 
and 63d Congresses (1911-15), especially in connection with 
the tariff, currency, and trust legislation. (See Haines.) 

43. What important reforms in congressional procedure 
are recommended by the National Voters' League? (See 
Haines, Searchlight on Congress.) 



564 Political Parties and Practical Politics 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

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XCIV, 750 (1010). 
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World's Work, XXIII, 188, 327, 385 (1911-12). 
Alexander, D. S., The History and Procedure of the House of 

Representatives ( 1 9 1 6) . 
Alger, G. W., "Executive Aggression," in Atlantic Monthly, 

CII, 577 (1908). 
American Year Book, iqio, pp. 138, 165. On the removal of 

Governor Sulzer. 
Andrews, R. E., "Grip of the Gerrymander," in Independent, 

LXX, 1002 (191 1). 
Atkinson, C. R., and Beard, C. A., "The Syndication of the 

Speakership," in Pol. Set. Quar., XXVI, 381 (1911). 
Beard, C. A., American Government and Politics, and Read- 

ings, chs. 14 and 25. 
Beard, Mary R., "The Legislative Influence of Unenfran- 
chised Women," in Annals, LVI, 54 (1914). 
Beveridge, A. J., "Canada's System of Responsible Govern- 
ment," in McClure's, XXXVII, 330 (191 1). 
Bishop, J. B., "The Price of Peace," in Century, XL VIII, 667 

(1894). On big business and legislation in New York. 
Bliss, W. D. P. (editor), New Encyclopedia of Social Reform, 

article, "Corruption." 
Brooks, R. C., Corruption in American Politics and Life 

(1910). 
Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, I, chs. 13-15, 

44-45; and appendix, "The Lobby" (4th edition). 
Buell, C. C, "The Degradation of a State," in Century, 

XLIII, 618 (1892). On the Louisiana lottery. 
Buell, C. J., The Minnesota Legislature of 191 5 (1915). 
Burns, W. J., " Where Legislators Come Cheap," in Harper's 

Weekly, LVIII, March 21, 1914, p. 9. On Canadian 

legislative corruption. 
Burton, T. E., "The Scandal of the Federal Appropriation 

Bills," in World's Work, XXV, 438 (1913). 
Cannon, J. F., "Under the Prophet in Utah," in Everybody's, 

XXIII, 723 ff. (1910-11). On the Mormon church in 

politics. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 5Q5 

Cannon, J. G., "The Powers of the Speaker," in Century, 

LXXVIII, 306 (1909). 
Chamberlain, W. B., "A Great Democratic Governor," in 

World's Work, XV, 10132 (1908). On Governor John- 
son, of Minnesota. 
Cockrell, E., "The Sources of the Speakers Power," in 

Arena, XXII, 657. 
Commons, J. R., Proportional Representation (2d edition, 

1907). 
Congressional Directory, 1st session, 64th Congress, 428 ff., 

for maps of all congressional districts (191 6). 
Congressional Record, 1st session, 62d Congress, XL VII, pt. 1, 

pp. 10, 161 ff. (191 1). On the new house rules and the 

debate over the appointment of committees. 
Cooper, C. P., "Progress and Reaction in Pennsylvania," in 

Outlook, CXI, 1045 (191 5). An interview with Gov- 
ernor Brumbaugh. 
Creel, George, "What About Hiram Johnson of California? " 

in Everybody's, XXXI, 448 (1914). 
Cummins, A. B., "The President's Influence a Menace," in 

Independent, LXXVIII, 350 (19 14). 
Dalzell, John, "The Rules of the House of Representatives," 

in Independent, LXIV, 577 (1908). 
Danner, V. E., "Making Government Efficient," in Forum, 

LI, 354 (1914). 
Edmunds, G. F., "Perils of Our National Elections," in 

Forum, XII, 691 (1892). On the gerrymander in Ala- 
bama, 1891. 
Finley and Sanderson, The American Executive and Executive 

Methods (1908), chs. 6, 14. 
Fleischer, A., "Pennsylvania's Appropriations to Privately 

Managed Charitable Institutions," in Pol. Sci. Quar., 

XXX, 15 (1915). 
Ford, H. J., The Cost of Our National Government (1910). 

On congressional extravagance. 
"American and Canadian Political Methods," in No. 

Am. Rev., CXCIV, 684 (1911). 
Fuller, H. B., "The Crime of the Pork Barrel," in World's 

Work. XX, 13259 (1910). 
"Wasting the Government's Money," in World's Work, 



566 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

XXI, 14001 (191 1). On appropriations for public build- 
ings. 

Fuller, H. B., Speakers of the House (1899). 

"American Waterways and the Pork Barrel," in Cen- 
tury, LXXXV, 386 (1912-13). 

Gardenshire, M., "Bribery in the Legislature," in No. Am. 
Rev., CXCI, 482 (1910). 

Griffin, H. G, "The Gerrymander," in Outlook, XCVII, 186 
(1911). 

Griffith, E. C, The Rise and Development of the Gerrymander 

m (1907). 
Haines, Lynn, The Minnesota Legislature of 191 1 (191 2). 

Your Congress (191 5). 

Hale, W. B., "The Pension Carnival," in World's Work, XX, 

13485 (1910). On pension extravagance by Congress. 
"The Speaker or the People," in World's Work, XIX, 

12805 (1910). 

" Woodrow Wilson," in World's Work, XXIII, 522 (1912). 

Hart, A. B., "The Biography of a River and Harbor Bill," 

in Practical Essays on American Government. 

Actual Government, chs. 7, 14. 

Hearst's Magazine, XXI, 2 204d ff. (191 2), "The History of 

the Standard Oil Letters." On relations of Standard 

Oil Company to legislation. 
Hendrick, B. J., "Governor Hughes and the Albany Gang," 

in McClure's, XXXV, 495 (1910). 
"Woodrow Wilson: Political Leader," in McClure's, 

XXXVIII, 217 (1911). 
"Pork Barrel Pensions," in World's Work, XXIX, 521, 

713, and XXX, 99, 156 (1915). 
Hichborn, F., Story of the California Legislature of 1909. 

Story of the California Legislature of 1911. 

Hill, D. B., "We Are Too Much Governed," in No. Am. Rev. 9 

CLXX, 367 (1900). 
Hinds, A. C, "The Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., Ill, 153 (1909). 
House Reports, 2d session, 63d Congress, No. 570 (1914). 

Committee on judiciary charges against member of the 

house and concerning lobby activities. 
Howe, F. C, "Choose Your Congressman/ ' in Everybody's, 

XXIII, 593 (1910). 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 567 

Howland, H. J., "Hughes, Governor," in Outlook, LXXXVIII, 

303 (1908). 
Hull, M. D., "Legislative Procedure," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., 

VII, 739 (1913). On new rule in Illinois legislature of 

1913- 
Humphreys, B. G., "The Inside of the Pork Barrel," in Satur- 
day Evening Post, CLXXXVI, 16 (May 25, 19 14). 
Kelley, Florence, "Woman and Social Legislation in the 

U. S.," in Annals, LVI, 62 (1914). 
Kelley, M. C., Machine Made Legislation (191 2). 
Lindsey, B. B., "The Beast and the Jungle," in Everybody's, 

XXI, 433, 579, 770 (1909). On big business in Colorado 

politics and legislation. 
Literary Digest, XLII, 869 (1911), "The New Order in New 

Jersey." On Woodrow Wilson as governor. 
LXVI, 1164 (1913), "Governor Sulzer's Fight on Tam- 
many." 
LXVI, 1257 (1913), "The President's War on the 

Tariff Lobby." 

LXVII, 3 (1913), "Hunting the Insidious Lobbyist." 

LXVII, 43 (1913), "Smoking Out the Invisible Govern- 
ment." 
Lowell, A. L., "The Influence of Party upon Legislation in 

England and America," in Am. Hist. Assn. Report, I, 

319 (1901). 
MacAdam, H., "The Insurgents," in Everybody's, XXVI, 770 

(1912). 
MacDonagh, M., "Mr. Speaker," in Nineteenth Century, 

LVIII, 320 (1905). On the English speaker. 
Macfarlane, P. C., " The President in Practice," in Collier's, 

LIII, April 18, 1914, p. 5. On President Wilson. 
McGloin, F., "Shall the [Louisiana] Lottery's Charter Be 

Renewed?" in Forum, XII, 555 (1891-92). 
McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, I, 

476, "Corruption, Legislative"; II, 362, "Lobby"; III, 

369, "Speaker of the House." 
McMaster, J. B., With the Fathers (1902), pp. 71-86, "The 

Political Depravity of the Fathers." 
"The Political Depravity of the Fathers," in Atlantic 

Monthly, LXXV, 626 (1895). 



568 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Mason, E. C, The Veto Power (1891). 

Mathews, J. M., "The New Role of the Governor," in Am. 
Pol. Set. Rev., VI, 216 (1912). 

National Voters' League, Bulletins, and The Searchlight on 
Congress, issued monthly. 

Nelson, H. L., "Making Laws at Washington: Government 
by the Hierarchy," in Century, LXIV, 169 (1902). 

New York Constitutional Convention, 1894, Revised Record, 
III, 1083, 1 162; IV, 34 ff. On gerrymander. 

Legislative Insurance Investigation Committee, Report, 

VII, 300, and index, 555. 

Ostrogorski, M., Democracy and the Organization of Political 
Parties (1902), II. (See index.) 

Democracy and the Party System (1910), ch. 13. 

Outlook, LXXXIX, 12 (1908). "Government by Oligarchy." 

XCVI, 857 (1910), "How I Was Converted Politically." 

On railroads in Kansas politics. 

XCVI, 990 ( 1 910), "A Railway Out of Politics." The 

Boston and Maine. 

Philadelphia Public Ledger, September 22, 1 9 1 3 . An extended 
account of organized labor's congressional lobby, based 
upon charges made by the National Association of 
Manufacturers. 

Pollock, I. L., "Some Abuses Connected with Statute Law- 
Making," in Statute Law-Making in Iowa (191 6), pp. 
611-687; m vol. Ill, Iowa Applied History Series, 

Reinsch, P. S., American Legislatures and Legislative Methods 
(1907). 

Readings on American Federal Government (1909), pp. 

223 ff. 

Readings in American State Governments (191 1). 

Review of Reviews, IV, 497 (1891), "Down with Gerryman- 
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XLI, 387 (1910), "The New York System." On legis- 
lative corruption. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, "Thomas Brackett Reed and the Fifty- 
first Congress," in Forum, XX, 410 (1895-96). 

"Practical Politics," in Outlook, CIII, 917 (1913). 

Russell, C. E., "Scientific Corruption in Politics," in Hamp- 
tons, XXIV, 843 (1910). On Pacific Railway lobby in 
Congress. 



Practical Politics in Legislative Bodies 569 

Russell, C. E., "The Railroad Machine as It Now Works," 
in Hampton's, XXV, 364 (1010). 

"What Are You Going to Do About It?" in Cosmo- 
politan, XLIX, 147, 283, 466; L, 45, 151 (iqio-ii). On 
legislative corruption. 

Schaffner, Margaret A., Lobbying, Wisconsin Legislative 
Reference Bulletin No. 2 (1906). 

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index. On Pacific Railway lobby. 

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Atlantic Monthly, XCIII, 109 (1904). 

Spofford, A. R., "Lobby," in Lalor, II, 778. 

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Rev., CLXXXVIII, 495 (1908). 

Thomas, C. S., "My Adventures with the Sugar Lobby," in 
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Turner, G. K., "What Wilson Is Up Against," in McClure's, 
XL, 148 (1913). 

Villard, O. G., "The Mystery of Woodrow Wilson," in No. 
Am. Rev., CCIV, 362 (1916). 

Wicliffe, J. C, "The Louisiana Lottery: A History of the 
Company," in Forum, XII, 569 (1891-92). 

Wilson, Woodrow, Constitutional Government in the United 
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XXIV, 265 (1912), "The Climb of the Pension Tax." 

Charts given. 

XXIX, 489 (1915), "A Two-Year Record." On Pres- 
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— —XXXII, 259 (1916), "A New $100,000,000 Pork Bar- 
rel." On the army appropriation bill, 191 6, 



CHAPTER XX 



(i) Con- 
stitutional 
limitations 



(2) Re- 
forms in 
legislative 
organiza- 
tion and 
procedure 



REMEDIES FOR LEGISLATIVE EVILS. IMMUNITY 
LAWS. ANTI-LOBBYING LAWS. LEGISLATIVE 
REFERENCE LIBRARIES. VOTERS' LEAGUES. 
THE INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM 

Of the numerous plans or devices which have been 
suggested from time to time as remedies for the evil 
legislative practices noted in the last two chapters, 
the following are the most important and deserving 
of careful consideration. 

(1) Most State constitutions, reflecting the general 
distrust of legislatures and disappointment over the 
results achieved by them, contain provisions designed 
to remedy certain legislative evils: by limiting the 
duration of legislative sessions and making them less 
frequent; by defining and regulating the main steps 
in procedure and safeguarding against hasty, ill-con- 
sidered, and one-sided legislation; by prohibiting the 
enactment of special and local laws where a general 
law can be made to apply. As has already been 
stated, such constitutional provisions are not infre- 
quently disregarded in actual practice. 1 

(2) Numerous changes in legislative organization 
and procedure have been proposed: for example, a 
reduction in the number and size of the committees; 
committee assignments to be made by a committee 

1 Reinsch, 129-130. For a summary of other constitutional re- 
strictions, see Beard, 531-532, and Beard and Shultz, Documents , 
3-12. 

570 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 571 

on committees instead of by the speaker; election of 
committee chairmen by members of each committee, 
and the selection of committee employees in the 
same manner; each committee to keep and publish 
regularly a calendar of business referred to it; pub- 
licity for all committee hearings and caucus sessions, 
including the keeping and publication of the records 
of all committee sessions; the installation of an elec- 
trical system for recording yea and nay votes/ thereby 
saving an immense amount of time now consumed 
in roll-calls. Legislative rules sometimes attempt to 
guard against the smothering of bills in committee by 
providing that after a committee has had a bill under 
consideration a certain length of time without re- 
porting, the committee may be discharged from fur- 
ther consideration of the measure by a vote of the 
house, whereupon the bill automatically goes upon 
the calendar for consideration by the house. Gener- 
ally, however, the vote required to discharge a com- 
mittee is so high as to render the rule ineffective. 
Finally, in Congress and most of our State Legisla- 
tures an easier method of amending rules from time 
to time to keep them in harmony with the will of the 
majority is highly desirable. 

(3) In order to minimize the evil of partisan de- (3)Judi- 
cisions in contested election cases affecting members cisionof 
of legislative bodies, it has been suggested that all contested 

election 

such cases be tried and determined in the ordinary cases 
courts of justice where the rights of each party may 
receive more impartial consideration. 

1 The installation of such a system was authorized by the Wiscon- 
sin legislature in 191 5; see Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., X, 335 (19 16), and 
Lynn Haines. Your Congress (1915), 117. 



572 Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(4) Veto 
of specific 
appropria- 
tions, and 
the " local 
co-operat- 
ing plan " 



(4) Power conferred upon the President, governor, 
or mayor to veto or reduce specific items in appro- 
priation bills might be, and in some States has proved 
to be, an effective means of checking legislative ex- 
travagance. On the other hand, there is a constant 
temptation for the legislature to curry favor with 
various constituencies by voting large appropriations 
for those districts and throwing upon the governor the 
responsibility for the veto or reduction of the amounts 
thus appropriated. The possibility also of the mis- 
use of this veto power by unscrupulous executives 
has already been mentioned. 1 

Another possible check upon congressional extrav- 
agance is embodied in the suggestion called "the local 
co-operating plan." According to this plan, Federal 
appropriations for public works or buildings, usually 
included in the term "pork-barrel legislation/ ' should 
be proportioned to the willingness of the community 
deriving the main advantage therefrom to contribute 
a reasonable amount, perhaps one-tenth, toward the 
cost of such enterprises. It is claimed that this plan 
"would provide the necessary balance-wheel of econ- 
omy by transferring to public finance the well-known 
rule of organized benevolence — to help those who are 
trying to help themselves." 2 

The adoption of a thoroughgoing responsible bud- 
get system by Congress and the State Legislatures as 
well would likewise tend very materially to curb 
legislative extravagance. 

(5) Bribery of legislators could be materially re- 

1 See chapter XIX. 

1 Anson Phelps Stokes, Jr., in Harper's Weekly, LVIT, March 22, 
I 9 I 3> P- 9- See a ^ so World's Work, XXXII, 607 (1916). 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 573 

duced, if not extirpated, by the adoption of so-called (5) "im~ 
" immunity statutes/' which free from punishment Xtutes 
the party to a bribery transaction who confesses and 
furnishes evidence for the conviction of the other 
party or parties. At present the laws of most States 
hold the bribe-giver and the bribe-taker equally 
guilty and are ineffective. Bribery is essentially a 
crime of darkness; only two persons, as a rule, have 
knowledge of it, the bribe-giver and the bribe-taker. 
Ordinarily, there are no disinterested witnesses of the 
transaction. The parties arrange to meet in secret 
and in secret arrange the details of their agreement. 
They are careful to leave no record or memorandum 
which might be made the basis of prosecution. Being 
equally guilty, both have the strongest motive for 
concealing the crime. For either to disclose the 
transaction may result in his own prosecution and the 
escape of the other equally guilty party. Thus the 
punishment of these and similar offenses has often 
been placed practically beyond the power of the law. 
In order to meet this situation, immunity laws have 
been enacted in a few States. To the objection that 
it is unjust that the bribe-giver should be permitted 
to go free while the bribe-taker is punished, or vice 
versa, the reply is that it is better to have one of two 
guilty parties given immunity than to permit both 
to escape prosecution and a most serious crime to go 
entirely unwhipped of justice. 1 

1 F. E. McGovern, in Am. Pol. Sci. Assn. Proceedings, IV, 266 
(1907). "We- make a statute declaring that the bribe-taker shall 
be punished as a felon ... in the same rule provision is made that 
the man who offers the bribe shall also be a felon, and thereby we 
wipe out the only available witness to the transaction." M. Gar- 
denshire, in No. Am. Rev., CXCI, 485 (1910). 



574 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(6) Legis- 
lative ref- 
erence li- 
braries 



The Wis- 
consin ex- 
periment 



(6) The most obvious remedy for evils due mainly 
to the character of legislators and their lack of proper 
qualifications for lawmaking consists in the nomina- 
tion and election of men better qualified by character, - 
training, and practical experience for the important 
work of legislation. Increased popular interest in 
nominations and improvements in nominating meth- 
ods will tend in this direction. 

A quicker agency for supplying some, at least, of 
the needed training and experience is to be found in 
the creation of a competent legislative reference li- 
brary or bureau. This experiment was first success- 
fully tried in Wisconsin. A few years ago the legis- 
lature of that State voted a small appropriation for a 
legislative reference library, and a man thoroughly 
trained in history, economics, and politics was put 
in charge. With a small expenditure of money he 
rapidly gathered a valuable collection of reports, bills, 
and laws — catalogued and indexed so as to be at all 
times readily available. When the legislature con- 
vened, the librarian was ready to give every member 
impartial service and reliable information. No mat- 
ter what subject a member might be interested in, or 
what bill he might be desirous of introducing or com- 
bating, the librarian was able quickly to furnish in- 
formation as to what other States had done, how such 
legislative experiments had succeeded, and how to 
frame his own proposals. Bills were drafted for mem- 
bers at their request, and they were given hints on 
important points of practice, and even arguments 
were prepared for them if they so desired. Unwearied 
service, universal helpfulness, impartial and tactful 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 575 

dealing with any public question brought up, enabled 
the expert to give the members exactly what they 
needed, to furnish them a place where they could 
go in the fullest confidence that the best sort of in- 
formation and assistance which any effort could se- 
cure would be supplied to them. "The result has 
been most gratifying. Already, long before the ses- 
sion begins, inquiries commence to pour in asking for 
information concerning legislative precedents, condi- 
tions in this and other States, the feasibility and con- 
stitutionality of laws, etc. Throughout the session 
the expert and all his assistants are working at red 
heat, keeping abreast with the endless and exacting 
demands made upon them. The members of the 
legislature, having an unpolluted source of informa- 
tion at their command, gain self-reliance and confi- 
dence; they are able to meet the pleader for special 
interests with strong arguments drawn from their in- 
dependent armory. Some of the experienced legisla- 
tive counsel who appeared before this legislature de- 
clared they had never come before a body of men so 
well informed and so keen in their insight, and yet no 
more than good average representatives of the people 
of the State. Moreover, seeing the bearing of the 
questions with which they were dealing, not confused 
by half-understood arguments, the members have 
taken an increased interest in the work before them." 1 
Institutions performing similar functions are now 
in successful operation in more than half the States 
of the Union, and in 191 5 Congress appropriated 
$25,000 for the establishment of a legislative refer- 

1 Reinsch, 296-297. 



576 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

ence division in connection with the Library of 
Congress. The librarian of Congress is directed "to 
employ competent persons to gather, classify, and 
make available, in translations, indexes, digests, com- 
pilations, and bulletins, and otherwise, data for or 
bearing upon legislation, and to render such data 
serviceable to Congress and committees and mem- 
bers thereof." 1 
The New To serve a similar purpose, New York has provided 
method by statute that the temporary president of the Senate 
and the speaker of the assembly shall appoint a num- 
ber of competent drafters, whose duty it shall be, 
during the session of the legislature, on the request of 
either house, or of a committee, member, or officer 
thereof, to draw bills, examine and revise proposed 
bills, and advise as to the consistency and legal ef- 
fect of any legislation. Unfortunately, however, this 
group of supposed experts is by no means always 
consulted. 2 
(7) Legis- (7) More effective methods of enlightening the pub- 
voters' ^ c concerning legislative proceedings, and of bringing 
leagues public opinion to bear upon legislative bodies, have in 
two or three States done much to defeat pernicious 
legislation and to prevent the re-election of corrupt 
members; also to bring about the enactment of much 
desirable legislation. Only a beginning of really effi- 
cient work in this direction has been made. The most 
noteworthy examples are to be found in the work of 
the Massachusetts Civic League, the committee on 
legislation of the Citizens' Union of New York City, 

1 See Herbert Putnam, in Am. Pol. Set. Rev., IX, 542 (191 5). 

2 Beard, 542. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 577 

and the Legislative Voters' League of the State of 
Illinois. Such organizations have been aptly called 
"the people's lobby." Of such non-partisan organi- 
zations, perhaps none is more efficient than the Illi- 
nois Legislative Voters' League. The objects of the 
league, as set forth in its by-laws, are the promo- 
tion of good government through the agency of the 
legislature: "(i) by assisting the public to form a 
correct judgment concerning the work and character 
of the members of the legislature; (2) by aiding in the 
nomination and election of desirable legislators, and 
in retaining their service as long as possible; (3) by 
furnishing the public and members of the legislature 
with exact information concerning the scope and pur- 
pose of proposed legislation." In furtherance of these 
objects, the league now issues a regular monthly 
publication called The Assembly Bulletin, devoted to 
" the discussion of all important legislative topics upon 
which public interest is centred." The league is 
sustained entirely by voluntary financial contribu- 
tions. Some of its recent Bulletins have dealt with 
improvements in legislative organization and proce- 
dure, committee costs and legislative expense ac- 
counts, padded pay-rolls, legislative extravagance and 
budget reform, and codification of the election laws. 
At the close of each session a report is issued on the 
work of the session, and before each primary and 
general election reports are issued setting forth suc- 
cinctly the qualifications and record of each candi- 
date along with the league's recommendations. 

The same sort of information respecting the quali- 
fications and records of members of Congress and the 



578 Political Parties and Practical Politic* 

organization and proceedings of that body is now 
being furnished to the public by the National Voters' 
League, another non-partisan body supported by pri- 
vate contributions. The league was organized about 
1 9 13, and during its early existence issued occasional 
bulletins bearing upon the work of Congress. Re- 
cently it has begun the publication of a regular 
monthly bulletin, called The Searchlight on Congress, 
and an annual publication which presents a careful 
analysis of the chief acts of Congress and the records 
of members and gives other important information 
along with suggested reforms. All this information 
is " directed solely to improve the personnel of Con- 
gress and to reform its procedure. " The league is 
prosecuting a most important educational work with 
"publicity as its sole weapon." l 
(8) Pub- (8) For the evil of the gerrymander, publicity 

propor? seems just at present to be the most practicable rem- 
tionai e dy. If the non-partisan press and organizations 

tation working for clean politics would undertake a cam- 
paign of education while apportionment acts are pend- 
ing in the various State Legislatures; if they would 
bring before the eyes of the voters maps of the dis- 
tricts, present and proposed, calling attention to 
obvious examples of gerrymander and significant ma- 
jorities — in other words, if the great mass of intelli- 
gent, honest voters could once be made to understand 
how they are tricked — the legislators would be likely 

1 The National Voters' League maintains headquarters in Wash- 
ington in charge of Mr. Lynn Haines, secretary of the league. The 
annual subscription price for The Searchlight on Congress is one dol- 
lar. For a fuller account of the organization and work of the league, 
!see Lynn Haines, Your Congress (191 5), ch. 6. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 579 

to hesitate long before indulging in this sort of parti- 
san legislation. 1 So long, however, as representation 
in legislative bodies is based upon districts created by 
legislative act, with plurality elections, we shall prob- 
ably not be wholly free from the evils of the gerry- 
mander. 

A much more radical remedy would be to do away 
entirely with district representation in legislative 
bodies, national, State, and municipal, and substitute 
a system of proportional representation whereby each 
political party or considerable group of voters would 
be represented in the lawmaking body in almost ex- 
act proportion to the number of votes cast for each 
party or group. This is the gist of the system of 
proportional representation which in one form or 
another has been adopted in Belgium, Denmark, 
South Africa, some of the Swiss cantons, Tasmania, 
and for the proposed Irish parliament. The National 
Voters' League in the United States is advocating 
proportional representation for the choice of repre- 
sentatives in Congress; but most of the agitation 
for proportional representation in this country is be- 
ing directed toward its substitution for the perni- 
cious ward system of choosing municipal councilmen. 
Thus far, however, only one city, Ashtabula, Ohio, 2 
has adopted the system, although the plan has been 
formally proposed for discussion and adoption in 
St. Louis by the civic league of that city. 3 Propor- 

1 H. C. Griffin, in Outlook, XCVII, 193 (1911). 

2 Adopted in 191 5 and first employed in November, 19 15. Ash- 
tabula has a population of about 20,000. 

3 See A New System of City Elections for St. Louis. (Pamphlet, 
191 5.) Rejected at the November election, 1916. 



tions 



580 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

tional representation is a subject worthy of most 
careful study, for its adoption would not only elimi- 
nate the evils of the gerrymander, but seems calcu- 
lated to render our legislative bodies a great deal 
more truly representative of the various shades of 
political opinion than even the best of them now are. 1 
(9) Anti- (9) To curb the evils of lobbying and at the same 

laws 3 ^ 2 time give a legal status to permissible lobbying, the 
reguia- legislatures of several States have adopted, within a 
few years, " anti-lobbying " laws or rules. The main 
features of these statutes or rules may be summarized 
as follows: All persons lobbying in the interest of in- 
dividuals, private associations, or corporations are 
divided into two classes — legislative counsel and legis- 
lative agents. Those classed as legislative counsel in- 
clude persons employed to appear at public hearings 
before committees for the purpose of making argu- 
ments or examining witnesses and those who act as 
legal advisers in relation to legislation. The second 
class includes all others who endeavor to promote or 
defeat legislation through personal appeals to legisla- 
tors. Before acting in either capacity a lobbyist is 
required to file a written authorization to act, and 
also to enter in a register or docket open to public 
inspection his own name, address, occupation, date 
and length of employment, the name of his employer, 
and the subjects of legislation to which his employ- 
ment relates. Within thirty days after the final ad- 
journment of the legislature every person, corpora- 

1 The Proportional Representation Review (subscription price, 
twenty cents) is published quarterly by the American Proportional 
Representation League, of which Mr. C. G. Hoag, Haverford, Pa., is 
the general secretary-treasurer. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 581 

tion, or association employing legislative agents of 
either class is required to file a sworn statement of 
expenses with the secretary of state or other desig- 
nated official. Municipalities and other public cor- 
porations are exempted from these provisions. Em- 
ployment for compensation contingent upon success 
is not permitted. The Wisconsin law of 1905 specifi- 
cally makes it unlawful for any legislative counsel or 
agent to attempt to influence any legislator person- 
ally and directly otherwise than by appearing before 
the regular committees, or by newspaper publica- 
tions, or by public addresses, or by written or printed 
statements, arguments, or briefs delivered to each 
member of the legislature. 1 

(10) Of the numerous remedies for legislative evils (10) Di- 

rcct l6£fis~ 

now being considered, none is attracting so much \ SL ^ on 
attention as the system of direct legislation insured 
by the adoption of the initiative and referendum. 
Nearly one-half of the States have already adopted 
direct legislation in some form, while in others the 
subject is receiving serious consideration. 2 Although 
Oregon is the only State in which the initiative and 
referendum have been given an extended trial, the 
movement for their adoption is not confined to any 
particular section of the country, nor to States domi- 
nated by any one political party; in other words, it is 
neither sectional nor partisan. 

, Briefly defined, the initiative is "a scheme whereby 
a small percentage of the voters may initiate a law 

^einsch, 294; The Nation, LXXI, 206 (1900). 
2 For a list of States having the initiative and referendum, see the 
latest edition of the American Year Book. 



582 Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Definition 
of initia- 
tive and 
referen- 
dum 



The initi- 
ative and 
referen- 
dum are 
comple- 
mentary 



and secure its adoption upon ratification by popular 
vote; and the referendum is the plan whereby a small 
percentage of the voters may require the reference of 
any act of the legislature to the electorate for ap- 
proval or rejection." x "The referendum enables the 
people to veto undesired legislation. The initiative 
enables the people to enact desired legislation." 2 

From this definition it will be seen that the initia- 
tive and referendum, as remedies for legislative evils, 
are complementary. Alone, the referendum affords a 
check upon legislative action but does not provide for 
positive action by the people. It is in effect a popular 
veto — a further course which bills must take before 
becoming laws. The referendum may stand alone; 
the initiative, on the other hand, cannot stand alone. 
To be effective, the initiative must be combined with 
the referendum, otherwise there would be no im- 
provement upon the practice existing at the present 
time whereby bills privately drafted are introduced 
into a legislature "by request." With the initiative, 
the people have the power not only to originate a bill, 
but they have, what is far more important, the power 
to bring about its adoption through a referendum 
vote of the people. Together the initiative and ref- 
erendum constitute what is called "direct legislation," 
because where they exist the people may themselves 
enact laws directly without the necessity of acting 
indirectly through representatives. 3 

1 C. A. Beard, in Beard and Shultz's Documents, 20. 

2 W. E. Weyl, in The New Democracy, 306. 

3 J. B. Sanborn, in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXIII, 587 (1908). See E. P. 
Oberholtzer, The Referendum in America (new edition, 191 2), ch. 15. 
The initiative and referendum as applied to the amendment of State 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 583 

At the outset it is important to distinguish two dis- Two pur- 
tinct purposes of the system of direct legislation. Xkect° 
One class of advocates declare that the principal func- legislation 
tion of the initiative and referendum is "to educate 
the voters that they are part and parcel of the gov- 
ernment to which they pay tax tribute; that the 
laws under which they live and move are the crea- 
tures of their volition, not of a higher power to which 
they are subordinate." Others, holding a different 
conception, insist that direct legislation is but an- 
other check upon representative government. "Its 
function under this view is to prevent misrepresenta- 
tion; to make possible the passage of laws which the 
legislature has refused to enact, despite a public de- 
mand therefor, and to enable voters to place their 
composite veto on measures which have been written 
on the books in defiance of the popular will. The 
education of the electorate in governmental action is 
an incident of the use of the initiative and referendum, 
not their primary purpose; and the success of the in- 
itiative and referendum in any State is in inverse 
proportion to the number of initiated and referred 
measures. If few laws need to be initiated and re- 
ferred, the legislature is representing the electorate; 
and the initiative and referendum are accomplishing 
their highest purpose if they inspire in legislators a 
wholesome respect for the power of public opinion." l 
It is with the latter function in mind that the initia- 
tive and referendum will be discussed in this chapter. 

constitutions and for purposes of local legislation will not be consid- 
ered in this chapter. 

1 W. A. Schnader, in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., X, 516 (1916). 



584 Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Optional 
and oblig- 
atory ref- 
erendum 



Procedure 
under the 
initiative 



A referendum may be either optional or obligatory. 
When the legislature desires to obtain an expression 
of popular sentiment upon a pending measure it may 
provide that the measure shall not go into effect until 
it has been ratified by the people at an election; or 
else it is left to different districts or counties to deter- 
mine by popular vote whether the law shall apply to 
that district or county. This is called an optional 
referendum. Where the obligatory referendum ex- 
ists, legal provision is made for suspending for a cer- 
tain time — usually ninety days from their passage — all 
ordinary legislative enactments. During that period 
the people have an opportunity to scrutinize the work 
of their legislature. If a stated percentage of them 
agree that a certain act is undesirable, they can, by 
filing a petition, prevent that act from taking effect 
until it can be submitted to the people and ratified 
by a popular vote. Excepted from the operation of 
the obligatory referendum are certain acts designated 
as " emergency measures." l Unless otherwise indi- 
cated, it is always the obligatory referendum that is 
referred to in discussions of the initiative and refer- 
endum as remedies for legislative evils. 

The initiative may be invoked when the legislature, 
for any reason, has failed to pass certain measures de- 
sired by the people or has neglected to pass laws for 
the public interest. In such a case a citizen, or a 
group of citizens, may, with or without the advice of 
lawyers, draw up a bill which in their judgment meets 
the situation satisfactorily. Having done this, the 

1 The obligatory referendum also applies to bills originating under 
the initiative process. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 585 

next step is to obtain the signatures of the necessary 
percentage of voters to a petition requesting the en- 
actment of this bill into law. This petition having 
been filed with the proper authority, one of two 
courses is provided by initiative and referendum stat- 
utes. The bill may be presented to the legislature for 
its action either at the next regular session or at a 
special session. If the legislature enacts the bill thus 
submitted to it, it becomes a law without the neces- 
sity of a referendum, although voters who disapprove 
of the law may invoke a referendum after it passes 
the legislature by complying with the usual formali- 
ties. In most States the legislature is not permitted 
to amend bills submitted to it under the initiative. 
If the legislature refuses or neglects to pass the bill, it 
is automatically referred to the people and becomes 
a law if approved by the required vote. To this 
method the name " indirect initiative" is applied. 
The other course, called the " direct initiative/' re- 
quires the submission of the bill to the people directly 
at the next election without preliminary submission 
to the legislature. 1 

The initiative and referendum are not limited in 
their application to State legislation. To municipal 
and other local legislation they have been extensively 
applied, and in the judgment of not a few they have 
achieved their greatest successes in this more re- 
stricted sphere. On the other hand, there are those, 
notably the Socialists, who believe the adoption of 

1 In States having the initiative and referendum the governor has 
no veto upon legislation enacted directly by the people. For varia- 
tions in the application and scope of initiative and referendum stat- 
utes, see Beard and Shultz, Documents, 20-21. 



586 Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Advan- 
tages of 

direct leg- 
islation : 
(i) The 
people 
may 
secure 
desired 
legislation 

(2) Lobby- 
ing and 
special 
legislation 
will be 
greatly 
dimin- 
ished 



the initiative and referendum in connection with na- 
tional legislation would serve to remedy many of the 
evils connected with congressional lawmaking. 1 

The principal claims made on behalf of the initiative 
and referendum may be briefly summarized. (1) The 
distinguishing merit of the initiative is seen in its defi- 
nition. It affords a means by which the people may 
obtain desirable and needed legislation which the leg- 
islature for any reason has failed to enact. 

(2) Under the referendum the worst forms of lobby- 
ing and the obtaining of special favors through legis- 
lation can be very largely eliminated and at the same 
time the character of our legislative bodies improved. 
Special favors through legislation are usually obtained 
as a result of the pressure exerted by the lobby, a 
pressure which is so concentrated upon a compara- 
tively few members as to be irresistible. This con- 
centrated pressure exists simply because, in the ab- 
sence of the referendum, the decision of the legislature 
is final. This finality imparts a commercial value to 
these decisions. If the people could always demand 
a referendum, legislative acts, being no longer final, 
would soon lose their commercial value, and any 
pressure of special interests upon the public would 
necessarily be so widely diffused as to lose the crush- 
ing force it has when concentrated upon the legisla- 
ture. As a result, the lobby would largely disappear 
and legislative bodies would once more become de- 
liberative assemblies in which it would be a pleasure 
for men of intelligence and conscience to sit. 2 It 

1 See the Socialist platform of 10 i(> in chapter III. 

* Senate Documents, 2d session, 55th Congress, XXVI, No. 340, p. 13. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 587 

should be further noted that " hold-up " or blackmail- 
ing bills would largely cease to trouble, since the cor- 
porations affected can appeal to the people with iuil 
assurance that public opinion will not approve legis- 
lation of that character. 1 

(3) The initiative and referendum possess great (3) Direct 
educational value because they permit "one section ^fim** 10 * 1 
of the people most interested in some law to propose P ortan t 

• • • ■ means of 

that law, force a pubhc discussion and consideration educating 
by every voter, not on the character and promises of J^j^^ 
some candidate for office, but on a definite and real 
measure." 2 It is the pronounced opinion of one 
thoroughly familiar with the operation of the initia- 
tive and referendum in Oregon, where the system has 
had the most complete trial, that, "on the whole, laws 
enacted by the people are more carefully prepared, 
more widely discussed, and more thoroughly consid- 
ered than are the acts of a legislature." 3 

This result is largely attributed to the wise provi- Oregon's 
sions in the Oregon law guaranteeing ample publicity ity pam- 
for measures and providing for the education of the i* 16 *" 
voters with respect to the merits and defects of pro- 
posed legislation. To illustrate, a bill privately initi- 
ated must be filed not less than four months before 
the day of election. Before this the measure secures 
publicity through the requirement that the substance 
of the bill must be printed on the petitions which are 
circulated for signature asking for the referendum 01 
the measure. Education of the voters is provided for 

1 Jonathan Bourne, Jr., in Atlantic Monthly, CIX, 125 (1912). 

2 New Encyclopedia of Social Reform. 

3 Jonathan Bourne, Jr., op. oil. 



588 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

by a publicity pamphlet prepared by the secretary 
of state and mailed to every voter at least fifty-five 
days before the election. This pamphlet contains full 
copies of the bills to be voted upon, the title and num- 
ber of each as it will appear on the official ballot, to- 
gether with arguments for and against each measure 
furnished by those who are sufficiently interested to 
be willing to pay the bare cost of paper and printing. 1 
No such opportunity for the study of legislation, it 
is claimed, is afforded either to the members of the 
legislature or to the people of a State where the initia- 
tive and referendum do not exist. 2 

(4) stat- (4) As the people have to understand the laws thus 
be made referred to them, there is every incentive to make the 

laws simple, direct, and easily intelligible in their pro- 
visions. When it is known that a bill must be en- 
acted or rejected exactly as drawn, "the framers of 
measures will spend weeks and months in studying 
the subject and writing the bill in order to have it 
free from unsatisfactory features," and expressed in 
language readily comprehended by citizens of average 
intelligence. 3 

(5) The (5) In at least one respect the initiative and ref- 
taskwouid eren dum tend to simplify and clarify the voter's task, 
be simpii- Under our present system of choosing representatives 

to make our laws, the character and personality of 
candidates and the necessity of party success are 
kept constantly before the voters. We are never 

1 G. H. Haynes, in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXII, 484 (1907). 

2 Jonathan Bourne, Jr., op. cit. Publicity pamphlets are alsa 
issued in California, Nebraska., Ohio, Oklahoma, South Dakota, and 
Washington. 

3 Ibid. 



more in- 
telligible 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 589 

quite certain what sort of legislation will be enacted 
by the men whom we send to the legislature or city 
council, or to Congress, for in comparatively few 
cases are candidates pledged to vote for a definite 
measure. Even when they are so pledged, there is 
no assurance that a good representative will remain 
good after he is elected and redeem his pre-election 
promises. Under the initiative and referendum, on 
the other hand, a definite measure is submitted to the 
voter for his approval or disapproval. He can decide 
whether he wishes this particular law or prefers some 
other law, without regard to the character and 
promises of candidates and the importance of party 
success. 

The essentially radical nature of the initiative and Oppo- 
referendum as remedies for legislative evils has evoked a^t 
very strong opposition to their introduction and has tefiWatio* 
sharpened the vision of hostile critics. Those who op- 
pose the introduction of the initiative and referendum 
may be grouped into the following six classes: Those 
who do not understand, or else misconceive, the na- 
ture and workings of the initiative and referendum as 
now employed in the United States; those who think 
that our principal legislative evils are due to indiffer- 
ence on the part of the voters in selecting State and 
municipal officers and the lack of minority represen- 
tation in legislative bodies; those who think that di- 
rect legislation will interfere with the dignity and 
usefulness of the legislature, even if it does not go 
further and destroy our representative system of gov- 
ernment with its checks and balances ; those who dis- 
trust the people, and really believe that the people 



590 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



Objec- 
tions to 

direct leg- 
islation : 
(i) It is 
unconsti- 
tutional 



(2) The 
system of 
checks 
and bal- 
ances 
would be 
destroyed 



are not fit to govern themselves, and those who dis- 
like popular government of any kind; the ultra-con- 
servatives, who by reason of temperament or interest 
object to radical changes of any kind — those who are 
satisfied with the institutions their fathers had, who 
regard it as disrespectful to presume to improve upon 
their methods; those whose personal schemes will be 
upset by the referendum — the predatory rich, who 
want franchises, special privileges, " jobs," grafts, etc., 
and who believe that it is easier to get these from a 
representative legislature than from the people, and 
of course the professional classes dependent upon this 
class. 1 

The main objections to or criticisms of the initiative 
and referendum may be summarized as follows: (i) 
Direct legislation by the people is inconsistent with 
the continuance of a republican form of government, 
which, by the Federal Constitution, Congress is 
bound to guarantee to every State. This contention 
has been set at rest by a recent decision of the Su- 
preme Court of the United States in a case arising in 
Oregon, which in effect established the constitution- 
ality of the system prevailing in that State. 2 

(2) The continued existence of the American prin- 
ciple of separate and co-ordinate departments of gov- 
ernment would be undermined by direct participation 
of the people in legislation. The veto of the execu- 
tive would be rendered ineffective; the function of 
our supreme courts to pass on the constitutionality of 

1 Frank Parsons, in Senate Documents, 3d session, 55th Congress, 
XXVI, No. 340, p. 143; New Encyclopedia of Social Reform. 

2 Pacific States Telephone and Telegraph Co. vs. The State of 
Oregon, decided February, 191 2. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 591 

statutes would be destroyed and the whole fabric of 
checks and balances would be distorted. 1 

To this line of argument the reply is made that the The re- 
initiative and referendum system as now in operation ^J c [ le g is . 
in the United States is everywhere an alternative sys- latum only 

an alter- 

tern. No attempt is made to abolish lawmaking by native 
the representative legislature, but only to supplement met ° 
it and to provide a wholesome check thereon. Where 
the legislature stands ready to do the will of the 
people, recourse to direct legislation is unnecessary; 
should the legislature fail, however, to embody in the 
form of law principles demanded by the people, here 
is an institution through which the people themselves 
may perform that service. 2 Moreover, a study of the 
history of the initiative and referendum in those 
States where it has been in vogue shows that repre- 
sentative government is not destroyed. In most 
States the system has been invoked with relative in- 
frequency. It remains in abeyance, to be used when- 
ever any considerable portion of the voters think that 
the legislature has failed to do its duty. Even where 
resorted to most frequently, as in Oregon, the legis- 
lature has by no means been abolished or even set 
on the way to destruction. 3 

(3) The system of direct legislation tends to weaken 
or to shift the sense of legislative responsibility. With 
the referendum the legislator does not vote for or 

1 W. R. Peabody, in Pol. Sci. Quar., XX, 493 (1905); S. W. McCall, 

in Atlantic Monthly, CVIII, 461 (1911). 

2 S. G. Lowrie, in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., V, 571 (191 1). 

3 C. A. Beard, in Beard and Shultz's Documents, 23. Some of the 
more recent initiative and referendum laws provide for a prelimi- 
nary testing of the constitutionality of popularly initiated measures. 



592 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(3) The 
sense 
of legis- 
lative re- 
sponsibil- 
ity is 

weakened 
or shifted 



The reply 



against a bill; he merely votes to give the people an 
opportunity to vote on it. He does not need to ex- 
press his own opinion. He may say that his own 
views are immaterial; that, even if he is opposed to a 
bill, it would be unjust to refuse to allow the people 
a chance to express themselves. This feeling will 
affect his attitude toward all bills before the legisla- 
ture, because to practically every bill the referendum 
may be applied. Furthermore, the initiative would 
tend to shift responsibility. If new legislation is 
needed it may be submitted by the initiative peti- 
tion. If the legislators do not propose the measure 
needed they are not to be blamed: the failure of 
the people to use their initiative shows that they do 
not desire action upon the matter. 1 

It may be pointed out, in rebuttal, that these objec- 
tions ignore the existence of political parties, legisla- 
tive esprit de corps, and the personal pride of individ- 
ual members. The members of the legislature will 
continue to be chosen as party candidates, and the 
party must go before the people mainly on its record 
or promises respecting legislation. Party necessity, 
legislative esprit de corps, and personal pride of in- 
dividual members will furnish sufficient incentives to 
legislative activity and the assumption of due respon- 
sibility. It should also be remembered that the vast 
majority of laws will continue to be enacted by the 
legislature, for the initiative and referendum are in- 
voked with comparative infrequency. 

(4) The referendum may be used, it is claimed, not 
only against bad laws and those for the benefit of 

1 J. B. Sanborn, op. cit., 602-603. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 593 

special interests, but also to suspend really desirable (4) Good 
legislation until the next election, because it may bad i egis . 
happen to be opposed by some class in the State that jationmay 
succeeds in getting the necessary petition filed for a feated by 
referendum. 1 Even so, it may be doubted whether en dum 6r " 
the public would be any worse off than when legisla- 
tures adjourn without having enacted seriously needed 
laws. Under such circumstances ihft people are com- 
pelled to wait until the next session of the legislature, 
with no positive assurance that the necessary legis- 
lation will then be enacted. 2 

(5) It is predicted that laws originated under the (5) Under 
initiative will lack the proper phraseology and techni- f^^tive, 
cal form best adapted to accomplish their purpose, st .^ te ^ 
and that if there are a number of crudely drawn bills proper 
relating to the same subject it will be impossible to ll^ 10 * 1 
combine, ehminate, and amend them. 

On the other hand, it may be safely asserted that The reply 
there is nothing inherent in the plan of initiating leg- 
islation by groups of private parties which precludes 
an expertness and proper formality in the drafting of 
measures at least equal to that commonly secured in 
the average State Legislature. It is, of course, con- 
ceivable that a group of ignoramuses might draft a 
legal monstrosity; but in view of the fact that private 
persons would not initiate bills unless they were 
deeply interested in the success of their particular 
measures, there is every reason to suppose that they 
will employ competent legal talent in drafting them. 

1 Ibid., 593. An instance of this occurred a few years ago in 
South Dakota. 

2 C. A. Beard, in Beard and Shultz's Documents, 35. 



594 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

"All that talent and enterprise which is now em- 
ployed extra-legally in the drafting of bills for legis- 
latures may be drawn upon in the drafting of bills for 
popular initiation. . . . The technical side of legis- 
lation may be handled in practice quite as well under 
popular initiation as under legislative initiation. . . " l 
The sys- Furthermore, it is claimed to be quite possible for 

Maine a ^ the advantages of legislative criticism, discussion, 
and amendment to be combined with a system of 
direct legislation. Thus, for example, in Maine the 
legislature is permitted to submit along with the 
original bill a substitute or competing measure, the 
people being permitted to choose between them. Al- 
though this practice may tend to confusion and af- 
fords an opportunity for the insertion of amendments 
in the nature of "jokers," it gives the legislature an 
opportunity to point out and remedy any serious de- 
fects in the bill privately initiated. In another way 
the advantages of legislative consideration and re- 
vision may be secured: the initiative may be estab- 
lished as an adjunct to the legislature. Under such a 
system all bills are first introduced in the legislature. 
Every bill will be referred to an appropriate commit- 
tee, and opportunity will be given supporters and 
opponents to argue its merits and defects. It will be 
subject to amendment as any other measure and to 
debate and criticism in accordance with legislative 

1 The Minnesota plan proposed in 19 13 sought to prevent such 
delays by providing that no referendum petition should operate to 
suspend the execution of a law unless the petition was signed by 
fifteen per cent of the voters, whereas six per cent might bring about 
a referendum without suspension. See American Year Book, igi 3, 
p. 76. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 595 

rules. If it is finally passed in a form satisfactory to 
the originators, no further action is necessary. In 
the event of its defeat or amendment in such a way 
as to render it distasteful to them, the filing of a peti- 
tion signed by voters will bring the measure, with 
any amendments desired by the petitioners, directly 
before the people for final action. "In this way the 
legislature acts as a co-laborer rather than as a com- 
petitor of the people." It performs for the people the 
same functions that committees are supposed to per- 
form for the legislature itself. 1 

(6) It is objected that the referendum does not (6) Voters 
arouse sufficient interest on the part of the voters, as ^ e ^ e " nt 
shown by the fact that the vote on referenda is usu- t0 refer - 

enda 

ally much smaller than the vote cast at the same 
election for candidates for public offices. This might 
not be a defect, it is conceded, if those who voted were 
the most intelligent. On this point, however, there 
are very few statistical studies, but, judging from the 
widely accepted belief that the great proportion of the 
stay-at-home voters belong to the more intelligent 
class, it is probably not always the best class who vote 
on referenda. 2 It is further objected that voters who 
do not understand a proposition submitted to them, 
instead of voting against it, as is sometimes claimed, 
will not vote upon it at all, and their mere absten- 
tion may result in verdicts that are far from safe and 
sane. 3 

1 S. G. Lowrie, op. cit. 

2 J. B. Sanborn, op. cit., 594. On this point, see the results of an 
investigation of stay-at-home voters in Columbus and Cincinnati, 
Ohio, in 1915, in Nat. Mun. Rev., IV, 460 (1915). 

3 G. H. Haynes, in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXVI, 49 (191 1). 



596 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

The reply This objection loses much of its force, the advocates 
o£ direct legislation contend, when it is remembered 
that this indifference of the voters is frequently found 
in the referendum of constitutional amendments and 
even constitutions themselves, and the referendum of 
such matters is not attacked on that account. A light 
vote on statutes, as well as on constitutional amend- 
ments, may frequently be explained by the compara- 
tive unimportance of some subjects, or, in other in- 
stances, by the strong probability of their adoption 
on account of general acceptance. 1 Indeed, the small- 
ness of a vote on referenda may indicate not a lack 
of interest but a high degree of intelligence on the 
part of the voters. It often shows that the voters 
are aware of the fact that they do not know enough 
about some particular or local matter to warrant their 
expressing an opinion one way or another. "What 
does a voter in a lumber camp in the Adirondacks 
know about the advisability of exempting certain 
bonds in New York City from the operation of the 
debt limit ? Or what does the voter on West Seventy- 
second Street in New York City know about the 
desirability of increasing the number of judges in a 
judicial district in the western part of the State ? It 
is evident, therefore, that in order to ascertain the 
significance of popular voting upon referenda every 
case must be examined on its merits. A general sur- 
vey shows that for every instance of popular neglect 
another can be discovered of striking popular inter- 
est." 2 Not infrequently, as shown by the experience 

1 C. S. Lobinger, op. cit. 

2 C. A. Beard, in Beard and Schultz's Documents, 39. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 597 

of Illinois, the size of the total vote on a referred 
measure bears a direct relation to the amount of 
publicity it has received. "Whenever special efforts 
have been made to enlighten the public . . . the 
public has responded by giving such propositions a 
greater amount of consideration than others not so 
well advertised." l 

(7) Many of the subjects of legislation, it is as- (7) The 
serted, are so abstruse or technical that the mass of voter in- 
voters cannot be presumed to act upon them intelli- c JP abl « 

r ^ of dealing 

gently, because to do so wauld require a thorough with legis- 

knowledge of the subject concerning which legislation 

is proposed. The ordinary voter has no time, had he 

the inclination, for the careful study of measures 

which is essential to intelligent voting. He has not 

even time to meet the existing obligations imposed 

by our frequent elections and long ballot and to form 

an intelligent opinion of the merits of the candidates 

for all the different offices. 

In rebuttal, it is contended that this argument as- The reply 
sumes that legislators give to legislative enactments 
that careful and thorough study which enables them 
to vote intelligently upon every measure. But this 
ideal is seldom, if ever, realized by any legislative 
body in this country. Any one the least familiar 
with actual methods of legislation is aware of the vast 
amount of unwise, crudely drawn, and ill-considered 
legislation enacted and of the blind voting of mem- 
bers. If the system of direct legislation provides, as 
does the Oregon system, a means of giving the voters 
reliable information concerning the provisions and 

1 C. O. Gardner, in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., V, 411 (191 1). 



598 



Political Parties and Practical Politics 



(8) Direct 
legislation 
iutile so 
long as 
public in- 
terest in 
legislation 
is lacking 



The reply 



merits of referenda, there is little reason why the 
average citizen could not act as intelligently upon 
legislation as the average legislator. 1 

(8) The referendum tends to place the emphasis at 
the wrong end of legislative work. If we elect good 
men to the legislature, the need of checks of this kind 
will largely pass away. The fact that legislators are 
sometimes named and controlled by bosses is not the 
result of any defect in our legislative system but of 
public indifference. If this public indifference con- 
tinues, we cannot expect jthe initiative and referendum 
to succeed. When the public takes an interest in 
the work of the legislature, it will take an interest in 
the nomination and election of members. When this 
interest is manifested, the members will respond to 
the wishes of their constituents. Until this interest 
is taken, the initiative and referendum will be useless. 2 

To this the reply may be made that, where tried, 
the initiative and referendum have not proved useless 
but highly beneficial. The people have come to take 
a greater interest in legislative matters when they 
know that they are themselves responsible if bad leg- 
islation is permitted to stand. Moreover, it' is not 
always a question of electing good men to office, but 
often a question of keeping them good after they are 
elected. It has been found impossible to do this in 
many cases when the people have had no check upon 
the legislature, because of the concentrated pressure 
brought to bear by special interests whenever the 
decision of the legislature is final. 

1 On the experience of Illinois with referenda of technical measures, 
lee ibid. 

2 J. B. Sanborn, op. cit. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 509 

(9) Other criticisms of the initiative and referen- (9) Mis- 
dum, briefly summarized, include the objection that objections 
the public may be put to the trouble and expense of 
voting upon measures which may not have behind 
them a demand sufficient to warrant their submission 
to the voters; that usually there is nothing to prevent 
the proponents of measures which have once been 
defeated from repeatedly getting up petitions for the 
resubmission of the rejected bills; that wherever the 
initiative and referendum are in force a "new trade 
of getting signatures" to petitions develops, to the 
great annoyance of citizens; 1 and that gross frauds 
have characterized the work of securing initiative 
and referendum petitions. 

The existence of such defects may be admitted, but 
it is claimed in rebuttal that they are merely defects 
in detail and not vital to the principle of direct legis- 
lation; they inevitably appeared in the early, experi- 
mental period, but with increased experience, various 
devices and safeguards have been found which seem 
well calculated to eliminate these defects. 2 Some 
States, for example, now require publicity in the mat- 
ter of contributions to funds employed in financing 
campaigns under the initiative and referendum; others 
safeguard initiative and referendum petitions by plac- 
ing them under the protection of corrupt practices 
acts; while the Ogden bill, before the Maryland legis- 
lature in 1914, proposed to recognize the representa- 
tive character of elected members of the legislature 
in signing such petitions, so that the signature of a 

1 See B. J. Hendrick, in McClure's, XXXVII, 235 (191 1). 
1 For a detailed discussion of these and other safeguards, see W. A. 
Schnader, in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., X, 515 (1016). 



600 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

member would count for a certain numerical equiva- 
lent of the voters represented by that member. 1 
Conclu- A careful study of their actual operation justifies 
initiative 6 the conclusion that the initiative and referendum, 
and refer- ^ e j ^ direct primary, have failed to justify all the 

endumthe ■ . r ' J \ J J 

best rem- dire predictions of their opponents or to realize all 
present* ^ e °ptimistic expectations of their champions. As 
for legis- remedies for legislative evils, they are not perfect any 

lative 

ev ii s more than the Australian ballot or the direct primary 

is perfect. They are, however, apparently the best 
expedients available at present. With them, as with- 
out them, we shall undoubtedly enact into law a vast 
amount of " sublimated nonsense." Even were the 
average quality of our laws to be somewhat lowered, 
which seems improbable, we might well accept that 
drawback because of the measure of insurance which 
the direct appeal to the people^ gives us against cor- 
rupt legislation, and because of the guarantee that 
with the initiative the people can have desirable legis- 
lation, bosses, machines, and misrepresentative legis- 
latures to the contrary notwithstanding. 2 

QUESTIONS AND TOPICS 

i. What attempts have been made in different States to 
give publicity to or otherwise to regulate the proceedings of 
legislative committees? Also to regulate lobbying? 

2. What are the arguments for and against judicial deter- 
mination of contested legislative election cases? 

3. Outline the different schemes of proportional represen- 
tation and cumulative voting that have been proposed. 
How has cumulative voting worked in Illinois? (See Com- 
mons, Moore.) 

1 See E. S. Potts, in Rev. of Rev., LI, 212 (1915). 

2 W< E. Weyl, The New Democracy, 308. 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 601 

4. The work and achievements (a) of the Massachusetts 
Civic League, (b) of the Chicago Legislative Voters' League, 
and (c) of the " people's lobby" in New York. 

5. In how many and in what States have legislative refer- 
ence libraries or similar institutions been established? 

6. The initiative and referendum in Switzerland. (See 
Lowell, Rappard.) 

7. The referendum in recent English politics. 

8. The initiative and referendum in the American colonies. 

9. The initiative and referendum in the different States 
before adoption in South Dakota in 1898. 

10. What provisions appear in your own State constitution 
and city charter which reflect popular distrust of the legis- 
lature or city council ? 

n. Summarize the application and operation of the initia- 
tive and referendum in connection with local governments in 
the last decade. 

12. Compare the different steps prescribed by law in the 
several States for invoking the initiative and referendum. 

13. What are the respective merits of the initiative with 
and without preliminary reference of measures to the legis- 
lature? (Compare the California, Oregon, Washington, and 
proposed Wisconsin acts.) 

14. What measures are classed in different States as " emer- 
gency measures" to which the referendum may not apply? 
Has any unfair advantage been taken of these " emergency 
clauses"? (See Lowell.) 

15. The actual experience of the people of California, 
Illinois, and other States (except Oregon) with the initiative 
and referendum. 

16. The actual experience of the people of Oregon with the 
initiative and referendum (a) before 1910 and (b) in 1910. 

17. The opinion of the Supreme Court of the United States 
in Pacific States Telephone and Telegraph Co. vs. The State 
of Oregon, decided February, 191 2. 

18. What safeguards have been placed about the initiative 
and referendum petitions in different States ? (See Schnader.) 

19. What effect is the movement for the initiative and 
referendum likely to have upon the short ballot movement? 

20. What, in your judgment, are likely to be the effects of 



602 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

the wide adoption of the initiative, referendum, and recall 
upon our two-party system? (See Larned, Watkins.) 

21. What attitude has been taken by State and Federal 
courts in cases brought to overturn a gerrymander? (See 
Reinsch for citations.) 

22. What provisions are contained in the different State 
constitutions designed to restrict the practice of gerryman- 
dering? (See F. N. Thorpe's compilation of State constitu- 
tions.) 

23. The merits of the " local co-operating plan" as a check 
upon " pork-barrel legislation." (See Stokes.) 

24. Legal questions arising under the initiative and refer- 
endum in Arkansas. (See Thomas.) 

25. Should the supreme court of a State where the initia- 
tive and referendum exist be permitted to declare unconsti- 
tutional statutes which have received a favorable vote at 
the polls? Should the legislature be permitted to repeal or 
amend such acts? 

26. Compare the different methods of insuring or testing 
the constitutionality of statutes proposed under the initiative. 

27. The Washington system of initiative and referendum 
and its first trial. (See American Year Book, 1912-1913, 
Kettleborough, Shippee.) 

28. How, if at all, can votes on referenda be made to re- 
flect fairly the opinion of the majority of voters? (See 
Gardner.) 

29. The operation of the system of proportional represen- 
tation in Ashtabula, Ohio. 

30. The plan of proportional representation proposed for 
St. Louis by the civic league, 1916. 

31. The organization and work of the legislative reference 
service of the Library of Congress. (See Putnam.) 

32. What success has attended the operation of "Public 
Opinion" laws; for example, in Illinois? 

^2,- The proposed "Public Opinion" law in Indiana, 191 5. 
(See Am. Pol. Set. Rev.) 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 603 



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o04 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

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Remedies for Legislative Evils 605 

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Humphrey, J. H., Proportional Representation (191 1). 

"Proportional Representation," in Nat. Mun. Rev., V, 

369 (1916). A reply to Professor James below. 

Illinois Legislative Voters' League, The Assembly Bulletin, 
issued monthly. 

International Year Book, iqio, "Initiative and Referendum," 
pp. 37 ff. 

James, H. G., "Proportional Representation: A Fundamental 
or a Fad," in Nat. Mun. Rev., V, 266 (1916). 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 607 

Jenks, J. W., "Proportional Representation and Municipal Re- 
form/ ' in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, I, 129 (1895). 

Johnson, L. J., The Initiative and Referendum an Effective 
Ally of Representative Government. (Pamphlet. 19 13.) 

Kennan, George, '-Direct Rule of the People, " in No. Am. 
Rev., CXCVIII, 145 (1913). 

Kettleborough, Charles, "Initiative and Referendum, " in 
Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VIII, 251 (1914). On State legisla- 
tion of 1913. 

King, Hoyt, "The Reform Movement in Chicago," in Annals, 
XXV, 235 (1905). On work of Legislative Voters' 
League. 

King, Judson, "New Dangers to Majority Rule," in Senate 
Documents, 2d session, 62d Congress, No. 897 (191 2). 

Larned, J. N., "A Criticism of Two-Party Politics," in Atlan- 
tic Monthly, CVII, 289 (1911). 

Lee, Joseph, "A People's Lobbyist," in Independent, LXII, 
1203 (1907). 

Librarian of Congress, Report, 191 4, pp. 11-14; 1915, pp. 
8-17. On the legislative reference service of the Library 
of Congress. 

Library of Congress, A List of Books and Periodicals Relating 
to Proportional Representation (1904). 

Select List of References on the Initiative, Referendum, and 

Recall (191 2). 

Lobinger, C. S., "Objections to Direct Legislation Examined," 
in Arena, XXXIV, 234 (1905). Also quoted in Jones's 
Readings, 345 ff. 

"Development of the System of Popular Legislation in 

the United States," in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXIII, 577 (1908). 

People's Law: or, Popular Participation in Law-Making 

(1909). 

Lodge, H. C, "The Compulsory Initiative and Referendum 
and the Recall of Judges," in Senate Documents, 2d ses- 
sion, 62d Congress, No. 406 (191 2). 

Lowell, A. L., Public Opinion and Popular Government (1913), 
especially chs. 10-11, 13-15. 

"Referendum in Operation in the United States," in 

Quarterly Rev., CCXIV, 520 (191 1). 

Lowrie, S. G., "New Forms of the Initiative and Referen- 



608 Political Parties and Practiced Politics 

dum," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., V, 566 (191 1). The pro- 
posed Wisconsin plan. 

"The Initiative and Referendum in California," in 

ibid., 434 (191 1). 

"The Wisconsin Plan for the Initiative and Referen- 
dum," in Annals, XLIII, 179 (191 2). 

McCall, S. W., "Representative as Against Direct Govern- 
ment, " in Atlantic Monthly, CVIII, 461 (191 1). 

McCarthy, C. H., "Remedies for Legislative Conditions," 
in Am. Pol. Sci. Assn. Proceedings, IV, 80 (1907). 

McLaughlin and Hart, Cyclopedia of American Government, I, 
609, "Drafting of Legislation"; II, 331, "Legislation, 
Direct"; 338, "Legislative Reference Bureau"; 341, 
"Legislatures and Legislative Reform"; III, 80, "Pro- 
portional Representation." 

Moffett, S. E., "The Constitutional Referendum in Califor- 
nia," in Pol. Sci. Quar., XIII, 1 (1898). 

Montague, R. W., "The Oregon System at Work," in Nat. 
Mun. Rev., Ill, 256 (1914). 

Moore, B. F., History of Cumulative Voting and Minority Rep- 
resentation in Illinois, in Univ. of Illinois Studies, 1909. 

Munro, W. B. (editor), The Initiative, Referendum, and Re- 
call, in National Municipal League Series (191 2). 

Government of American Cities (1916), ch. 13. On in- 
itiative and referendum. 

Nation, The, LXXI, 206 (1900), "Regulation of the Lobby." 
Brief summary of the Massachusetts act of 1890. 

XCVIII, 451 (1914), "Working of the Oregon System." 

Oberholtzer, E. P., The Referendum in America (new edition, 
191 2, with supplement for 1900-11). Also deals with 
the initiative. 

Outlook, The,C, 515* (1912) "Direct Legislation Not Uncon- 
stitutional." Brief summary of the decision of the United 
States Supreme Court in Pacific States Telephone and 
Telegraph Co. vs. Oregon. 

"A New Aid in Popular Government." Brief account 

of the National Voters' League. 

Paine, R. T., "The Initiative, Referendum and Recall in 
American Cities," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, 
XIV, 223 (1908). 

Parsons, F. E., "Direct Legislation: An Article Relative to 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 609 

Popular Government through the Initiative and Refer- 
endum, " in Senate Documents, 2d session, 63d Congress, 
No, 360 (1914). 

Parsons, Frank, The City for the People (1901), pp. 255-306. 
On the initiative and referendum. 

Peabody, W. R., " Direct Legislation and Its Prospects in the 
United States/' in Pol. Sci. Quar., XX, 493 (1905). 
Summary of results for preceding ten years. 

Phelps, E. M., Selected Articles on the Initiative and Referen- 
dum (1911). 

Post, L. F., "The Initiative and Referendum/' in Nat. Mun. 
League Proceedings, XII, 363 (1906). 

Potter, E. S., "Reforming the Initiative and Referendum," 
in Rev. of Rev., LI, 212 (1915). 

Putnam, Herbert, "Legislative Reference for Congress/' in 
Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., IX, 542 (1915). 

Quincy, Josiah, "Regulation of the Lobby in Massachusetts/ ' 
in Forum, XII, 346 (1891-92). 

Rammelkamp, C. H., "Contested Congressional Election 
Cases in the United States," in Pol. Sci. Quar., XX, 421 
(1905). 

Rappard, W. E., "The Initiative and Referendum in Swit- 
zerland," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VI, 345 (191 2). 

"The Initiative, Referendum, and Recall in Switzer- 
land," in Annals, XLIII, no (191 2). 

Reinsch, P. S., American Legislatures and Legislative Methods 
(1907). 

"The Initiative and Referendum," in Acad, of Pol. Sci. 

Proceedings, III, 155 (1913). 

Richberg, D. R., "Legislative Reference Bureaus for Politi- 
cal Parties," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., VIII, supplement, 222 
(1914). 

Roosevelt, Theodore, "Nationalism and Popular Rule," in 
Outlook, XCVII, 96 (191 1). On initiative and referen- 
dum. 

Royal Commission, Report of the Royal Commission Appointed 
to Enquire into Electoral Systems, London, 19 10. On 
proportional representation. 

St. Louis Civic League, A New System of City Elections for 
St. Louis. (Pamphlet, 1916.) 



610 Political Parties and Practical Politics 

Sanborn, J. B., "The Value of Popular Legislation in the 
United States/' in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXIII, 587 (1908). 

Schafer, J., "Oregon as a Political Experiment Station," in 
Rev. of Rev., XXXIV, 172 (1906). 

Schaffner, Margaret A., "The Initiative, Referendum, and 
Recall," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., I, 32 (1907). 

The Initiative and Referendum in State Legislation, Wis- 
consin Legislative Reference Bulletin No. 11 (1907). 

Schnader, W. A., "Proper Safeguards for the Initiative and 
Referendum Petition," in Am. Pol. Sci. Rev., X, 515 
(1916). 

Senate Documents, 2d session, 55th Congress, XXVI, No. 340 
(1898). An important collection of arguments for and 
against direct legislation. 

Shippee, L. B., "Oregon's Initiative and Referendum Again, ,, 
in Atlantic Monthly, CIX, 428 (191 2). 

"Washington's First Experiment in Direct Legislation," 

in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXX, 235 (191 5). 

Stanwood, Edward, "Forms of Minority Representation," in 
No. Am. Rev., CXIII, 1 (1871). 

Stimson, F. J., "Certain Retrogressive Policies of the Pro- 
gressive Party," in Am. Pol. Rev. supplement, VII, 149 
(191 3). On the initiative and referendum. 

Stokes, A. P., Jr., "The 'Pork-Barrel' Problem— A Suggested 
Solution," in Harper's Weekly, LVII, March 22, 1913, 
p. 9. 

Storey, Moorefleld, "The American Legislature," in Albany 
Law Journal, L, 187 (1894). On remedies for lobbying. 

Taylor, C. F. (editor), Equity. A quarterly review devoted 
to direct primary legislation, preferential voting, the 
short ballot, the initiative, referendum, and recall. (Phil- 
adelphia.) 

• "Municipal Initiative, Referendum and Recall in Prac- 
tice," in Nat. Mun. Rev., Ill, 693 (1914). 

* "Recent Experiences with the Initiative, Referendum 

and Recall," in Acad. Pol. Sci. Proceedings, V, 89 (1914). 

Teal, J. N., "The Operation of the Initiative and Referen- 
dum in Oregon," in Nat. Mun. League Proceedings, XV, 
309 (1909). 

Thacher, G. A., "The Initiative and Referendum in Oregon," 
in Am. Pol. Sci. Assn. Proceedings, IV, 198 (1907). 



Remedies for Legislative Evils 611 

Thacher, G. A., "The Initiative and Referendum in Oregon," 
in Independent, LXIV, 1142 (1908). 

"An Interesting Election in Oregon, " in Independent, 

LXIX, 1434 (1910). 

Thomas, D. Y., "Direct Legislation in Arkansas," in Pol. Sci. 
Quar., XXIX, 84 (1914). 

Tyson, Robert, "Proportional Representation through the 
Single Transferable Vote," in Digest of Short Ballot Char- 
ters, 21301. 

U'Ren, W. S., "Results of the Initiative and Referendum in 
Oregon," in Am. Pol. Sci. Assn. Proceedings, IV, 189 
(1907). 

Watkins, Albert, "Failure of the Two-Party System," in 
Forum, XXXI, 643 (1901). 

Whitney, T. H., "The Need of Legislative Experts," in 
Green Bag, XVII, 78 (1905). 

"A Lobbyist for the People," in World's Work, XV, 

9599 (1907). On the New York "people's lobby." 

Wilcox, D. F., Government hy All the People (191 2). 

Williams, J. F., "Recent Developments of Proportional Rep- 
resentation," in Pol. Sci. Quar., XXIX, in (1914). 

World's Work, XXXII, 607 (1916), "One Way to End 
'Pork.'" 



APPENDIX 

REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC PLATFORMS 

OF 1920 



REPUBLICAN 

The Republican party, assem- 
bled in representative national 
convention, reaffirms its unyield- 
ing devotion to the Constitution 
of the United States, and to the 
guarantees of civil, political and 
religious liberty therein con- 
tained. It will resist all at- 
tempts to overthrow the founda- 
tions of the government or to 
weaken the force of its controlling 
principles and ideals, whether 
these attempts be made in the 
form of international policy or 
domestic agitation. 

For seven years the national 
government has been controlled 
by the Democratic party. Dur- 
ing that period a war of unparal- 
leled magnitude has shaken the 
foundations of civilization, deci- 
mated the population of Europe, 
and left in its train economic mis- 
ery and suffering second only to 
the war itself. 

The outstanding features of 
the Democratic administration 
have been complete unprepared- 
ness for war and complete un- 
preparedness for peace. 



DEMOCRATIC 

The Democratic Party, in its 
National Convention now as- 
sembled, sends greetings to the 
President of the United States, 
Woodrow Wilson, and hails with 
patriotic pride the great achieve- 
ments for country and the world, 
wrought by a Democratic Ad- 
ministration under his leadership. 

It salutes the mighty people of 
this great republic, emerging with 
imperishable honor from the se- 
vere tests and grievous strains of 
the most tragic war in history, 
having earned the plaudits and 
the gratitude of all free nations. 

It declares its adherence to the 
fundamental progressive princi- 
ples of social, economic and in- 
dustrial justice and advance, and 
purposes to resume the great 
work of translating these princi- 
ples into effective laws, begun 
and carried far by the Demo- 
cratic Administration and inter- 
rupted only when the war 
claimed all the national energies 
for the single task of victory. 



UNPREPAREDNESS FOR WAR 



Inexcusable failure to make 
timely preparations is the chief 
indictment against the Demo- 
cratic administration in the con- 



(Conduct of the War) 
During the war President Wil- 
son exhibited the very broadest 
conception of liberal American- 



613 



614 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

duct of the war. Had not our 
Associates protected us, both on 
land and sea, during the first 
twelve months of our participa- 
tion, and furnished us to the very 
day of the Armistice with muni- 
tions, planes and artillery, this 
failure would have been punished 
with disaster. It directly re- 
sulted in unnecessary losses to 
our gallant troops, in the imperil- 
ment of victory itself, and in an 
enormous waste of public funds 
literally poured into the breach 
created by gross neglect. To- 
day it is reflected in our huge tax 
burden and in the high cost of 
living. 



DEMOCRATIC 

ism. In his conduct of the war, 
as in the general administration 
of his high office, there was no 
semblance of partisan bias. He 
invited to Washington as his 
councillors and coadjutors hun- 
dreds of the most prominent and 
pronounced Republicans in the 
country. To these he commit- 
ted responsibilities of the gravest 
import and most confidential na- 
ture. Many of them had charge 
of vital activities of the Govern- 
ment. 

And yet, witli the war success- 
fully prosecuted and gloriously 
ended, the Republican party in 
Congress, far from applauding 
the masterly leadership of the 
President and felicitating the 
country on the amazing achieve- 
ments of the American Govern- 
ment, has meanly requited the 
considerate course of the chief 
magistrate by savagely defaming 
the Commander-in-Chief of the 
Army and Navy and by assailing 
nearly every public officer of 
every branch of the service inti- 
mately concerned in winning the 
war abroad and preserving the 
security of the Government at 
home. 

(See Army and Navy, below.) 



UNPREPAREDNESS FOR PEACE 

Peace found the Administra- 
tion as unprepared for peace 
as war found it unprepared for 
war. The vital needs of the 
country demanded the early and 
systematic return to a peace- 
time basis. 

This called for vision, leader- 



Appendix 615 



REPUBLICAN 



ship and intelligent planning. 
All three have been lacking. 
While the country has been left 
to shift for itself, the Government 
has continued on a war-time ba- 
sis. The Administration has not 
demobilized the army of place 
holders. It continued a method 
of financing which was indefensi- 
ble during the period of recon- 
struction. It has used legisla- 
tion passed to meet the emer- 
gency of war to continue its arbi- 
trary and inquisitorial control 
over the life of the people in time 
of peace, and to carry confusion 
into industrial life. Under the 
despot's plea of necessity or supe- 
rior wisdom, executive usurpa- 
tion of legislative and judicial 
functions still undermines our in- 
stitutions. Eighteen months af- 
ter the Armistice, with its war- 
time powers unabridged, its war- 
time departments undischarged, 
its war-time army of place hold- 
ers still mobilized, the Admin- 
istration continues to flounder 
helplessly. 

The demonstrated incapacity 
of the Democratic party has de- 
stroyed public confidence, weak- 
ened the authority of the govern- 
ment, and produced a feeling of 
distrust and hesitation so univer- 
sal as to increase enormously the 
difficulties of readjustment and 
to delay the return to normal 
conditions. 

Never has our nation been 
confronted with graver problems. 
The people are entitled to know 
in definite terms how the parties 
purpose solving these problems. 
To that end, the Republican 



C1G Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 



party declares its policies and 
programme to be as follows: 



CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 



We undertake to end executive 
autocracy and to restore to the 
people their constitutional gov- 
ernment. 

The policies herein declared 
will be carried out by the federal 
and state governments, each act- 
ing within its constitutional pow- 
ers. 



FOREIGN RELATIONS 



The foreign policy of the Ad- 
ministration has been founded 
upon no principle and directed by 
no definite conception of our na- 
tion's rights and obligations. It 
has been humiliating to America 
and irritating to other nations, 
with the result that after a period 
of unexampled sacrifice, our mo- 
tives are suspected, our moral in- 
fluence impaired, and our Gov- 
ernment stands discredited and 
friendless among the nations of 
the world. 

We favor a liberal and gener- 
ous foreign policy founded upon 
definite moral and political prin- 
ciples, characterized by a clear 
understanding of and a firm ad- 
herence to our own rights, and 
unfailing respect for the rights of 
others. We should afford full 
and adequate protection to the 
life, liberty, property and all in- 
ternational rights of every Amer- 
ican citizen, and should require a 
proper respect for the American 
flag; but we should be equally 



Appendix 



617 



REPUBLICAN 

careful to manifest a just regard 
for the rights of other nations. 
A scrupulous observance of our 
international engagements when 
lawfully assumed is essential to 
our own honor and self-respect, 
and the respect of other nations. 
Subject to a due regard for 
our international obligations, we 
should leave our country free to 
develop its civilization along lines 
most conducive to the happiness 
and welfare of its people, and to 
cast its influence on the side of 
justice and right should occasion 
require. 



DEMOCRATIC 



(a) MEXICO 



The ineffective policy of the 
present Administration in Mexi- 
can matters has been largely re- 
sponsible for the continued loss 
of American lives in that country 
and upon our border; for the 
enormous loss of American and 
foreign property; for the lowering 
of American standards of moral- 
ity and social relations with Mex- 
icans, and for the bringing of 
American ideals of justice, na- 
tional honor and political integ- 
rity into contempt and ridicule in 
Mexico and throughout the 
world. 

The policy of wordy, futile 
written protests against the acts 
of Mexican officials, explained 
the following day by the Presi- 
dent himself as being meaningless 
and not intended to be considered 
seriously, or enforced, has but 
added in degree to that con- 
tempt, and has earned for us the 
sneers and jeers of Mexican ban- 



The United States is the neigh- 
bor and friend of the nations of 
the three Americas. In a very 
special sense, our international 
relations in this hemisphere 
should be characterized by good- 
will and free from any possible 
suspicion as to our national pur- 
pose. 

The Administration, remem- 
bering always that Mexico is an 
independent nation and that per- 
manent stability in her govern- 
ment and her institutions could 
come only from the consent of 
her own people to a government 
of their own making, has been 
unwilling either to profit by the 
misfortunes of the people of Mex- 
ico or to enfeeble their future by 
imposing from the outside a rule 
upon their temporarily distracted 
councils. As a consequence, or- 
der is gradually reappearing in 
Mexico; at no time in many years 
have American lives and inter- 



618 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

dits, and added insult upon insult 
against our national honor and 
dignity. 

We should not recognize any 
Mexican government, unless it be 
a responsible government willing 
and able to give sufficient guaran- 
tees that the lives and property 
of American citizens are respect- 
ed and protected; that wrongs 
will be promptly corrected and 
just compensation will be made 
for injury sustained. The Re- 
publican party pledges itself to a 
consistent, firm and effective pol- 
icy towards Mexico that shall en- 
force respect for the American 
flag and that shall protect the 
rights of American citizens law- 
fully in Mexico to security of life 
and enjoyment of property, in 
accordance with established prin- 
ciples of international law and 
our treaty rights. 

The Republican party is a sin- 
cere friend of the Mexican peo- 
ple. In its insistence upon the 
maintenance of order for the pro- 
tection of American citizens 
within its borders a great service 
will be rendered the Mexican 
people themselves; for a continu- 
ation of present conditions means 
disaster to their interests and pa- 
triotic aspirations. 



DEMOCRATIC 

ests been so safe as they now are; 
peace reigns along the border and 
industry is resuming. 

When the new Government of 
Mexico shall have given ample 
proof of its ability permanently 
to maintain law and order, signi- 
fied its willingness to meet its in- 
ternational obligations and writ- 
ten upon its statute books just 
laws under which foreign invest- 
ors shall have rights as well as 
duties, that Government should 
receive our recognition and sys- 
tematic assistance. Until these 
proper expectations have been 
met, Mexico must realize the pro- 
priety of a policy that asserts the 
right of the United States to de- 
mand full protection for its citi- 
zens. 



(b) MANDATE FOR ARMENIA 



We condemn President Wilson 
for asking Congress to empower 
him to accept a mandate for Ar- 
menia. We commend the Re- 
publican Senate for refusing the 
President's request to empower 
him to accept the mandate for 



(Armenia) 
We express our deep and ear- 
nest sympathy for the unfortu- 
nate people of Armenia, and we 
believe that our government, 
consistent with its constitution 
and principles, should render 



Appendix 



619 



REPUBLICAN 

Armenia. The acceptance of 
such mandate would throw the 
United States into the very mael- 
strom of European quarrels. 
According to the estimate of the 
Harbord Commission, organized 
by authority of President Wilson, 
we would be called upon to send 
59,000 American boys to police 
Armenia and to expend $276,- 
000,000 in the first year and 
$756,000,000 in five years. This 
estimate is made upon the basis 
that we would have only roving 
bands to fight; but in case of seri- 
ous trouble with the Turks or 
with Russia, a force exceeding 
200,000 would be necessary. 

No more striking illustration 
can be found of President Wil- 
son's disregard of the lives of 
American boys or of American 
interests. 

We deeply sympathize with 
the people of Armenia and stand 
ready to help them in all proper 
ways, but the Republican party 
will oppose now and hereafter the 
acceptance of a mandate for any 
country in Europe or Asia. 



DEMOCRATIC 

every possible and proper aid to 
them in their efforts to establish 
and maintain a government of 
their own. 



(New Nations) 
The Democratic party ex- 
presses its active sympathy with 
the people of China, Czechoslo- 
vakia, Finland, Jugo-Slava, Po- 
land, Persia and others who have 
recently established representa- 
tive government, and who are 
striving to develop the institu- 
tions of true democracy. 



(c) LEAGUE OF NATIONS 



The Republican party stands 
for agreement among the nations 
to preserve the peace of the 
world. We believe that such an 
international association must be 
based upon international justice, 
and must provide methods which 
shall maintain the rule of public 
right by the development of law 
and the decision of impartial 
courts, and which shall secure 
instant and general international 



The Democratic Party favors 
The League of Nations as the 
surest, if not the only, practica- 
ble means of maintaining the 
peace of the world and terminat- 
ing the insufferable burden of 
great military and naval estab- 
lishments. It was for this that 
America broke away from tradi- 
tional isolation and spent her 
blood and treasure to crush a 
colossal scheme of conquest. It 



620 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

conference whenever peace shall 
be threatened by political action, 
so that the nations pledged to do 
and insist upon what is just and 
fair may exercise their influence 
and power for the prevention of 
war. 

We believe that all this can be 
done without the compromise of 
national independence, without 
depriving the people of the 
United States in advance of the 
right to determine for themselves 
what is just and fair when the 
occasion arises, and without in- 
volving them as participants and 
not as peace-makers in a multi- 
tude of quarrels, the merits of 
which they are unable to judge. 

The covenant signed by the 
President at Paris failed signally 
to accomplish this great purpose, 
and contains stipulations, not 
only intolerable for an indepen- 
dent people, but certain to pro- 
duce the injustice, hostility, and 
controversy among nations which 
it proposed to prevent. 

That covenant repudiated, to 
a degree wholly unnecessary and 
unjustifiable, the time-honored 
policies in favor of peace declared 
by Washington, Jefferson, and 
Monroe, and pursued by all 
American administrations for 
more than a century, and it ig- 
nored the universal sentiment of 
America for generations past in 
favor of international law and 
arbitration, and it rested the 
hope of the future upon mere 
expediency and negotiation. 

The unfortunate insistence of 
the President upon having his 
own way, without any change 



DEMOCRATIC 

was upon this basis that the 
President of the United States, in 
pre-arrangement with our Allies, 
consented to a suspension of hos- 
tilities against the Imperial Ger- 
man Government; the armistice 
was granted and a treaty of peace 
negotiated upon the definite as- 
surance to Germany, as well as 
to the powers pitted against Ger- 
many, that "a general associa- 
tion of nations must be formed, 
under specific covenant, for the 
purpose of affording mutual guar- 
antees of political independence 
and territorial integrity to great 
and small states alike. " Hence, 
we not only congratulate the 
President on the vision manifest- 
ed and the vigor exhibited in the 
prosecution of the war, but we 
felicitate him and his associates 
on the exceptional achievement 
at Paris involved in the adoption 
of a League and Treaty so near 
akin to previously expressed 
American ideals and so inti- 
mately related to the aspirations 
of civilized peoples everywhere. 

We commend the President for 
his courage and his high concep- 
tion of good faith in steadfastly 
standing for the covenant agreed 
to by all the associated and allied 
nations at war with Germany, 
and we condemn the Republican 
Senate for its refusal to ratify the 
Treaty merely because it was the 
product of Democratic states- 
manship, thus interposing parti- 
san envy and personal hatred in 
the way of the peace and re- 
newed prosperity of the world. 

By every accepted standard of 
international morality the Presi- 



Appendix 



621 



REPUBLICAN 

and without any regard to the 
opinions of a majority of the 
Senate, which shares with him in 
the treaty-making power, and 
the President's demand that the 
Treaty should be ratified without 
any modification, created a situ- 
ation in which Senators were 
required to vote upon their con- 
sciences and their oaths accord- 
ing to their judgment against the 
Treaty as it was presented, or 
submit to the commands of a 
dictator in a matter where the 
authority and the responsibility 
under the Constitution were 
theirs, and not his. 

The Senators performed their 
duty faithfully. We approve 
their conduct and honor their 
courage and fidelity. And we 
pledge the coming Republican 
administration to such agree- 
ments with the other nations of 
the world as shall meet the full 
duty of America to civilization 
and humanity, in accordance 
with American ideals, and with- 
out surrendering the right of the 
American people to exercise its 
judgment and its power in favor 
of justice and peace. 



DEMOCRATIC 

dent is justified in asserting that 
the honor of the country is in- 
volved in this business; and we 
point to the accusing fact that, 
before it was determined to initi- 
ate political antagonism to the 
Treaty, the now Republican 
Chairman of the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee himself 
publicly proclaimed that any 
proposition for a separate peace 
with Germany, such as he and 
his party associates thereafter 
reported to the Senate, would 
make us "guilty of the blackest 
crime. " 

On May 15 last, the Knox sub- 
stitute for the Versailles Treaty 
was passed by the Republican 
Senate; and this Convention can 
contrive no more fitting charac- 
terization of its obloquy than 
that made in the Forum maga- 
zine of June, 19 1 8, by Henry 
Cabot Lodge, when he said: 

"If we send our armies and 
young men abroad to be killed 
and wounded in northern France 
and Flanders with no result but 
this, our entrance into war with 
such an intention was a crime 
which nothing can justify. The 
intent of Congress and the intent 
of the President was that there 
could be no peace until we could 
create a situation where no such 
war as this could recur. We can- 
not make peace except in com- 
pany with our allies. It would 
brand us with everlasting dis- 
honor and bring ruin to us also if 
we undertook to make a separate 
peace." 

Thus, to that which Mr. 
Lodge, in saner moments, consid- 



622 Appendix 



DEMOCRATIC 

ered "the blackest crime" he and 
his party in madness sought to 
give the sanctity of law; that 
which eighteen months ago was 
of "everlasting dishonor" the 
Republican party and its candi- 
dates to-day accept as the essence 
of faith. 

We indorse the President's 
view of our international obliga- 
tions and his firm stand against 
reservations designed to cut to 
pieces the vital provisions of the 
Versailles Treaty and we com- 
mend the Democrats in Congress 
for voting against resolutions for 
separate peace which would dis- 
grace the nation. We advocate 
the- immediate ratification of 
the treaty without reservations 
which would impair its essential 
integrity; but do not oppose the 
acceptance of any reservations 
making clearer or more specific 
the obligations of the United 
States to the League Associates. 
Only by doing this may we re- 
trieve the reputation of this na- 
tion among the powers of the 
earth and recover the moral lead- 
ership which President Wilson 
won and which Republican poli- 
ticians at Washington sacrificed. 
Only by doing this may we hope 
to aid effectively in the restora- 
tion of order throughout the 
world and to take the place which 
we should assume in the front 
rank of spiritual, commercial and 
industrial advancement. 

We reject as utterly vain, if 
not vicious, the Republican as- 
sumption that ratification of the 
Treaty and membership in the 
League of Nations would in any 



Appendix 



623 



REPUBLICAN 



DEMOCRATIC 

wise impair the integrity or inde- 
pendence of our country. The 
fact that the Covenant has been 
entered into by twenty-nine na- 
tions, all as jealous of their in- 
dependence as we are of ours, is 
a sufficient refutation of such 
charge. The President repeated- 
ly has declared, and this Conven- 
tion reaffirms, that all our duties 
and obligations as a member of 
the League must be fulfilled in 
strict conformity with the Con- 
stitution of the United States, 
embodied in which is the funda- 
mental requirement of declara- 
tory action by the Congress be- 
fore this nation may become a 
participant in any war. 



CONGRESS AND RECONSTRUCTION 



Despite the unconstitutional 
and dictatorial course of the 
President and the partisan ob- 
struction of the Democratic Con- 
gressional minority, the Repub- 
lican majority has enacted a 
programme of constructive legis- 
lation which in great part, how- 
ever, has been nullified by the 
vindictive vetoes of the Presi- 
dent. 

The Republican Congress has 
met the problems presented by 
the Administration's unprepared- 
ness for peace. It has repealed 
the greater part of the vexatious 
war legislation. It has enacted 
a Transportation Act making 
possible the rehabilitation of the 
railroad systems of the country, 
the operation of which under the 
present Democratic Administra- 
tion has been wasteful, extrava- 



(Republican Corruption) 
The shocking disclosure of the 
lavish use of money by aspirants 
for the Republican nomination 
for the highest office in the gift of 
the people has created a painful 
impression throughout the coun- 
try. Viewed in connection with 
the recent conviction of a Repub- 
lican Senator from the State of 
Michigan for the criminal trans- 
gression of the law limiting ex- 
penditures on behalf of a candi- 
date for the United States Senate, 
it indicates the re-entry, under 
Republican auspices, of money as 
an influential factor in elections, 
thus nullifying the letter and 
flaunting the spirit of numerous 
laws, enacted by the people, to 
protect the ballot from the con- 
tamination of corrupt practices. 
We deplore these delinquencies 



624 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

gant and inefficient in the high- 
est degree. The Transportation 
Act made provision for the peace- 
ful settlement of wage disputes, 
partially nullified, however, by 
the President's delay in appoint- 
ing the Wage Board created by 
the act. This delay precipitated 
the outlaw railroad strike. 

We stopped the flood of public 
treasure, recklessly poured into 
the lap of an inept Shipping 
Board, and laid the foundations 
for the creation of a great mer- 
chant marine; we took from the 
incompetent Democratic Admin- 
istration the administration of 
the telegraph and telephone lines 
of the country and returned 
them to private ownership; we 
reduced the cost of postage and 
increased the pay of the postal 
employees — the poorest paid of 
all public servants; we provided 
pensions for superannuated and 
retired civil servants; and for 
an increase in pay of soldiers 
and sailors. We reorganized the 
Army on a peace footing, and 
provided for the maintanance of 
a powerful and efficient Navy. 

The Republican Congress es- 
tablished by law a permanent 
Woman's Bureau in the Depart- 
ment of Labor; we submitted to 
the country the constitutional 
amendment for woman suffrage, 
and furnished twenty-nine of the 
thirty-five legislatures which have 
ratified it to date. 

Legislation for the relief of the 
consumers of print paper, for the 
extension of the powers of the 
government under the Food Con- 
trol Act, for broadening the scope 



DEMOCRATIC 

and invoke their stern popular 
rebuke, pledging our earnest ef- 
forts to a strengthening of the 
present statutes against corrupt 
practices, and their rigorous en- 
forcement. 

We remind the people that it 
was only by the return of a Re- 
publican Senator in Michigan, 
who is now under conviction and 
sentence for the criminal misuse 
of money in his election, that the 
present organization of the Sen- 
ate with a Republican majority 
was made possible. 



Appendix 



625 



REPUBLICAN 

of the War Risk Insurance Act, 
better provision for the dwindling 
number of aged veterans of the 
Civil War and for the better sup- 
port of the maimed and injured 
of the Great War, and for making 
practical the Vocational Reha- 
bilitation Act, has been enacted 
by the Republican Congress. 

We passed an oil leasing and 
water power bill to unlock for the 
public good the great pent-up re- 
sources of the country; we have 
sought to check the profligacy of 
the Administration, to realize 
upon the assets of the govern- 
ment and to husband the rev- 
enues derived from taxation. 
The Republicans in Congress 
have been responsible for cuts in 
the estimates for government ex- 
penditure of nearly $3,000,000,- 
000, since the signing of the Ar- 
mistice. 

We enacted a national execu- 
tive budget law; we strengthened 
the Federal Reserve Act to per- 
mit banks to lend needed assis- 
tance to farmers; we authorized 
financial incorporations to de- 
velop export trade; and, finally, 
amended the rules of the Senate 
and House, which will reform 
evils in procedure and guarantee 
more efficient and responsible 
government. 



DEMOCRATIC 



(Senate Rules) 
We favor such alteration of the 
rules of procedure of the Senate 
of the United States as will per- 
mit the prompt transaction of 
the nation's legislative business. 



AGRICULTURE 



The farmer is the backbone of 
the nation. National greatness 
and economic independence de- 
mand a population distributed 
between industry and the farm, 
and sharing on equal terms the 



(Agricultural Interests) 
To the great agricultural in- 
terests of the country the Dem- 
ocratic party does not find it 
necessary to make promises. It 
already is rich in its record of 



626 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

prosperity which is wholly de- 
pendent upon the efforts of both, 
Neither can prosper at the ex- 
pense of the other without invit- 
ing joint disaster. 

The crux of the present agricul- 
tural condition lies in prices, la- 
bor and credit. 

The Republican party believes 
that this condition can be im- 
proved by: practical and ade- 
quate farm representation in the 
appointment of governmental 
officials and commissions; the 
right to form co-operative asso- 
ciations for marketing their prod- 
ucts, and protection against dis- 
crimination; the scientific study 
of agricultural prices and farm 
production costs, at home and 
abroad, with a view to reducing 
the frequency of abnormal fluc- 
tuations; the uncensored publica- 
tion of such reports; the author- 
ization of associations for the ex- 
tension of personal credit; a na- 
tional inquiry on the co-ordina- 
tion of rail, water and motor 
transportation with adequate fa- 
cilities for receiving, handling 
and marketing food; the encour- 
agement of our export trade; an 
end to unnecessary price-fixing 
and ill-considered efforts arbi- 
trarily to reduce prices of farm 
products which invariably result 
to the disadvantage both of pro- 
ducer and consumer; and the en- 
couragement of the production 
and importation of fertilizing ma- 
terial and of its extensive use. 

The Federal Farm Loan Act 
should be so administered as to 
facilitate the acquisition of farm 
land by those desiring to become 



DEMOCRATIC 

things actually accomplished. 
For nearly half a century of Re- 
publican rule not a sentence was 
written into the Federal Statutes 
affording one dollar of bank cred- 
its to the farming interest of 
America. In the first term of 
this Democratic administration 
the National Bank Act was so al- 
tered as to authorize loans of five 
years' maturity on improved 
farm lands. Later was estab- 
lished a system of farm loan 
banks, from which the borrow- 
ings already exceed $300,000,000 
and under which the interest rate 
to farmers has been so materially 
reduced as to drive out of busi- 
ness the farm loan sharks who 
formerly subsisted by extortion 
upon the great agricultural inter- 
ests of the country. 

Thus it was a Democratic Con- 
gress in the administration of a 
Democratic President which en- 
abled the farmers of America for 
the first time to obtain credit 
upon reasonable terms and in- 
sured their opportunity for the 
future development of the na- 
tion's agricultural resources. Tied 
up in Supreme Court proceed- 
ings, in a suit by hostile interests, 
the Federal Farm Loan system, 
originally opposed by the Repub- 
lican candidate for the Presi- 
dency, appealed in vain to a Re- 
publican Congress for adequate 
financial assistance to tide over 
the interim between the begin- 
ning and the ending of the current 
year, awaiting a final decision of 
the highest court on the validity 
of the contested act. We pledge 
prompt and consistent support 



Appendix 



627 



REPUBLICAN 

owners and proprietors and thus 
minimize the evils of farm ten- 
antry, and to furnish such long 
time credits as farmers may need 
to finance adequately their larger 
and long time production opera- 
tions. 



DEMOCRATIC 

of sound and effective measures 
to sustain, amplify and perfect 
the Rural Credits Statutes, and 
thus to check and reduce the 
growth and course of farm ten- 
ancy. 

Not only did the Democratic 
party put into effect a great Farm 
Loan system of land mortgage 
banks, but it passed the Smith- 
Lever Agricultural Extension 
Act, carrying to every farmer in 
every section of the country, 
through the medium of trained 
experts and by demonstration 
farms, the practical knowledge 
acquired by the Federal Agricul- 
tural Department in all things re- 
lating to agriculture, horticulture 
and animal life; it established 
the Bureau of Markets, the Bu- 
reau of Farm Management, and 
passed the Cotton Futures Act, 
the Grain Grades bill, the Co- 
operative Farm Administration 
Act, and the Federal Warehouse 
Act. 

The Democratic party has 
vastly improved the rural mail 
system and has built up the par- 
cel post system to such an extent 
as to render its activities and its 
practical service indispensable to 
the farming community. It was 
this wise encouragement and this 
effective concern of the Demo- 
cratic party for the farmers of the 
United States that enabled this 
great interest to render such es- 
sential service in feeding the 
armies of America and the allied 
nations of the war and succoring 
starving populations since Armi- 
stice Day. 

Meanwhile the Republican 



628 Appendix 



DEMOCRATIC 



leaders at Washington have 
failed utterly to propose one sin- 
gle measure to make rural life 
more tolerable. They have sig- 
nalized their fifteen months of 
Congressional power by urging 
schemes which would strip the 
farms of labor; by assailing the 
principles of the Farm Loan sys- 
tem and seeking to impair its effi- 
ciency; by covertly attempting 
to destroy the great nitrogen 
plant at Muscle Shoals upon 
which the government has ex- 
pended $70,000,000 to supply 
American farmers with fertilizers 
at reasonable cost; by ruthlessly 
crippling nearly every branch of 
agricultural endeavor, literally 
cramping the productive me- 
diums through which the people 
must be fed. 

We favor such legislation as 
will confirm to the primary pro- 
ducers of the nation the right 
of collective bargaining and the 
right of co-operative handling 
and marketing of the products of 
the workshop and the farm and 
such legislation as will facilitate 
the exportation of our farm prod- 
ucts. 

We favor comprehensive stud- 
ies of farm production costs and 
the uncensored publication of 
facts found in such studies. 

(Live Stock Markets) 

For the purpose of insuring 
just and fair treatment in the 
great inter-state live stock mar- 
ket, and thus instilling confi- 
dence in growers through which 
production will be stimulated and 
the price of meats to consumers 



Appendix 



629 



REPUBLICAN 



DEMOCRATIC 



be ultimately reduced, we favor 
the enactment of legislation for 
the supervision of such markets 
by the national Government. 



INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS 



There are two different con- 
ceptions of the relations of capi- 
tal and labor. The one is con- 
tractual and emphasizes the di- 
versity of interests of employer 
and employee. The other is that 
of co-partnership in a common 
task. 

We recognize the justice of col- 
lective bargaining as a means of 
promoting good- will, establishing 
closer and more harmonious rela- 
tions between employers and em- 
ployees, and realizing the true 
ends of industrial justice. 

The strike or the lockout, as a 
means of settling industrial dis- 
putes, inflicts such loss and suf- 
fering on the community as to 
justify government initiative to 
reduce its frequency and limit its 
consequences. 

We deny the right to strike 
against the Government; but the 
rights and interests of all govern- 
ment employees must be safe- 
guarded by impartial laws and 
tribunals. 

In public utilities we favor the 
establishment of an impartial tri- 
bunal to make an investigation 
of the facts and to render a deci- 
sion to the end that there may 
be no organized interruption of 
service necessary to the lives, 
health and welfare of the people. 
The decisions of the tribunals 
should be morally but not legally 



(Labor and Industry) 
The Democratic party is now, 
as ever, the firm friend of honest 
labor and the promoter of pro- 
gressive industry. It established 
the Department of Labor at 
Washington and a Democratic 
President called to his official 
council board the first practical 
workingman who ever held a 
cabinet portfolio. Under this 
Administration have been estab- 
lished employment bureaus to 
bring the man and the job to- 
gether; have been peaceably de- 
termined many bitter disputes 
between capital and labor; were 
passed the child-labor act, the 
workingman's compensation act 
(the extension cf which we advo- 
cate so as to include laborers en- 
gaged in loading and unloading 
ships and in interstate com- 
merce), the eight-hour law, the 
act for vocational training and a 
code of other wholesome laws af- 
fecting the liberties and bettering 
the conditions of the laboring 
classes. In the Department of 
Labor the Democratic Admin- 
istration established a Woman's 
Bureau, which a Republican 
Congress destroyed by withhold- 
ing appropriations. 

Labor is not a commodity; it 
is human. Those who labor have 
rights and the national security 
and safety depend upon a just 



630 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

binding, and an informed public 
sentiment be relied on to secure 
their acceptance. The tribunals, 
however, should refuse to accept 
jurisdiction except for the pur- 
pose of investigation, as long as 
the public service be interrupted. 
For public utilities we favor the 
type of tribunal provided for in 
the Transportation Act of 1920. 

In private industries we do not 
advocate the principle of compul- 
sory arbitration, but we favor im- 
partial commissions and better 
facilities for voluntary media- 
tion, conciliation and arbitration, 
supplemented by that full pub- 
licity which will enlist the influ- 
ence of an aroused public opinion. 
The Government should take the 
initiative in inviting the estab- 
lishment of tribunals or commis- 
sions for the purpose of volun- 
tary arbitration and of investiga- 
tion of disputed issues. 

We demand the exclusion from 
interstate commerce of the prod- 
ucts of convict labor. 



DEMOCRATIC 

recognition of those rights and 
the conservation of the strength 
of the workers and their families 
in the interest of sound-hearted 
and sound-headed men, women 
and children. Laws regulating 
hours of labor and condition un- 
der which labor is performed, 
when passed in recognition of the 
conditions under which life must 
be lived to attain the highest 
development and happiness, are 
just assertions of the national 
interest in the welfare of the peo- 
ple. 

At the same time, the nation 
depends upon the products of 
labor; a cessation of production 
means a loss and, if long contin- 
ued, disaster. The whole peo- 
ple, therefore, have a right to in- 
sist that justice shall be done to 
those who work, and in turn that 
those whose labor creates the ne- 
cessities upon which the life of 
the nation depends must recog- 
nize the reciprocal obligation be- 
tween the worker and the State. 
They should participate in the 
formulation of sound laws and 
regulations governing the condi- 
tions under which labor is per- 
formed, recognize and obey the 
laws so formulated and seek their 
amendment when necessary Tby 
the processes ordinarily ad- 
dressed to the laws and regula- 
tions affecting the other relations 
of life. 

Labor, as well as capital, is en- 
titled to adequate compensation. 
Each has the indefeasible right 
of organization, of collective bar- 
gaining and of speaking through 
representatives of their own se- 



Appendix 631 

REPUBLICAN DEMOCRATIC 

lection. Neither class, however, 
should at any time nor in any 
circumstances take action that 
will put in jeopardy the public 
welfare. Resort to strikes and 
lockouts which endanger the 
health or lives of the people is an 
unsatisfactory device for deter- 
mining disputes, and the Demo- 
cratic party pledges itself to con- 
trive, if possible, and put into 
effective operation a fair and 
comprehensive method of com- 
posing differences of this nature. 
In private industrial disputes 
we are opposed to compulsory 
arbitration as a method plausible 
in theory but a failure in fact. 
With respect to government ser- 
vice, we hold distinctly that the 
rights of the people are para- 
mount to the right to strike. 
However, we profess scrupulous 
regard for the conditions of pub- 
lic employment and pledge the 
Democratic party to instant in- 
quiry into the pay of govern- 
ment employees and equally 
speedy regulations designed to 
bring salaries to a just and proper 
level. 

NATIONAL ECONOMY 

A Republican Congress re- (Public Economy) 
duced the estimates submitted Claiming to have effected great 
by the Administration almost economies in government expen- 
three billion dollars. Greater ditures, the Republican party 
economy could have been effect- cannot show the reduction of one 
ed had it not been for the stub- dollar in taxation as a corollary 
born refusal of the Administra- of this false pretense. In con- 
tion to co-operate with Congress trast, the last Democratic Con- 
in an economy programme. The gress enacted legislation reducing 
universal demand for an execu- the taxes from $8,000,000,000, 
tive budget is a recognition of the designed to be raised, to $6,000,- 



632 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

incontrovertible fact that leader- 
ship and sincere assistance on the 
part of the executive depart- 
ments are essential to effective 
economy and constructive re- 
trenchment. 

The Overman Act invested the 
President of the United States 
with all the authority and power 
necessary to restore the Federal 
Government to a normal peace 
basis and to reorganize, retrench 
and demobilize. The dominant 
fact is that eighteen months after 
the Armistice, the United States 
Government is still on a war-time 
basis, and the expenditure pro- 
gramme of the Executive reflects 
war-time extravagance rather 
than rigid peace-time economy. 

As an example of the failure to 
retrench which has characterized 
the post-war policy of the Ad- 
ministration, we cite the fact that 
not including the War and Navy 
Departments, the executive de- 
partments and other establish- 
ments at Washington actually 
record an increase subsequent to 
the Armistice of 2,184 employees. 
The net decrease in pay-roll costs 
contained in the 192 1 demands 
submitted by the Administration 
is only one per cent under that 
of 1920. The annual expenses 
of the Federal Government can 
be reduced hundreds of millions 
of dollars without impairing the 
efficiency of the public service. 

We pledge ourselves to a care- 
fully planned readjustment to a 
peace-time basis and to a policy 
of rigid economy, to the better 
co-ordination of departmental 
activities, to the elimination of 



DEMOCRATIC 

000,000 for the first year after the 
armistice, and to $4,000,000,000 
thereafter; and there the total is 
left undiminished by our political 
adversaries. Two years after 
Armistice Day a Republican 
Congress provides for expending 
the stupendous sum of $5,403,- 
390,327.30. 

Affecting great paper econo- 
mies by reducing departmental 
estimates of sums which would 
not have been spent in any event, 
and by reducing formal appro- 
priations, the Republican state- 
ment of expenditures omits the 
pregnant fact that the Congress 
authorized the use of one and a 
half billion dollars in the hands 
of various departments and bu- 
reaus, which otherwise would 
have been covered into the Trea- 
sury, and which should be added 
to the Republican total of ex- 
penditures. 



Appendix 



633 



REPUBLICAN 



DEMOCRATIC 



unnecessary officials and employ- 
ees, and to the raising of the 
standard of individual efficiency. 



THE EXECUTIVE BUDGET 



We congratulate the Republi- 
can Congress on the enactment 
of a law providing for the estab- 
lishment of an Executive Budget 
as a necessary instrument for a 
sound and businesslike admin- 
istration of the national finances; 
and we condemn the veto of the 
President which defeated this 
great financial reform. 



(Budget) 

In the interest of economy and 
good administration, we favor 
the creation of an effective bud- 
get system that will function in 
accord with the principles of the 
Constitution. The reform should 
reach both the executive and leg- 
islative aspects of the question. 
The supervision and preparation 
of the budget should be vested in 
the Secretary of the Treasury as 
the representative of the Presi- 
dent. 

The budget, as such, should 
not be increased by the Congress 
except by a two- thirds vote, each 
House, however, being free to 
exercise its constitutional privi- 
lege of making appropriations 
through independent bills. The 
appropriation bills should be 
considered by single Committees 
of the House and Senate. The 
audit system should be consoli- 
dated and its powers expanded 
so as to pass upon the wisdom of, 
as well as the authority for, ex- 
penditures. 

A budget bill was passed in 
the closing days of the second 
session of the Sixty-sixth Con- 
gress which, invalidated by plain 
constitutional defects and de- 
faced by considerations of pat- 
ronage, the President was obliged 
to veto. The House amended 
the bill to meet the Executive ob- 
jection. We condemn the Re- 



634 Appendix 

REPUBLICAN DEMOCRATIC 

publican Senate for adjourning 
without passing the amended 
measure, when by devoting an 
hour or two more to this urgent 
public business a budget system 
could have been provided. 

REORGANIZATION OF FEDERAL DEPARTMENTS 
AND BUREAUS 

We advocate a thorough inves- 
tigation of the present organiza- 
tion of the Federal departments 
and bureaus, with a view to 
securing consolidation, a more 
businesslike distribution of func- 
tions, the elimination of duplica- 
tion, delays and overlapping of 
work, and the establishment of 
an up-to-date and efficient ad- 
ministrative organization. 

WAR POWERS OF THE PRESIDENT 

The President clings tena- 
ciously to his autocratic war-time 
powers. His veto of the Reso- 
lution declaring peace and his 
refusal to sign the bill repealing 
war-time legislation, no longer 
necessary, evidence his deter- 
mination not to restore to the 
Nation and to the States the form 
of government provided for by 
the Constitution. This usurpa- 
tion is intolerable and deserves 
the severest condemnation. 

TAXATION 

The burden of taxation im- (Tax Revision) 

posed upon the American people We condemn the failure of the 

is staggering; but in presenting a present Congress to respond to 

true statement of the situation the oft-repeated demand of the 

we must face the fact that, while President and the Secretaries of 



Appendix 



635 



REPUBLICAN 

the character of the taxes can 
and should be changed, an early 
reduction of the amount of rev- 
enue to be raised is not to be ex- 
pected. The next Republican 
Administration will inherit from 
its democratic predecessor a 
floating indebtedness of over 
three billion dollars, the prompt 
liquidation of which is demanded 
by sound financial considera- 
tions. Moreover, the whole fis- 
cal policy of the Government 
must be deeply influenced by the 
necessity of meeting obligations 
in excess of five billion dollars 
which mature in 1923. But 
sound policy equally demands 
the early accomplishment of that 
real reduction of the tax burden 
which may be achieved by sub- 
stituting simple for complex tax 
laws and procedure; prompt and 
certain determination of the tax 
liability for delay and uncer- 
tainty; tax laws which do not, for 
tax laws which do, excessively 
mulct the consumer or needlessly 
repress enterprise and thrift. 

We advocate the issuance of a 
simplified form of income return; 
authorizing the Treasury De- 
partment to make changes in reg- 
ulations effective only from the 
date of their approval; empower- 
ing the Commissioner of Internal 
Revenue, with the consent of the 
taxpayer, to make final and con- 
clusive settlements of tax claims 
and assessments barring fraud, 
and the creation of a Tax Board 
consisting of at least three repre- 
sentatives of the tax-paying pub- 
lic and the heads of the principal 
divisions of the Bureau of Inter- 



DEMOCRATIC 

the Treasury to revise the exist- 
ing tax laws. The continuance 
in force in peace times of taxes 
devised under pressure of impera- 
tive necessity to produce a rev- 
enue for war purposes is indefen- 
sible and can only result in last- 
ing injury to the people. The 
Republican Congress persistently 
failed, through sheer political 
cowardice, to make a single move 
toward a readjustment of tax 
laws which it denounced before 
the last election and was afraid to 
revise before the next election. 

We advocate tax reform and 
a searching revision of the War 
Revenue Acts to fit peace condi- 
tions so that the wealth of the 
nation may not be withdrawn 
from productive enterprise and 
diverted to wasteful or non-pro- 
ductive expenditure. 

We demand prompt action by 
the next Congress for a complete 
survey of existing taxes and their 
modification and simplification 
with a view to secure greater 
equity and justice in tax burden 
and improvement in administra- 
tion. 



636 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

nal Revenue to act as a standing 
committee on the simplification 
of forms, procedure and law, and 
to make recommendations to the 
Congress. 



DEMOCRATIC 



BANKING AND CURRENCY 



The fact is that the war, to a 
great extent, was financed by a 
policy of inflation through certifi- 
cate borrowing from the banks, 
and bonds issued at artificial 
rates sustained by the low dis- 
count rates established by the 
Federal Reserve Board. The 
continuance of this policy since 
the Armistice lays the Admin- 
istration open to severe criticism. 
Almost up to the present time, 
the practices of the Federal Re- 
serve Board as to credit control 
have been frankly dominated by 
the convenience of the Treasury. 

The results have been a greatly 
increased war cost, a serious loss 
to the millions of people, who in 
good faith bought Liberty Bonds 
and Victory Notes at par, and 
extensive post-war speculation, 
followed to-day by a restricted 
credit for legitimate industrial 
expansion. As a matter of pub- 
lic policy, we urge all banks to 
give credit preference to essen- 
tial industries. 

The Federal Reserve System 
should be free from political in- 
fluence, which is quite as impor- 
tant as its independence of domi- 
nation by financial combinations. 



(Financial Achievements) 
A review of the record of the 
Democratic party during the ad- 
ministration of Woodrow Wilson 
presents a chapter of substantial 
achievements unsurpassed in the 
history of the republic. For 
fifty years before the advent of 
this administration periodical 
convulsions had impeded the in- 
dustrial progress of the American 
people and caused inestimable 
loss and distress. By the enact- 
ment of the Federal Reserve Act 
the old system, which bred pan- 
ics, was replaced by a new system 
which insured confidence. It 
was an indispensable factor in 
winning the war, and to-day it is 
the hope and inspiration of busi- 
ness. Indeed, one vital danger 
against which the American peo- 
ple should keep constantly on 
guard is the commitment of this 
system to partisan enemies who 
struggled against its adoption 
and vainly attempted to retain in 
the hands of speculative bankers 
a monopoly of the currency cred- 
its of the nation. Already there 
are well-defined indications of an 
assault upon the vital principles 
of the system in the event of Re- 
publican success in the elections 
in November. 

Under Democratic leadership 
the American people successfully 



Appendix 637 

DEMOCRATIC 

financed their stupendous part in 
the greatest war of all time. The 
Treasury wisely insisted during 
the war upon meeting an ade- 
quate portion of the war expen- 
diture from current taxes and the 
bulk of the balance from popular 
loans, and, during the first full 
fiscal year after fighting stopped, 
upon meeting current expendi- 
tures from current receipts not- 
withstanding the new and unnec- 
essary burden thrown upon the 
Treasury by the delay, obstruc- 
tion and extravagance of a Re- 
publican Congress. 

The non-partisan Federal Re- 
serve authorities have been 
wholly free of political interfer- 
ence or motive; and, in their own 
time and their own way, have 
used courageously, though cau- 
tiously, the instruments at their 
disposal to prevent undue expan- 
sion of credit in the country. As 
a result of these sound Treasury 
and Federal Reserve Policies, the 
inevitable war inflation has been 
held down to a minimum, and 
the cost of living has been pre- 
vented from increasing here in 
proportion to the increase in 
other belligerent countries and 
in neutral countries which are in 
close contact with the world's 
commerce and exchanges. 

After a year and a half of fight- 
ing in Europe, and despite an- 
other year and a half of Republi- 
can obstruction at home, the 
credit of the Government of the 
United States stands unimpaired, 
the Federal Reserve note is the 
unit of value throughout all the 
world, and the United States is 



638 Appendix 

REPUBLICAN DEMOCRATIC 

the one great country in the 
world which maintains a free 
gold market. 

We condemn the attempt of 
the Republican party to deprive 
the American people of their 
legitimate pride in the financ- 
ing of the war — an achievement 
without parallel in the financial 
history of this or any other coun- 
try, in this or any other war. 
And in particular we condemn 
the pernicious attempt of the 
Republican party to create dis- 
content among the holders of the 
bonds of the Government of the 
United States and to drag our 
public finance and our banking 
and currency system back into 
the arena of party politics. 

THE HIGH COST OF LIVING 

The prime cause of the "High The high cost of living and the 
Cost of Living" has been first depreciation of bond values in 
and foremost, a fifty per cent this country are primarily due to 
depreciation in the purchasing war itself, to the necessary gov- 
power of the dollar, due to a ernmental expenditures for the 
gross expansion of our currency destructive purposes of war, to 
and credit. Reduced produc- private extravagance, to the 
tion, burdensome taxation, swol- world shortage of capital, to the 
len profits, and the increased de- inflation of foreign currencies and 
mand for goods arising from a credits and in large degree to 
fictitious but enlarged buying conscienceless profiteering, 
power have been contributing The Republican party is re- 
causes in a greater or less degree. sponsible for the failure to restore 

We condemn the unsound fis- peace and peace conditions in 

cal policies of the Democratic ad- Europe, which is a principal 

ministration which have brought cause of post-armistice inflation 

these things to pass, and their at- the world over. It has denied 

tempts to impute the conse- the demand of the President for 

quences to minor and secondary necessary legislation to deal with 

causes. Much of the injury secondary and local causes. The 

wrought is irreparable. There is sound policies pursued by the 

no short way out, and we decline Treasury and the Federal Re- 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

to deceive the people with vain 
promises or quack remedies. 
But as the political party that 
throughout its history has stood 
for honest money and sound fi- 
nance, we pledge ourselves to 
earnest and consistent attack 
upon the high cost of living by 
rigorous avoidance of further in- 
flation in our government bor- 
rowing, by courageous and intel- 
ligent deflation of over-expanded 
credit and currency, by encour- 
agement of heightened produc- 
tion of goods and services, by 
prevention of unreasonable prof- 
its, by exercise of public economy 
and stimulation of private thrift 
and by revision of war imposed 
taxes unsuited to peace-time 
economy. 



DEMOCRATIC 

serve system have limited in this 
country, though they could not 
prevent, the inflation which was 
world-wide. 

Elected upon specific promises 
to curtail public expenditures and 
to bring the country back to a 
, status of effective economy, the 
Republican party in Congress 
wasted time and energy for more 
than a year in vain and extrava- 
gant investigations, costing the 
taxpayers great sums of money, 
while revealing nothing beyond 
the incapacity of Republican 
politicians to cope with the 
problems. Demanding that the 
President, from his place at the 
Peace Table, call the Congress 
into extraordinary session for im- 
perative purposes of readjust- 
ment, the Congress when con- 
vened spent thirteen months in 
partisan pursuits, failing to re- 
peal a single war statute which 
harassed business, or to initiate a 
single constructive measure to 
help business. It busied itself 
making a pre-election record of 
pretended thrift, having not one 
particle of substantial existence 
in fact. It raged against prof- 
iteers and the high cost of living 
without enacting a single statute 
to make the former afraid or do- 
ing a single act to bring the latter 
within limitations. 

The simple truth is that the 
high cost of living can only be 
remedied by increased produc- 
tion, strict governmental econ- 
omy and a relentless pursuit of 
those who take advantage of 
post-war conditions and are de- 
manding and receiving outra- 
geous profits. 



640 



Appendix 



PROFITEERING 



REPUB] man 

we ( ondemn ii>«- i lemoi rati< 
.i« iimiii .1 ration foi failure Impai 
tially to enfori e the antl pro! 
Iteei Ing laws ena< i««i i>\ the Re 
publi( .hi ( longr 



DEMOCRATIC 

(//a;// ( 'fld ''/ / Mflf) 

we pledge 1 1 ■*- i >emo< ratio 

pai i \ to .1 |m>Ii< \ «»i iti i* i <•« on 
omy in government expenditure!, 
and i" the ena< tment and en 
i«'i» ement oi iu< ii legislation i • 
may be reguired i<> bring i»k>i 
Iteen before the bai »»i ( rimlnal 
in tii e, 



RAILROADS 



\\v are oppoied to govei nmeni 
ownenhlp "i.i opera! i«>n oi em 
ployee operat Ion oi the railroads 
in \ i<\\ »»i the ( ondlt Ions pre> >'i 
mi- in (in i i ounti \ , the experl 
en( e <»t the lait I wo years, and 
the * *»ih in i«»ir. w in. h may [airly 
i»c iii. in ii from an obiei vation of 
the traniportatlon lyitemi oi 
othei ( ounti lei, It Ii « leu that 
adequate traniportatlon lervice 
both for the preient and fu 

line ( .in be I'll i n .li< 1 1 moir • ri 

talnly, economically and eflS 
( i*ni i\ through pi Ivate ownoi 
ihlp and operation undei proper 
regulat ■ < > ■ « and i ontrol, 

There ihould i>«- n<> ipe< ulatlve 
profit ti» rendei Ing I he iei \ i< e »>i 
traniportatlon] i>ui "> ordei i«» 
<i»» iii.ii. c to i he ( apital already 
Inveited In railway enteipi I m 
(«► restore railway » redlt , to i>» 
du< c future Invest men! at s res 
sonable rate, and to furnish 
enlarged fa< Hit Lea to meet the re 
quirements oi I he « onitantlj In 
( reaslng development and dls 
tribution, .1 fail return upon 
a< 1 n. ii \ alue oi 1 he railway 
property used ha transportation 



The railroads were iubje< ted 
i»> Federal « ontrol as s wai mes 
lure without othei Ides than ■ 1 1<* 
•w in transport oi troops, muni 
hun-. and supplies. When hu 
in. in life .uid 11. ii tonal hopes were 
at stake profits » ould not be ( on 
sldered and were not, Federal 
operat Ion, howevei , was marked 
l»v .in Intelligeni e and effi< Ien( \ 
that minimized loss and resulted 
in many and marked reforms 
The equipment taken ovei ws 1 
not only grossly Inadequate, but 
shamefully out woi n I Mfii .iii«>n 
prat i'» ( •:. «»\ er< ame these Initial 
handicaps and provided addi 
tlons, betterments .>i»d Improv e 

ments E< on< os enabled opei 

at ion without 1 he «.iic raises that 
pi Ivate ( ontrol would have found 
noi essai jr, .n«<i i.ii»«>i was treated 
with .in exa< 1 Mi' 1 1( e that ie< ured 
theenthusiasitt * operat Ion that 
\ h toi y demanded, The fundi 
mental purpose <»i Federal » on 
trol was a< hleved fully and splen 
didly, and n fai less 1 ost to the 
taxpayer than would have been 
the < ase undei pi Ivate operation 
Investments >>i railroad propei 






Appendix 



641 



REPUBLICAN 

should be made reasonably sure, 
and at the same time provide 
constant employment to those 
engaged in transportation ser- 
vice, with fair hours and favor- 
able working conditions, at wages 
or compensation at least equal to 
those prevailing in similar lines 
of industry. 

We indorse the Transportation 
Act of 1920 enacted by the Re- 
publican Congress as a most con- 
structive legislative achievement. 



DEMOCRATIC 

ties were not only saved by Gov- 
ernment operation, but Gov- 
ernment management returned 
these properties vastly improved 
in every physical and executive 
detail. A great task was greatly 
discharged. 

The Presidents recommenda- 
tion of return to private owner- 
ship gave the Republican major- 
ity a full year in which to enact 
the necessary legislation. The 
House took six months to formu- 
late its ideas and another six 
months was consumed by the Re- 
publican Senate in equally vague 
debate. As a consequence, the 
Esch-Cummins bill went to the 
President in the closing hours of 
the time limit prescribed, and he 
was forced to a choice between 
the chaos of a veto and acquies- 
cence in the measure submitted, 
however grave may have been his 
objections to it. 

There should be a fair and 
complete test of the law and until 
careful and mature action by 
Congress may cure its defects 
and insure a thoroughly effective 
transportation system under pri- 
vate ownership without Govern- 
ment subsidy at the expense of 
the taxpayers of the country. 



WATERWAYS 



We declare it to be our policy 
to encourage and develop water 
transportation service and facili- 
ties in connection with the com- 
merce of the United States. 



(Inland Waterways) 
We call attention to the failure 
of the Republican National Con- 
vention to recognize in any way 
the rapid development of barge 
transportation on our inland 
waterways, which development 
is the result of the constructive 



642 Appendix 

REPUBLICAN DEMOCRATIC 

policies of the Democratic admin- 
istration. 

And we pledge ourselves to the 
further development of adequate 
transportation facilities on our 
rivers and to the further improve- 
ment of our inland waterways; 
and we recognize the importance 
of connecting the Great Lakes 
with the sea by way of the Mis- 
sissippi River and its tributaries, 
as well as by the St. Lawrence 
River. We favor an enterprising 
Foreign Trade Policy with all 
nations, and in this connection 
we favor the full utilization of all 
Atlantic, Gulf and Pacific Ports, 
and an equitable distribution of 
shipping facilities between the 
various ports. 

Transportation remains an in- 
creasingly vital problem in the 
continued development and pros- 
perity of the nation. 

Our present facilities for dis- 
tribution by rail are inadequate 
and the promotion of transporta- 
tion by water is imperative. 

We therefore favor a liberal 
and comprehensive policy for de- 
velopment and utilization of our 
harbors and interior waterways. 

REGULATION OF INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE 

We approve in general the ex- (The Trade Commission) 
isting Federal legislation against The Democratic party heartily 
monopoly and combinations in indorses the creation and work of 
restraint of trade, but since the the Federal Trade Commission in 
known certainty of a law is the establishing a fair field for corn- 
safety of all, we advocate such petitive business, free from re- 
amendment as will provide straints of trade and monopoly, 
American business men with bet- and recommends amplification of 
ter means of determining in ad- the statutes governing its activi- 
vance whether a proposed com- ties so as to grant it authority to 



Appendix 



643 



REPUBLICAN 

bination is or is not unlawful. 
The Federal Trade Commission, 
under a Democratic administra- 
tion, has not accomplished the 
purpose for which it was created. 
This Commission properly or- 
ganized and its duties efficiently 
administered should afford pro- 
tection to the public and legiti- 
mate business interests. There 
should be no persecution of hon- 
est business, but to the extent 
that circumstances warrant we 
pledge ourselves to strengthen 
the law against unfair practices. 
We pledge the party to an im- 
mediate resumption of trade re- 
lations with every nation with 
which we are at peace. 



DEMOCRATIC 

prevent the unfair use of patents 
in restraint of trade. 



INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND TARIFF 



The uncertain and unsettled 
condition of international bal- 
ances, the abnormal economic 
and trade situation of the world, 
and the impossibility of forecast- 
ing accurately even the near fu- 
ture, preclude the formulation of 
a definite programme to meet 
conditions a year hence. But 
the Republican party reaffirms 
its belief in the protective princi- 
ple and pledges itself to a revi- 
sion of the tariff as soon as con- 
ditions shall make it necessary 
for the preservation of the home 
market for American labor, agri- 
culture and industry. 



(The Tariff) 
We re-affirm the traditional 
policy of the Democratic party 
in favor of a tariff for revenue 
only and we confirm the policy 
of basing tariff revisions upon the 
intelligent research of a non-par- 
tisan commission, rather than 
upon the demands of selfish in- 
terests, temporarily held in abey- 



MERCHANT MARINE 



The national defense and our 
foreign commerce require a mer- 
chant marine of the best type of 



We desire to congratulate the 
American people upon the rebirth 
of our Merchant Marine, which 



644 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

modern ship flying the American 
flag, manned by American sea- 
men, owned by private capital, 
and operated by private energy. 
We indorse the sound legislation 
recently enacted by the Republi- 
can Congress that will insure the 
promotion and maintenance of 
the American merchant marine. 

We favor the application of the 
Workmen's Compensation Acts 
to the merchant marine. 

We recommend that all ships 
engaged in coastwise trade and 
all vessels of the American mer- 
chant marine shall pass through 
the Panama Canal without pay- 
ment of tolls. 



DEMOCRATIC 

once more maintains its former 
place in the world. It was under 
a Democratic Administration 
that this was accomplished after 
seventy years of indifference and 
neglect, thirteen million tons 
having been constructed since 
the act was passed, in 1916. We 
pledge the policy of our party to 
the continued growth of our Mer- 
chant Marine under proper legis- 
lation so that American products 
will be carried to all ports of the 
world by vessels built in Ameri- 
can Yards, flying the American 
Flag. 

(Port Facilities) 

The urgent demands of the 
war for adequate transportation 
of war material as well as for do- 
mestic need, revealed the fact 
that our port facilities and rate 
adjustment were such as to seri- 
ously affect the whole country in 
times of peace as well as war. 

We pledge our party to stand 
for equality of rates, both import 
and export, for the ports of the 
country, to the end that there 
may be adequate and fair facili- 
ties and rates for the mobiliza- 
tion of the products of the coun- 
try offered for shipment. 



IMMIGRATION 



The standard of living and the 
standard of citizenship of a na- 
tion are its most precious posses- 
sions, and the preservation and 
elevation of those standards is 
the first duty of our Government. 
The immigration policy of the 



(Asiatic Immigrants) 
The policy of the United States 
with reference to the non-admis- 
sion of Asiatic Immigrants is a 
true expression of the judgment 
of our people, and to the several 
states whose geographical situa- 



Appendix 



645 



REPUBLICAN 

United States should be such as 
to insure that the number of for- 
eigners in the country at any 
time shall not exceed that which 
can be assimilated with reason- 
able rapidity, and to favor immi- 
grants whose standards are simi- 
lar to ours. 

The selective tests that are at 
present applied should be im- 
proved by requiring a higher 
physical standard, a more com- 
plete exclusion of mental defec- 
tives and of criminals, and a 
more effective inspection applied 
as near the source of immigration 
as possible, as well as at the port 
of entry. Justice to the foreigner 
and to ourselves demands provi- 
sion for the guidance, protection 
and better economic distribution 
of our alien population. To fa- 
cilitate government supervision, 
all aliens should be required to 
register annually until they be- 
come naturalized. 

The existing policy of the 
United States for the practical 
exclusion of Asiatic immigrants is 
sound, and should be maintained. 



DEMOCRATIC 

tion or internal conditions make 
this policy and the enforcement 
of the laws enacted pursuant 
thereto of particular concern, we 
pledge our support. 



NATURALIZATION 



There is urgent need of im- 
provement in our naturalization 
law. No alien should become a 
citizen until he has become genu- 
inely American, and adequate 
tests for determining the alien's 
fitness for American citizenship 
should be provided for by law. 

We advocate, in addition, the 
independent naturalization of 
married women. An American 
woman, resident in the United 



(Women in Industry) 
Federal legislation which shall 
insure that American women res- 
idents in the United States, but 
married to aliens, shall retain 
their American citizenship and 
that the same process of natural- 



646 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 



States, should not lose her citi- 
zenship by marriage to an alien. 



DEMOCRATIC 

ization shall be required 
women as for men. 



for 



FREE SPEECH AND ALIEN AGITATION 



We demand that every Ameri- 
can citizen shall enjoy the an- 
cient and constitutional right of 
free speech, free press and free 
assembly and the no less sacred 
right of the qualified voter to be 
represented by his duly chosen 
representatives; but no man may 
advocate resistance to the law, 
and no man may advocate vio- 
lent overthrow of the govern- 
ment. 

Aliens within the jurisdiction 
of the United States are not en- 
titled of right to liberty of agita- 
tion directed against the govern- 
ment or American institutions. 

Every government has the 
power to exclude and deport 
those aliens who constitute a real 
menace to its peaceful existence. 
But in view of the large numbers 
of people affected by the immi- 
gration acts and in view of the 
vigorous malpractice of the De- 
partments of Justice and Labor, 
an adequate public hearing be- 
fore a competent administrative 
tribunal should be assured to all. 



(Free Speech and Press) 
We resent the unfounded re- 
proaches directed against the 
Democratic Administration for 
alleged interference with the free- 
dom of the press and freedom of 
speech. 

No utterance from any quar- 
ter has been assailed, and no pub- 
lication has been repressed which 
has not been animated by trea- 
sonable purpose, and directed 
against the nation's peace, order 
and security in time of war. 

We reaffirm our respect for the 
great principles of free speech 
and a free press, but assert as an 
indisputable proposition that 
they afford no toleration of en- 
emy propaganda or the advocacy 
of the overthrow of the Govern- 
ment of the State or nation by 
force or violence. 



LYNCHING 



We urge Congress to consider 
the most effective means to end 
lynching in this country which 
continues to be a terrible blot on 
our American civilization. 



Appendix 



647 



PUBLIC ROADS AND HIGHWAYS 



REPUBLICAN 

We favor liberal appropria- 
tions in co-operation with the 
States for the construction of 
highways, which will bring about 
a reduction in transportation 
costs, better marketing of farm 
products, improvement in rural 
postal delivery, as well as meet 
the needs of military defense. 

In determining the proportion 
of Federal aid for road construc- 
tion among the States, the sums 
lost in taxation to the respective 
States by the setting apart of 
large portions of their area as 
forest reservations should be con- 
sidered as a controlling factor. 



DEMOCRATIC 

(Improved Highways) 
Improved roads are of vital 
importance not only to com- 
merce and industry, but also to 
agriculture and rural life. The 
Federal Road Act of 19 16, en- 
acted by a Democratic Congress, 
represented the first systematic 
effort of the Government to in- 
sure the building of an adequate 
system of roads in this country. 
The act, as amended, has result- 
ed in placing the movement for 
improved highways on a progres- 
sive and substantial basis in 
every State in the Union, and in 
bringing under actual construc- 
tion more than 13,000 miles of 
roads suited to the traffic needs 
of the communities in which they 
are located. 

We favor a continuance of the 
present Federal aid plan under 
existing Federal and State agen- 
cies amended so as to include as 
one of the elements in determin- 
ing the ratio in which the several 
States shall be entitled to share 
in the fund, the area of any pub- 
lic lands therein. 



CONSERVATION 



Conservation is a Republican 
policy. It began with the pas- 
sage of the Reclamation Act 
signed by President Roosevelt. 
The recent passage of the coal, 
oil and phosphate leasing act by 
a Republican Congress and the 
enactment of the water-power 
bill fashioned in accordance with 
the same principle, are consistent 



(Petroleum) 
The Democratic party recog- 
nizes the importance of the ac- 
quisition by Americans of addi- 
tional sources of supply of petro- 
leum and other minerals and de- 
clares that such acquisition both 
at home and abroad should be 
fostered and encouraged. We 
urge such action, legislative and 



648 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

landmarks in the development of 
the conservation of our national 
resources. We denounce the re- 
fusal of the President to sign the 
water-power bill, passed after ten 
years of controversy. The Re- 
publican party has taken an espe- 
cially honorable part in saving 
our national forests and in the 
effort to establish a national for- 
est policy. Our most pressing 
conservation question relates to 
our forests. We are using our 
forest resources faster than they 
are being renewed. The result is 
to raise unduly the cost of forest 
products to consumers and espe- 
cially farmers, who use more than 
half the lumber produced in 
America, and in the end to create 
a timber famine. The Federal 
Government, the States and pri- 
vate interests must unite in de- 
vising means to meet the menace. 



DEMOCRATIC 

executive, as may secure to 
American citizens the same rights 
in the acquirement of mining 
rights in foreign countries as are 
enjoyed by the citizens or sub- 
jects of any other nation. 



RECLAMATION 



We favor a fixed and compre- 
hensive policy of reclamation to 
increase national wealth and pro- 
duction. 

We recognize in the develop- 
ment of reclamation through 
Federal action with its increase 
of production and taxable wealth 
a safeguard for the nation. 

We commend to Congress a 
policy to reclaim lands and the 
establishment of a fixed national 
policy of development of natural 
resources in relation to reclama- 
tion through the now designated 
government agencies. 



(Reclamation of Arid Lands) 
By wise legislation and pro- 
gressive administration, we have 
transformed the government 
reclamation projects, represent- 
ing an investment of $100,000,- 
000, from a condition of impend- 
ing failure and loss of confidence 
in the ability of the Government 
to carry through such large en- 
terprises, to a condition of dem- 
onstrated success, whereby for- 
merly arid and wholly unproduc- 
tive lands now sustain 40,000 
prosperous families and have an 
annual crop production of over 
$70,000,000, not including the 
crops grown on a million acres 



Appendix 649 

REPUBLICAN DEMOCRATIC 

outside the projects supplied with 
storage water from government 
works. 

We favor ample appropria- 
tions for the continuation and 
extension of this great work of 
home-building and internal im- 
provement along the same gen- 
eral lines, to the end that all prac- 
tical projects shall be built, and 
waters now running to waste 
shall be made to provide homes 
and add to the food supply, 
power resources, and taxable 
property, with the Government 
ultimately reimbursed for the 
entire outlay. 

(Flood Control) 

We commend the Democratic 
Congress for the redemption of 
the pledge contained in our last 
platform by the passage of the 
Flood Control Act of March i, 
191 7, and point to the successful 
control of the floods of the Mis- 
sissippi River and the Sacra- 
mento River, California, under 
the policy of that law, for its 
complete justification. We fa- 
vor the extension of this policy to 
other flood control problems 
wherever the Federal interest in- 
volved justifies the expenditure 
required. 

ARMY AND NAVY 

We feel the deepest pride in (Conduct of the War) 

the fine courage, the resolute We express to the soldiers and 

endurance, the gallant spirit of sailors and marines of America 

the officers and men of our army the admiration of their fellow 

and navy in the World War. countrymen. Guided by the 

They were in all ways worthy of genius of such commanders as 

the best traditions of the nation's General John J. Pershing, the 



650 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

defenders, and we pledge our- 
selves to proper maintenance of 
the military and naval establish- 
ments upon which our national 
security and dignity depend. 



DEMOCRATIC 

armed forces of America consti- 
tuted a decisive factor in the vic- 
tory and brought new lustre to 
the flag. 

We commend the patriotic 
men and women who sustained 
the efforts of their Government 
in crucial hours of the war and 
contributed to the brilliant ad- 
ministrative success achieved 
under broad-visioned leadership 
of the President. 



THE SERVICE MEN 



We hold in imperishable re- 
membrance the valor and the 
patriotism of the soldiers and 
sailors of America who fought in 
the great war for human liberty, 
and we pledge ourselves to dis- 
charge to the fullest the obliga- 
tions which a grateful nation 
justly should fulfil, in apprecia- 
tion of the services rendered by 
its defenders on sea and on land. 

Republicans are not ungrate- 
ful. Throughout their history 
they have shown their gratitude 
toward the nation's defenders. 
Liberal legislation for the care of 
the disabled and infirm and their 
dependents has ever marked Re- 
publican policy toward the sol- 
dier and sailor of all the wars in 
which our country has partici- 
pated. The present Congress 
has appropriated generously for 
the disabled of the World War. 

The amounts already applied 
and authorized for the fiscal year 
1920-21 for this purpose reached 
the stupendous sum of $1,180,- 
571,893. This legislation is sig- 
nificant of the party's purpose in 



(Disabled Soldiers) 
The Federal Government 
should treat with the utmost con- 
sideration every disabled soldier, 
sailor and marine of the world 
war, whether his disability be due 
to wounds received in line of ac- 
tion or to health impaired in ser- 
vice; and for the dependents of 
the brave men who died in line 
of duty the Government's tender- 
est concern and richest bounty 
should be their requital. The 
fine patriotism exhibited, the he- 
roic conduct displayed by Ameri- 
can soldiers, sailors and marines 
at home and abroad, constitute 
a sacred heritage of posterity, the 
worth of which can never be re- 
compensed from the Treasury 
and the glory of which must not 
be diminished. 

The Democratic Administra- 
tion wisely established a War 
Risk Insurance Bureau, giving 
four and a half millions of en- 
listed men insurance at unprece- 
dentedly low rates and through 
the medium of which compensa- 
tion of men and women injured 



Appendix 



651 



REPUBLICAN 

generously caring for the maimed 
and disabled men of the recent 
war. 



DEMOCRATIC 

in service is readily adjusted, and 
hospital facilities for those whose 
health is impaired are abundantly 
afforded. 

The Federal Board for Voca- 
tional Education should be made 
a part of the War Risk Insurance 
Bureau, in order that the task 
may be treated as a whole, and 
this machinery of protection and 
assistance must receive every aid 
of law and appropriation neces- 
sary to full and effective opera- 
tion. 

We believe that no higher or 
more valued privilege can be 
afforded to an American citizen 
than to become a freeholder in 
the soil of the United States and 
to that end we pledge our party 
to the enactment of soldier set- 
tlements and home aid legislation 
which will afford to the men who 
fought for America the opportu- 
nity to become land and home 
owners under conditions afford- 
ing genuine government assis- 
tance unencumbered by needless 
difficulties of red tape or advance 
financial investment. 



CIVIL SERVICE 



We renew our repeated dec- 
laration that the civil service law 
shall be thoroughly and honestly 
enforced and extended wherever 
practicable. The recent action 
of Congress in enacting a compre- 
hensive civil service retirement 
law and in working out a compre- 
hensive employment and wage 
policy that will guarantee equal 
and just treatment to the army 
ot government workers, and in 



652 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

centralizing the administration 
of the new and progressive em- 
ployment policy in the hands of 
the Civil Service Commission is 
worthy of all praise. 



DEMOCRATIC 



POSTAL SERVICE 



We condemn the present Ad- 
ministration for its destruction of 
the emciency of the postal ser- 
vice, and the telegraph and tele- 
phone service when controlled by 
the Government and for its fail- 
ure to properly compensate em- 
ployees whose expert knowledge 
is essential to the proper conduct 
of the affairs of the postal sys- 
tem. We commend the Repub- 
lican Congress for the enactment 
of legislation increasing the pay 
of postal employees, who up to 
that time were the poorest paid 
in the government service. 



The emciency of the Post 
Office Department has been vin- 
dicated against a malicious and 
designing assault by the efficiency 
of its operation. Its record re- 
futes its assailants. Their voices 
are silenced and their charges 
have collapsed. 

We commend the work of the 
Joint Commission on the Reclas- 
sification of Salaries of Postal 
Employees, recently concluded, 
which Commission was created 
by a Democratic administration. 
The Democratic party has al- 
ways favored and will continue 
to favor the fair and just treat- 
ment of all government employ- 



er w^/^ed Highways) 

Inasmuch as the postal service 
has been extended by the D emo- 
cratic party to the door of practi- 
cally every producer and every 
consumer in the country (rural 
free delivery alone having been 
provided for 6,000,000 additional 
patrons within the past eight 
years without material added 
cost), we declare that this instru- 
mentality can and will be used 
to the maximum of its capacity 
to improve the efficiency of dis- 
tribution and reduce the cost of 
living to consumers while in- 



Appendix 653 

REPUBLICAN DEMOCRATIC 

creasing the profitable operations 
of producers. 

We strongly favor the in- 
creased use of the motor vehicle 
in the transportation of the mails, 
and urge the removal of the re- 
strictions imposed by the Repub- 
lican Congress on the use of mo- 
tor devices in mail transportation 
in rural territories. 

WOMAN SUFFRAGE 

We welcome women into full We indorse the proposed 19 th 

participation in the affairs of Amendment of the Constitution 
government and the activities of of the United States granting 
the Republican party. We ear- equal suffrage to women. We 
nestly hope that Republican leg- congratulate the legislatures of 
islatures in States which have not the thirty-five States which have 
yet acted on the Suffrage Amend- already ratified said Amend- 
ment will ratify the amendment, ment, and we urge the Demo- 
to the end that all of the women cratic Governors and legislatures 
of the nation of voting age may of Tennessee, North Carolina 
participate in the election of 1920 and Florida and such States as 
which is so important to the wel- have not yet ratified the Federal 
fare of our country. Suffrage Amendment to unite in 

an effort to complete the process 
of ratification and secure the 
thirty-sixth State in time for all 
the women of the United States 
to participate in the Fall election. 
We commend the effective advo- 
cacy of the measure by President 
Wilson. 

SOCIAL PROGRESS 

The supreme duty of the na- 
tion is the conservation of human 
resources through an enlightened 
measure of social and industrial 
justice. Although the Federal 
jurisdiction over social problems 
is limited, they affect the welfare 
and interest of the nation as a 



654 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 

whole. We pledge the Republi- 
can party to the solution of these 
problems through national and 
State legislation in accordance 
with the best progressive thought 
of the country. 



DEMOCRATIC 



EDUCATION AND HEALTH 



We indorse the principle of 
Federal aid to the States for the 
purposes of vocational and agri- 
cultural training. 

Wherever Federal money is de- 
voted to education, such educa- 
tion must be so directed as to 
awaken in the youth the spirit of 
America and a sense of patriotic 
duty to the United States. 

A thorough system of physical 
education for all children up to 
the age of 19, including adequate 
health supervision and instruc- 
tion, would remedy conditions re- 
vealed by the draft and would 
add to the economic and indus- 
trial stength of the nation. Na- 
tional leadership and stimulation 
will be necessary to induce the 
States to adopt a wise system of 
physical training. 

The public health activities of 
the Federal Government are 
scattered through numerous de- 
partments and bureaus, resulting 
in inefficiency, duplication and 
extravagance. We advocate a 
greater centralization of the Fed- 
eral functions, and in addition 
urge the better co-ordination of 
the work of the Federal, State 
and local health agencies. 



(Education) 
Co-operative Federal assis- 
tance to the States is immedi- 
ately required for the removal of 
illiteracy, for the increase of 
teachers' salaries and instruction 
in citizenship for both native and 
foreign-born; increased appropri- 
ation for vocational training in 
home economics, re-establish- 
ment of joint Federal and State 
employment service with wo- 
men's departments under the di- 
rection of technically qualified 



Appendix 



655 



CHILD LABOR 



REPUBLICAN 



The Republican party stands 
for a Federal child labor law and 
for its rigid enforcement. If the 
present law be found unconstitu- 
tional or ineffective, we shall seek 
other means to enable Congress 
to prevent the evils of child labor. 



DEMOCRATIC 



WOMEN IN INDUSTRY 



Women have special problems 
of employment which make nec- 
essary special study. We com- 
mend Congress for the perma- 
nent establishment of the Wo- 
men^ Bureau in the United 
States Department of Labor to 
serve as a source of information 
to the States and to Congress. 

The principle of equal pay for 
equal service should be applied 
throughout all branches of the 
Federal Government in which 
women are employed. 

Federal aid for vocational 
training should take into consid- 
eration the special aptitudes and 
needs of women workers. 

We demand Federal legislation 
to limit the hours of employment 
of women engaged in intensive 
industry, the product of which 
enters into interstate commerce. 



We advocate full representa- 
tion of women on all commissions 
dealing with women's work or 
women's interests and a reclassi- 
fication of the Federal Civil Ser- 
vice free from discrimination on 
the ground of sex; a continuance 
of appropriations for education 
in sex hygiene. 

(Welfare of Women and 
Children) 

We urge co-operation with the 
States for the protection of child 
life through infancy and mater- 
nity care, in the prohibition of 
child labor and by adequate ap- 
propriations for the Children's 
Bureau and the Woman's Bureau 
in the Department of Labor. 



HOUSING 



The housing shortage has not 
only compelled careful study of 
ways of stimulating building, but 
it has brought into relief the un- 
satisfactory character of the 
housing accommodations of large 
numbers of the inhabitants of 



Appendix 



REPUBLICAN 



our cities. A nation of home 
owners is the best guaranty of 
the maintenance of those princi- 
ples of liberty, law and order 
upon which our Government is 
founded. Both national and 
State governments should en- 
courage in all proper ways the ac- 
quiring of homes by our citizens. 
The United States Government 
should make available the valu- 
able information on housing and 
town planning collected dur- 
ing the war. This information 
should be kept up to date and 
made currently available. 



DEMOCRATIC 



HAWAII 



For Hawaii we recommend 
Federal assistance in American- 
izing and educating their greatly 
disproportionate foreign popula- 
tion; home rule; and the rehabili- 
tation of the Hawaiian race. 



We favor a liberal policy of 
homesteading public lands in 
Hawaii to promote a large mid- 
dle-class citizen population, with 
equal rights to all citizens. 

The importance of Hawaii as 
an outpost on the western Fron- 
tier of the United States de- 
mands adequate appropriations 
by Congress for the development 
of our harbors and highways 
there. 



THE PHILIPPINES 



We favor the granting of inde- 
pendence without unnecessary 
delay to the 10,500,000 inhabi- 
tants of the Philippine Islands. 



PORTO RICO 



We favor granting to the peo- 
ple of Porto Rico the traditional 
territorial form of government, 
with a view to ultimate state- 



Appendix 657 

DEMOCRATIC 

hood, accorded to all territories 
of the United States since the be- 
ginning of our Government, and 
we believe that the officials ap- 
pointed to administer the gov- 
ernment of such territories should 
be qualified by previous bona fide 
residence therein. 

ALASKA 

We commend the Democratic 
Administration for inaugurating 
a new policy as to Alaska as evi- 
denced by the construction of the 
Alaska railroad and opening of 
the coal and oil fields. 

We declare for the modifica- 
tion of the existing coal land law, 
to promote development without 
disturbing the features intended 
to prevent monopoly. 

For such changes in the policy 
of forestry control as will permit 
the immediate initiation of the 
paper-pulp industry. 

For relieving the territory from 
the evils of long-distance govern- 
ment by arbitrary and interlock- 
ing bureaucratic regulation, and 
to that end we urge the speedy 
passage of a law containing the 
essential features of the Lane- 
Curry bill now pending, co-ordi- 
nating and consolidating all Fed- 
eral control of natural resources 
under one department to be ad- 
ministered by a non-partisan 
board permanently resident in 
the territory. 

For the fullest measure of ter- 
ritorial self-government with the 
view to ultimate statehood, with 
jurisdiction over all matters not 
of purely Federal concern, includ- 



658 Appendix 

REPUBLICAN DEMOCRATIC 

ing fisheries and game, and for 
an intelligent administration of 
Federal control we believe that 
all officials appointed should be 
qualified by previous bona fide 
residence in the territory. 

For a comprehensive system of 
road construction, with increased 
appropriations and the full ex- 
tension of the Federal Road Aid 
Act to Alaska. 

For the extension to Alaska of 
the Federal Farm Loan Act. 

IRELAND 

The great principle of national 
self-determination has received 
constant reiteration as one of the 
chief objectives for which this 
country entered the war and vic- 
tory established this principle. 

Within the limitations of in- 
ternational comity and usage, 
this Convention repeats the sev- 
eral previous expressions of the 
sympathy of the Democratic 
party of the United States for 
the aspirations of Ireland for 
self-government. 

(CONCLUSION) 

Pointing to its history and re- 
lying on its fundamental princi- 
ples, we declare that the Repub- 
lican party has the genius, cour- 
age and constructive ability to 
end executive usurpation and re- 
store constitutional government; 
to fulfil our world obligations 
without sacrificing our national 
independence; to raise the na- 
tional standards of education, 
health and general welfare; to re- 



Appendix 



659 



REPUBLICAN 

establish a peace-time adminis- 
tration and to substitute econ- 
omy and efficiency for extrava- 
gance and chaos; to restore and 
maintain the national credit; to 
reform unequal and burdensome 
taxes; to free business from arbi- 
trary and unnecessary official 
control; to suppress disloyalty 
without the denial of justice; to 
repel the arrogant challenge of 
any class and to maintain a gov- 
ernment of all the people as con- 
trasted with government for 
some of the people, and finally, 
to allay unrest, suspicion and 
strife, and to secure the co-opera- 
tion and unity of all citizens in 
the solution of the complex prob- 
lems of the day; to the end that 
our country, happy and prosper- 
ous, proud of its past, sure of it- 
self and of its institutions, may 
look forward with confidence to 
the future. 



DEMOCRATIC 



Believing that we have kept 
the Democratic faith and resting 
our claims to the confidence of 
the people not upon grandiose 
promises, but upon the solid per- 
formances of our party, we sub- 
mit our record to the nation's 
consideration and ask that the 
pledges of this platform be ap- 
praised in the light of that record. 



INDEX 



Absent voters laws, 352 ff. 

Absentee voters, 299, 350 ff. 

Absentee voting in party plat- 
forms, 353 n. 

Act of 1820, 371. 

Act of 1836, 371. 

Adams County, Ohio, corruption in, 
280. 

Adamson law, 48, 50. 

"Administrative lie," 532. 

Advertisements, political, 283. 

* i Advisory ' ' primary,' 1 74 . 

Advisory recall in Arizona, 489. 

Alaska, 45, 192. 

Alternates, in national convention, 
192. 

Amendment of Federal Constitution, 
68, 181-182. 

Amendments, in legislative proce- 
dure, 531-532. 

American Federation of Labor, So- 
cialism in, 88. 

Americanism, 26, 72. 

American Socialist, 86 n. 

Anti-lobbying laws, 468, 580-581. 

Anti-Masonic party, 190. 

Anti- trust law, 22. 

Appeals to U. S. Supreme Court, 
504 n. 

Appointive officers, removal of, 484. 

Appointive offices, Federal Consti- 
tution on, 369-370. 
in Federal civil service, 368-369, 
37o. 

Appointments, under civil service 
act, 403-404. 

Apportionment acts, publicity for, 

578-579. 

Apportionment of delegates, 191 6, 
192-193. 

Appropriations, veto of specific, 
542-543, 572. 

Arizona, recall in, 489, 496. 

veto by President Taft, 496. 

Arnold, W. A., 75. 

Arthur, Chester A., 215. 

Ashtabula, Ohio, 579. 

Assembly Bulletin, 577. 

Assembly district leader, in Tam- 
many organization, 438 ff. 



Assessment, of office-holders, 273 ff, 
410. 

evils of, 274-275. 
Assessments, under the spoils sys- 
tem, 386. 
"Assistance clauses," 326; in Penn- 
sylvania, ib. 
Assistant postmasters, merit system 

extended to, 415 n. 
Australian ballot system, adopted in 
United States, 323. 

"assistance clauses," 326. 
principal features of, 324 ff. 
secrecy of, 325. 
types of ballot, 331 ff. 
Auxiliary Committee, Tammany, 

437- 
Auxiliary party committees, 233- 

235- 

Ballot, the, bibliography, 361-366. 

complexity of, 339. 

in Cook County, Illinois, 339. 

Indiana type, 332. 

Massachusetts type, 331, 332. 

non-partisan, 338-339. 

order of names on, 331 ff. 

party column type, 332. 

party emblems on, 330-331. 

Pennsylvania type, 332. 

short ballot, 343 ff. 

size and shape of, 330. 
Balloting, in national conventions, 

212, 214. 
Belgium, Socialism in, 82. 
"Belt-line" district, 423. 
Berger, V. L., 75. 
Bibliography — 

ch. I, 13-15- 

ch. II, 57-64- 

ch. Ill, 102-108. 

ch. IV, 1 21-123. 

ch. V, 138-139. 

ch. VI, 160-164. 

ch. VII, 187-189. 

ch. VIII, 222-229. 

ch. IX, 253-254. 

ch. X, 266-267 

ch. XI, 293-297. 

ch. XII, 316-321. 



661 



Index 



ch. XIII, 361-366. 

ch. XIV, 389-392. 

ch. XV, 424-432. 

ch. XVI, 474-481. 

ch. XVII, 505-510. 

ch. XVIII, 534-536. 

ch. XIX, 564-569. 

ch. XX, 603-611. 
Bill drafting, expert assistance in, 
574-576. 

under the initiative, 593-594. 
Bi-partisan boards, 452-453. 
"Blackmailing" legislation, 558-559. 
"Blanket" ballot, 343. 
"Blind-voting," 340-341. 
"Bolters," 6, 550. 

Bosses, blackmailing corporations, 
457. 

charitable work of, 458, 470- 
472. 

connection with legislative com- 
mittees, 522-523. 

consequences of boss control, 

132-133- 
control of campaign funds, 457. 
control of conventions, 131. 
control of legislative bodies, 

460-461. 
control of nominations and 

elections, 342, 348. 
distinguished from leaders, 456- 

457. 

evolution of, 454-455. 

influence on administrative pol- 
icies, 458-459. 

influence on the judiciary, 461- 
462. 

personal qualities of, 455-456. 

seldom become candidates, 456. 
Bribery, in elections, 279-281. 

in legislative bodies, 557 ff. 

in primaries, 117-118. 

invited by legislators, 558-559. 
Bucklin system, 348. 
Budget, 40. 
Business, Republican party and, 

46-47. 
Business corporations, relations with 
political machines, 450. 

California, campaign expenditures 
in, 286. 

presidential primary in, 199. 
recall in, 488. 
"Call," for national conventions, 

190-191. 
Campaign clubs, 257 fl. 
Campaign contributions, by corpo- 
rations, prohibited, 283-284. 



by State governments, 283-284. 

by the Federal government pro- 
posed, 285. 

Federal laws controlling, 283- 
284. 

publicity of, 287 ff. 

State laws controlling, 283-284. 
Campaign documents, 261 ff. 

publicity pamphlets in Oregon, 
262 ff. 
Campaign expenditures, 268-269. 

illegitimate, 279 ff. 

in New York County, 276-278. 

legitimate, 275 ff. 

publicity of, 287 ff. 

regulated by statute, 285 ff. * 
Campaign funds, Democratic, 275 ff. 

in 1856, 268. 

in i860, ib. 

in 1896, ib. 

in 1904, 268-269. 

in 1908, 269. 

laws restricting expenditure of, 
285 ff. 

laws restricting sources of, 
283 ff. 

methods of raising, 270 ff. 

publicity of, 287 ff. 
Campaign issues, 19 16, 48 ff. 

sources of, 270 ff. 
Campaign methods, 255 ff. 

appealing to emotions, 256 ff. 

appealing to the intelligence, 
261 ff. 

bibliography, 266-267. 

in Oregon, 262-263. 
Campaign text-book, 261. 
Campaigns, conduct of, 255 ff. 

importance of organization in, 
231-232. 
Candidates, arrangement of names 
on ballot, 331 ff. 

boss control of, 131. 

contributions of, 272. 

Democratic, 45. 

in direct primaries, 153 n. 

solicitation of, 282. 
Canvass of voters, 244-245. 
"Cards of instruction," 324-325. 
"Caucus nominee," 168. 
Caucus or primary, call for, 113- 
114. 

bribery, 117. 

evils of, 115 ff. 

foreign element in, 115. 

packed, 116. 

participation in, 119. 

place of holding, 115. 

ring rule, 118. 



Index 



663 



rules governing, 114. 
"snap," 116. 
Chamberlain, Governor, elected 
United States senator from Ore- 
gon, 175- . e v . . 
Characteristics of a political party, 

3 ff - . . J u 

Checks and balances, impaired by 

direct legislation, 590-591- 

Chicago, elective omces in, 339~340- 

Socialist headquarters, 85. 

Socialist vote in, 75. 
Chicago, Daily Socialist, 86. 
Citizens' Union of New York City, 

576. 
City nominations, 113. 
Civil service, defined, 368 n. 
Civil service act of 1883, appoint- 
ments under, 403-404. 

examinations under, 403. 

political assessments prohibited, 
410. 

solicitation of political contribu- 
tions prohibited, 404. 

summarized, 403-404. 
Civil service commission, under 

President Grant, 398-399- 
Civil service reform, 393 ff. 

aims of, 393~394- 

bibliography, 424-432. < 

competitive examinations, 
395 n, 398, 402-403. 

early attempts at, 394 ff. 

economic benefits of, 408-409. 

extension of, 405 ff. 

in cities and States, 418 ff. t 

in Democratic and Republican 
platforms, 40, 400-401. 

in Progressive platform, 71. 

opposition to, 406-407. 

Pendleton act, 401 ff. 

political benefits of, 409 ff. 

President Grant and, 398-399- 

President Hayes and, 399. 

President Wilson and, 49. 

real beginning of, 396. 
Civil Service Reform League, 401. 
Civil service rules, exemptions un- 
der, 416 ff. 

political activity under, 410 ff. 

removals under, 415-416. 
Civil War, congressional corruption 

during, 558. 
"Classified service," 403. 
Cleveland, President, 204. 
"Closed" primaries, 141. 
Clubs, campaign, 257 ff. 
Collective ownership, 92, 97. 
College League, Republican, 258. 



Colorado, campaign contributions 
and expenditures in, 284. 

civil service reform in, 419. 

recall of judicial decisions, 503. 
Columbus, Ohio, Socialist vote in, 

75- 
Commission government, recall un- 
der, 486. 
Committee on resolutions, in na- 
tional conventions, 18, 211. 
Committee on rules, appointment 

and powers of, 539-540. 
Committee proceedings, publicity 

for, 571. 
Committee system, 521 ff. 
advantages of, 523. 
defects of, 524-525. 
lobbying encouraged by, 554- 
555- 
Committees, in national conven- 
tions, 208 ff. 
Committees (legislative), appoint- 
ment of, 521-523. 
functions of, ib. 
in Pennsylvania legislature, 

522 n, 524 n. 
legislation smothered by, 526 n. 
on rules, 539-540. 
reference of bills to, 537-538. 
relations with machines and 

bosses, 522-523. 
"snap" meetings of, 523. 
Competition, Socialists on, 78. 
Competitive examinations, under 
civil service act, 403-404. 
economy of, 408-409. 
exemptions from, 416-417. 
suspended by President Grant, 
400. 
Competitive service, political ac- 
tivity by, 411-412. 
Competitive system, early oppo- 
nents of, 406-407. 

economy under, 408-409. 
established by civil service act, 

403 ff- 
executive extension of, 405. 
extent of, 405. 
present opponents of, 408. 
Congress, committee on rules in, 

539-540- 

extravagant legislation by, 557. 
nomination of representatives 

in, 165 ff. 
number of committees in, 524 n. 
speaker's power in, 537 ff. 
Congressional and State elections, 
1914, 72. 



664 



Index 



Congressional campaign committees, 

239-240. 
Congressional districts, gerrymander 

of, 422-423. 
Congressional district committees, 

166. 
Congressional Union, 31 1-3 12. 
Congressmen, nomination of, 165 ff. 
publicity of expenditures by, 

290. 
restriction of expenditures by, 
287. 
Congressmen at -large, nomination 

of, 166. 
Connecticut, educational test in, 
303. 

venal voters in, 280. 
Conservation, 34, 71. 
Constitutional amendment, for pop- 
ular election of senators, 176-177, 
181-182. 
Constitutional limitations, upon 

State legislatures, 529-530, 570. 
Contested election cases in legisla- 
tive bodies, 518, 571. 
Contesting delegations, 129. 

in national conventions, 209- 
210. 
Contributions (campaign) by cor- 
porations prohibited, 283-284. 
laws restricting, 283-285. 
publicity for, 287 ff. 
Control of government the aim of 

parties, 8. 
Convention system, bibliography, 
138-139. 
boss control, 131. 
character of delegates, 127-128. 
complexity of, 130. 
contesting delegations, 129. 
defects of, 127 ff. 
in New York State, 130. 
proceedings, 129-130. 
proxies, 128-129. 
remedies, 133-137. 
Cook County, Illinois, convention 
in, 127-128. 

number of candidates in, 339- 

34°- 
size of ballot in, 339 n. 
Cooper, Congressman, 20. 
Co-operative commonwealth, 95. 
Corrupt practices acts, 282. 

in New York, 289. 
Cotton futures act, 35. 
Country postmasters. See Fourth- 
class postmasters. 
County and State nominations, bib- 
liography, 124-125. 



County central committees, 124. 
County leader, Tammany, 216 ff. 
County offices, nominations for, 

124 ff. 
"Courtesy of the Senate," 378-379. 
Courts — 

jury trial in contempt cases, 23. 
legislation declared unconstitu- 
tional by, 497-498. 
recall of judges, 493 ff . 
recall of judicial decisions, 
499 ff. 
Credentials, committee on, 129, 

209-210. 
Currency issue, Judge Parker and, 

52. 
Currency plank, 1904, 19. 
Curtis, George William, 407. 

civil service commissioner, 398. 
on platforms of 1872, 400. 
president of Civil Service Re- 
form League, 401. 

Debs, E. V., 84. 

Defects of national convention, 

216 ff. 
Delaware, machine politics in, 462. 

senatorial deadlock in, 171. 
Delegates, apportionment in na- 
tional convention, 192 ff. 

character of, 127-128, 204-205. 

instructions, 196-197. 

motives actuating, 206. 

seating in national convention, 
205. 
Delegates at large, 196, 197. 
Democratic national committee, 

expenditures by, 268-269. 
Democratic national convention 
(1840), 54. 

(i860), 20. 

(1904), 19, 52. 

action on unit rule, 213 n, 214. 

instructions to delegates, 196- 
197. 

method of choosing delegates, 
195, 196. 

two-thirds rule, 212-213. 

unit rule, 212-214. 
Democratic platform, 17. 

(1900), 177. 

(1904), 19. 

(1908), 177. 

(1916), 21 ff. 
Denver, Colorado, machine politics 

in, 464 n. 
Direct legislation, 581 ff. 

an alternative system, 591. 

arguments for, 586 ff. 



Index 



665 



bibliography, 603-611. 

checks and balances impaired, 

590-591. 
constitutionality of, 590. 
educational value of, 587-588. 
incompetence of voters to deal 

with, 597-598. 
indifference of voters to, 595- 

596. 
in Illinois, 597. 
in Maine, 594-595. 
in municipalities, 585. 
in Oregon, 581, 587, 590, 597. 
objections to, 590 ff . 
opponents of, 589-590. 
questions and topics, 600-602. 
signature-getting, 599. 
Socialists and, 95, 585-586. 
statutes rendered more intelli- 
gible, 588. 
two purposes of, 583-584. 
Direct nomination of President, 201- 
202. 

trivial matters brought forward, 

599- 
voter's task simplified, 588-589. 
Direct primary elections, 140 ff. 
advantages of, 148-150. 
and other reforms, 157-158. 
bibliography, 160 ff. 
candidates nominated by, 151 

and n, 156 and n. 
effect on candidates, 151 n, 

153 n. 
expenditures in, 151 n. 
laws concerning, 143-147. 
number of candidates, 153 n. 
objections to, 150-153. 
"open" and "closed," 141-142. 
party tests, 145-146. 
procedure, 1 40-141. 
questions and topics, 159-160. 
spread of movement, 147. 
"Dispensing power" of the Presi- 
dent under the civil service rules, 
416 ff. 
District captains committee, 447. 
District clubs, Tammany, 442-443. 
District conventions, congressional, 
166. 
legislative, 124-125. 
District general committee, Tam- 
many, 437. 

function of, 437. 
officers of, 438. 
organization of, 435-436. 
District leader, in Tammany or- 
ganization, 438 ff. 
District of Columbia, 192, 194. 



District standing committees, Tam- 
many, 441. 
Divided allegiance, 26-28. 
Documents, campaign, 261 ff. 

in Oregon, 262 ff. 
Dual district leaders, 438 n. 
"Dumb-bell" district, 547. 

Eaton, Dorman B., 407. 

Economic freedom, 23. 

Economy and efficiency bureau, 

1916, 277 n. 
Economy and the budget, 40. 
Educational qualifications, 303 ff. 
arguments for and against, 308- 

310. 
in Southern States, 304-306. 
Election district captain, 445-446. 
Election laws, main provisions of, 

322 ff. 
Election system, defects of Ameri- 
can, 336 ff. 
Elections, concurrence of local, 
State, and national, 337-338. 
divorcing State and national, 

467. 
frequency of, 336-337. 
Elective offices, in Chicago, 339. 
in Cook County, Illinois, 339, 

340. 
in New Jersey, 339. 
in New York City, 340. 
in Philadelphia, 340. 
multiplicity of, 339 ff. 
political machines and, 458. 
reduction in number of, 343 ff, 
466. 
"Electoral ticket," 184. 
Electrical voting, 571. 
Ellis, Wade, 19. 
"Emergency" measures under the 

referendum, 584. 
"Envelope" ballot, 326 ff. 
advantages of, 329. 
objections to, 329-330. 
European war, 72, 90, 93. 
Executive committee, in Tammany 

organization, 444-445. 
Executive messages, 540-541. 
Expenditures (campaign), Federal 
law limiting, 287. 
illegitimate, 279 ff. 
in national campaigns, 268 ff. 
legitimate, 276 ff. 
of New York County Republi- 
can Committee, 276-277. 
of representatives and senators 
in Congress, 287. 



666 



Index 



publicity of, 287 ff. 

State laws restricting, 285 ff. 

Faction, 5. 

False registration, in New Jersey, 
328. 

in New York City, 228. 

Farmer, deeds for, 34. 

Federal buildings, appropriations 
for, 557, 572. 

Federal civil service, improved char- 
acter of, 418. 

(See Civil service reform.) 

Federal employees, 37-38. 

Federal Trade Commission, 22. 

Fergus cases, 530 n. 

Fifteenth Amendment, 300. 

"Filibustering," 560. 

Finance (party), 268 ff. 

(See campaign funds, campaign 
contributions, campaign ex- 
penditures, etc.) 

Finance committees, 269. 

Foreign relations, 29. 

Fourteenth Amendment, 307-308. 

Fourth-class postmasters, merit sys- 
tem extended to, 414-415. 

"Four-year tenure" acts of 1820 and 
1836, 371. 

France, Socialism in, 82. 

Garfield, President, on the spoils 

system, 384. 
Garfield's administration, factional 

fights in, 401. 
Gas Ring, in Philadelphia, 435. 
"Gavel rule," 530-531. 
General committee, in Tammany 

organization, 443-444. 
General legislation, 526. 
George III, 373. 
Germany, Socialism in, 82. 
Gerrymander, 546-548. 

remedies for, 578-579. 
"Good" citizens, political indiffer- 
ence of, 1 1 8-1 19, 451. 
Good roads law, 36. 
Gorman, Senator A. P., 236, 237. 
Government employees, 37. 
Government ownership, Socialism 

and, 97. 
Grain grades and warehouse bills, 

35- 
"Grandfather clauses" in Southern 

States, 304 ff. 
Grand Junction, Colorado, 347. 
Grant, President, 204, 398-399. 
Great Britain, civil service reform 

in, 407. 



Socialism in, 82. 
"Great" parties, 16. 
Groat, G. G., 151 n, 153 n. 
"Gum-shoe" campaigns, 260-261. 



Hanna, Senator Marcus A., 238, 455. 

Harrison, President W. H., 374. 

Hawaii, Territory of, 192, 194. 

Hayes, President, civil service re- 
form under, 399. 

on political activity of office- 
holders, 411 n. 

Headquarters, New York County 
Republican, 277-278. 

Hearst, W. R., 75. 

Hill, David B., 352. 

"Hold-up" legislation, 558-559, 587- 

"Hoopla" or "hurrah" campaigns, 
260-261. 

House of Representatives (national), 
method of appointing committees 
in, 521. 

Hughes, Charles E., 48, 49, 72, 73, 
144-145, 313. 



Illinois — 

"belt-line" district in, 548. 

direct primary, 19 16, 150 n, 
155 n. 

legislature, 514 n. 

machine politics in, 462. 

marking ballot in, 333. 

primary candidates, 155 n. 

referendum in, 597. 

Socialist vote in, 74. 

woman's suffrage in, 310. 
Illinois, Legislative Voters' League, 

577- 

" Immunity" statutes, 572-573. 
Impeachment, in Oregon, 485. 

in South Carolina, 485. 

removal of officials by, 484-485, 

495- 
Incompetents, removal of, 383. 
Independence League, 75. 
Independence party, 16. 
Independent voting, 73, 333 ff. 
effect of ballot upon, 333 ff. 
increase of — 

in Kansas, 335. 

in Massachusetts, 335. 

in Michigan, 335. 

in Minnesota, 335. 

in Montana, 335. 

in Nevada, 335. 

in Rhode Island, 335. 

in Washington, 335. 



Index 



667 



in Wisconsin, 335. 

in Wyoming, 335. ( 

Indiana, marking ballots in, 333. 

Socialist vote in, 74. 

type of ballot, 332. 
Industrial demand, g8. 
Industrial reforms, 69, 98. 
Initiative, 465, 581 ff. 

bill-drafting under the, 593-594. 

denned, 581-582. 

direct and indirect, 585. 

educational value of, 587-588. 

in Maine, 594-595- 

procedure, 584-585. 

shifts legislative responsibility, 
591-592. 
Injunctions, 19, 23, 69. 
Instructions, binding force of, 197. 

to delegates in national con- 
vention, 196-197. 

to voters, 324. 
"Insurgents," 6, 67, 426. 
International congress, 95. 
International relations, 29. 
Interstate commerce, 46-47, 70. 
Issues, 1916, 48. 

Jackson, President, spoils system 

under, 371, 372, 373, 374. 
Jacksonian democracy, 126. 
Jenckes, Hon. Thomas A., 396-397, 

401. 
Johnson, Governor Hiram, 67. 
Judges, impeachment of, 495. 
recall of, 493 ff. 
removal of, 485, 493 ff. 
Judicial decisions, declaring legisla- 
tion unconstitutional, 497-498. 
"recall" or "review" of, 68, 
499 ff- 
Judicial recall. (See Judges.) 
Judiciary, the, independence of, 

494-495. 
Justice, reform in the administra- 
tion of, 96. 

Kansas, absent-voting law, 352-354. 

independent voting in, 335. 

recall in, 487. 
Kentucky, Australian ballot in, 323. 

partisan legislation, 545-546. 
Know-Nothing party, 303. 

Labor and labor laws, 22, 38. 
Labor plank (1908), 19. 
Labor reformers, 400. 
La Follette, Senator Robert, 20. 
Latin America, 31. 



Leaders, distinguished from bosses, 

450-457. 
Legislation, affecting fhe convention 
system, 134. 

amount of, 523 n. 

by initiative and referendum. 

(See Direct legislation.) 
executive influence on, 540—541. 
factors influencing, 537 ff. 
influence of caucus on, 548 ff. 
influence of public opinion on, 

555-556, 576-578. 
partisan, 544 h. 
ripper, 545. 
special, 526 ff. 
"strike," 558-559- 
Legislative agents, 580-581. 
Legislative bodies, bribery in, 558 ff, 

573- 

caucus in, 548 ff, 551 n. 
character of legislation, 526 ff. 
character of members, 512 ff. 
checks on parties in control of, 

511- 
choice of presiding officers, 518- 

519. 

committee system in, 521 ff. 
"common consent" in, 530. 
"conferences" in, 550. 
contested election cases in, 518, 

57 1 -. 
executive influence in, 540 ff. 
influence of the lobby, 551 ff. 
influence of the minority, 560. 
influence of the speaker, 519 ff. 
lack of experts in, 513-514. 
lack of legislative experience in, 

513-514. 
legislative reference libraries, 

574 ff- 
"log-rolling," 556-557. 
minority in, 560. 
minor offices in, 376, 520. 
politics in organization of, 518 ff. 
popular distrust of, 512 ff. 
practical politics in, 511 ff. 
procedure in, 529 ff. 
rules of, 529-530. 
smothering legislation, 525, 

526 n. 
special sessions, 543-544. 
Legislative caucus, 126, 167-169, 

548 ff : 
Legislative counsel, 580. 
Legislative districts, gerrymander 

of, 546-548. 
Legislative evils, remedies for, 570 ff. 
Legislative extravagance, log-rolling 
and, 557. 



(>(>S 



Index 



Legislative procedure, constitutional 
provisions regulating, vo, 5a l - 

gavel rule in, s;o s.; i . 

pernicious amendments, 5,u 
5a-'. 

reform, y/o >'/ i . 
Legislative reference libraries, 574 IT. 

for Congress, 575 570. 
Legislative Voters' Leagues. 570 IT. 
Legisl.it 01 s. character of, 51 j tT. 

inexpci ience of, sis 

inllucnccd by lobbyists, 51O. 

lack i>f experts among. 51^ 51.}. 

narrow conception of functions, 
510 ci 7. 

owned by special interests, 510. 

timidity of, > i.;, 515, 

"Letter of acceptance," >.;. 

1 .iberal Republicans, .joo. 

Library of Congress, y;o. 

I ilc above property, jo. 

Life insurance companies, "hold 

up" bills affect iug. s.so- 
Life insurance invest igatiim, in New 

York. ,\SS. 
Lincoln's use oi patronage, ^Sy n. 
Lobby, the, intluence of, 551 tV. 

in Congress, >•> 1 . 
Lobbying, by legislators, ss •. 

causes of, >> 1 >>>. 

checked by referendum, 5S0 
sS;. 

illegitimate, s> .' >>.;• 

in Congress. >> : . 

in New Y01 k, >,s^. 

remedies for, 5 So sSi . 

under boss rule. >>.; >>}. 
Lobbyists, two classes of, ,sy'. 
Local commit tees, .\\\ • jo 

canvass ol voters by. : \ \ : i> 

composition ol. : \ :> .\jo. 

rules of. : i> :.}(>. 

study of, .- i.s -' jo. 
" Local co operating plan," 572. 
Local nominations, bibliography, 
1 •! i • ; 

1 vh .1 1 otVu es, nominations for, too tl. 

city nominations, 1 10. 
*• i og rolling," 550* 
1 orimej . \\ uliam, 171, 
1 os Vngeles. California, 75. 
1 ouisiana, "grandfather clause" in, 
>M SOS, 

* n ii set vice law, 1 »o d 

Louisville, Ki'iihukv, Australian lul 
lot In, .; '.; 

Machines ^political) and bo: 



bibliography. -17} 4S1 . 

connection with legislative com- 
mittees. 5 : : 5 .*.;. 

control of administrative pol 
icies, 45S 450. 

control of legislative bodies, 
400 .|(>i, 522-523. 

control of nominations ami elec- 
tions, .;.}.'. jsS. 

defined, 4^,;. 

distinguished from "organiza- 
tion." 4^ 4.44. 

diltingui sheil from "ring." 4^5. 

factors in development of, 
•117 IT. 

intluence ol spoils system on, 
,;So. 

intluence on administrative pol- 
icies. jsS i.so. 

in Philadelphia, 4 ;.p 

oi David It. Hill, in New York, 

of Ouav and Penrose, in Penn- 
sylvania. .}.; \. 
relations with low class inter 

ests. 4 04 405. 
relations with trade unions, 4O4. 
remedies for, 045 tl 
revolts against , 405 
Tanunain . (.;■, Il 
Mckinley. President. :o.\. :(\s. .\:.\. 
Maine, direct legislation in, >o 1 tl 

educational test in. %0 | 
Majority report on national plat 

form, 10 
Manageable voters, political ma 

chines ami, | > : . 
Marketing. ,;o 
Maryland, marking ballot in. ;.;i. 

presidential primary in, 100 
Massachusetts. Australian ballot in, 

331 
civil service reform in, no. 

educatiou.il test in. >\ ; ,;o j. 
independent voting in, ,;.;> 
regulation ol committee meet- 
ings, $aj n 

rennn al ol unlr.es in. 405. 

type ol ballot. ,;,; 1 , .;;.; 
Massachusetts Civic League. 570. 
Mass meetings, 250 
Measures to insure peace. 04. 
Merchant marine. ,;,; ,; \ 
Merit system, extension of, jov 

extent of. jos jo(> 

opposition to. |oo jo- 

\See Civil servi( e reform ) 

Met nam. C 1'. conclusions on di- 
rect pi imary, 154 1 50. 



Iml 



ex 



<>o<) 



Mexico, 3a _>,;, 50, 

Michigan, independent voting in, 

335' 

marking ballot in. ,;.;.;. 
Militarism, go. 

Milwaukee, Socialist Btrength in, 75. 
Minnesota, direct legislation in, 

50| n. 

independent voting in, ,v>5- 
law on campaign expenditures, 

286, 
law on political advertisements, 
183, 
Minority, Legislation influenced l>y, 
560. 

'Minority report" in national COD 

ventions, u>. 
" Minor " part ies, [6, <>5- 
Mississippi, " shoe st i in:; " district 

I 11 '.*!'-. 

Mississippi valley, prevention oi 

Hoods in, .| j. 
Missouri, l>oss rule in, 460 n, |(>.\ 

form of ballot in, 324 a, 
marking ballot in, 333. 

Soc ialist VOte in, 7 p 

Monongahela Club, 442, 

Monopolies, Socialists and, 7S. 
Monroe I )oi triiu\ .; 1, i .' .;.>, o.|, 05- 

Munidpal government, dvd service 
reform in, i e8 n 

retail in, jNo. 

spoils system in, | iS | u). 

Munidpal aon partisan law, 1 17 n. 

Murphy, Charles \\ .j.jo \.\ i . 

National administ rat ion, indorse 

ment of, 2 1 , 55- 
National American Woman Suffrage 

Association, ,;n 3 ' 2. 
National Association of Democratic 

Clubs, 358 
National hanks, contributions pro- 
hibited, 283. 

National chairman, 2.14 2,t«X. 

functions of, 83S 236* 

intluence of, .\^> 2^8. 
National c onnnit tee, 2 17 2 iS. 

auxiliary * jmmittees, 233 135, 
new met hods of, 
origin, 232. 
powers of, 21 7 1 [8. 
-e( retary of, 238 339. 
subcommit tees 

National Convention, apportion 

ment of delegates in, los 11. 
bibliography, 222. 

< 'all for, [00 [pi. 

( harat tex <»i delegatei 



committees in, 108. 
committees on notification, 1x6 
contesting delegations, 200 1 re 
defects of 1x6 B 
delegates, 1916, to 1 
instruction oi delegates, 100- 
107. 

nominalin:'. DTO( edine. 1 1 | 1 1 . . 

opening session. 107 fit. 
permanent 1 hairman, 1 to .mi. 
platform, a 1 1 
pre convention campaign, 103 

104, 
preliminary arrangements, [QOj 

101 n. 

scene of, 203 106 

temporary < hah man, 207 »oS. 

temporal 3 i<>n. 1 1 7 1 [8. 

National Coinu il E6l Women Voters, 

,i» > 
National defense, .jo. 
National executive committee, So- 

dalist] 85. 

Nat ional lu-ad(|nai teis, [Ql6, 238 n. 
National pari V, how lorined, i(» 

National plat form, origin, \ 1 
National Progressive party, 67, <>s, 

7». 7-'. 7J. 

expenditures of, 169. 
national convention, 07. 
platform. 68 

National Publicity hill Orr.ani.a 

tion, 288. 

National Uepnblu .in;, \ \ . 

National Voters' League, 

Navy yards, merit Bystem extended 

tO, I 1 5 n. 

Nebraska, marking ballot in, 333. 
Negro Buffrage. (See Suffrage qua] 
incations, Bducational Qualities 

tions.) 
Nevada, independent VOling in, 335, 

New Jersey, 1 1\ il sen it e reform in, 

•po. 

envelope ballot in, . 
mat Inne politic B in. | v • 

number of t andidates in, .;.;<>. 
persona] regist rat i»>n in, 3021 

Newspaper,, in ( anipai:.n B, ■'<' I 

Socialist, 86. 
New York Call, Sodalist paper, 86. 

New York ( 'iti/.ens' I Inion, |.|g. 

New Vbrk custom-house removals, 
38a, 

early dvil :.er\ n e reform in, 

398, 309. 

mat Inne polifn 9 in, | J \. 

marking ballots in, 3 



670 



Index 



number of elective offices in, 

34°- 
party expenditures in, 277 ff. 
primaries in, 115 n, 118. 
primary ballot in, 330. 
Tammany organization, 435 ff. 
Tweed Ring, 435. 
New York Civil Service Reform 

Association, 401. 
New York legislature, expert drafts- 
men in, 576. 
lobby in, 553. 
New York State, civil service re- 
form in, 419. 

constitutional convention, 191 5, 

345 n. 
convention system in, 130-13 1. 
delegates to national conven- 
tion, 212. 
machine politics in, 450, 462. 
origin of spoils system, 376. 
party test in primaries, 146. 
removal of judges in, 495. 
woman's suffrage in, 310, 311. 
Nominating methods, 109 ff. 
Nominations, boss control of, 342. 
by caucus or primary, no. 
by conventions, no. 
by direct primary elections, 

110-111, 140 ff. 
by petitions, in. 
by self-announcement, no. 
five methods of, 1 10-1 1 1 . 
for city offices, 113. 
for county and State offices, 

124 ff. 
for Federal offices, 165 ff, 190 ff. 
for local offices, 109 ff. 
Non-competitive service, officials in- 
cluded in, 406 n, 412-413. 
political activity of, 413 ff. 
Non-partisan ballot, 338-339. 
Non-partisan primary, 147. 
North Carolina, ''grandfather 

clause" in, 304, 305. 
North Dakota absentee voting law, 
354- 

Objects of party organization, 4, 255. 

"O'Connell, James," fictitious can- 
didate, 341. 

Odell, Benjamin B., 462. 

"Office-brokers," senators become, 
377-378. 

Office-holders, assessment of, 273 ff, 
410. 

in national convention, 217. 
political activity of, 410 ff. 

Offices, superfluous, 548. 



Ogden bill, Maryland, 599. 
O'Hara, Michael, Association, 442. 
Ohio, civil service reform in, 419. 

constitutional amendment, 503. 
Oil City, Pennsylvania, 341. 
Oklahoma, "grandfather clause" in, 

306. 
"One-dollar" campaign subscrip- 
tion, 270. 
"Open" primaries, 141. 
objections to, 142. 
Oregon, campaign expenditures in, 
286. 
direct legislation in, 581, 587, 

597- 
impeachment in, 485. 
nomination and election of 
United States senators in, 
174-176. 
presidential primary in, 200. 
publicity pamphlets in, 262- 

263, 587. 
recall in, 486, 487, 490, 491-493, 
496. 
Organization (party), 3, 4. 

distinguished from machine, 

433-434- 
importance in campaigns, 231- 

232, 249. 
of women voters, 246 ff. 

Pacific States Tel. & Tel. Co. vs. 

Oregon, 590 n. 
"Packed" primaries, 116-117. 
Pan-American concord, 31. 
Parker, Col. J. M., 73. 
Parker, Judge A. B., 52. 
"Parlor" caucuses, 118. 
Parties, a proof of American politi- 
cal capacity, 10. 

extra-legal institutions, 11-12. 
indispensable in United States, 

10. 
powerful forces for good, 10. 
under popular government, 9. 
Partisan legislation, 544 ff. 
Party, defined, 9. 

disruption of, 5. 
Party allegiance, direct primary 

tests of, 145-147. 
Party characteristics, 3 ff. 
Party column, ballots with, 332. 
effect on independent voting, 
333, 334- 
Party committees, affected by pub- 
licity laws, 249. 
affected by direct primary, 
249-250. 



Index 



671 



Governor Hughes's suggestion, 

250. 
irresponsibility of, 249-250. 
Party expediency, legislation influ- 
enced by, 544 ff. 
Party expenditures, illegitimate, 
279 ff. 
in national campaigns, 268-269, 

276 ff. 
in New York County, 277-278. 
legitimate, 276 ff. 
publicity for, 287 ff. 
Party finance, 268 ff. 

bibliography, 293-297. 
Party leadership, effect of boss con- 
trol on, 132-133. 
Party machinery, 230 ff. 
army of privates, 251. 
bibliography, 253-254. 
congressional campaign com- 
mittees, 239-240. 
Democratic innovation, 251- 

252. 
efficiency of, 250. 
in Indiana, 250. 
in New York, 250. 
in Pennsylvania, 250. 
local committees, 243 ff. 
national chairman, 234 ff. 
national committee, 233 ff. 
national secretary, 238. 
purpose of, 255. 
State central committees, 240 ff . 
Party measures, caucus considera- 
tion of, 548 ff. 

in legislative bodies, 544-545. 
Party organization, distinguished 

from machine, 433-434. 
Party regularity, machine politics 

and, 451. 
Party revenue, sources of, 220 ff. 
Party rules, 133. 
"Pass" examinations, 395-396. 
"Patrick Divver Association, " 442. 
Patronage, 368 n. 
Payment of delegates, 205 n. 
Peace, Socialist and, 94. 
Pendleton, Senator George H., 401. 
Pendleton act. (See Civil service 

act.) 
Pennsylvania, ' ' assistance ' ' clause 
in, 326. 

ballot in, 332. 
bipartisan boards, 453. 
"dumb-bell" district in, 547. 
law regulating campaign expen- 
ditures, 285-286. 
machine politics in, 434, 447 n, 
450 n, 453 n, 460 n. 



personal registration in, 302. 

presidential electors, 183. 

" Reorganizers, " 453 n. 

Republican machine, 450 n. 3. 

ripper legislation in, 528 n. 

Socialist vote in, 74. 
Pennsylvania legislature, appoint- 
ment of committees in, 522 n, 
52411. 

disorderly proceedings in, 53 1 n. 

minor officials in, 520 n. 

number of committees in, 524 n. 
Penrose, Senator Boies, 460 n. 
Pensions, 43. 
"People's" lobby, 577. 
People's party, 16. 
Permanent chairman of national 

convention, 210-21 1. 
Permanent organization of national 

convention, 210-2 n. 
"Pernicious activity" of office-hold- 
ers, 410 ff. 
Personal registration, 302-303. 

in New Jersey, 302. 

in Pennsylvania, 302. 
Petition, nomination by, in, 136. 

for recall election, 486-487, 492. 

in connection with direct legis- 
lation, 584. 
Philadelphia, 

civil service reform in, 401. 

fictitious candidates in, 341. 

Gas Ring, 435. 

municipal campaign, 1911, 
464 n, 467 n. 

non-partisan primary, 147 n. 

number of council committees, 

524. 
number of elective offices, 340. 
removal of finance clerk in, 410. 
Republican machine or "organ- 
ization" in, 448. 
Philanthropic institutions, need of 

more, 469 ff. 
Phihppine Islands, 41, 95, 192, 194. 
Phillips, Wendell, 495. 
Physical valuation of railroads, 20. 
Pierce, President, 214. 
"Planks" defined, 17. 
"^late" matter, 264. 
Platform, characteristics of, 17-18. 
committee on, 211. 
Democratic and Republican, 

1916, 20 ff. 
differences, 191 6, 47. 
drafting and adoption of, 18-19, 

an. 
in State campaigns, 54-55. 
pledges, 50-51. 



672 



Index 



Progressive, 68 ff. 
significance of, 50-51. 
Socialist, 90 ff. 
Policy of a party, 6, 8. 
Political activity, of "good" citi- 
zens, 467-468. 

of office-holders, 410 ff. 
Political advertisements, 283. 
Political assessments, 273 ff. 

prohibited under civil service 

act, 410. 
removal at Philadelphia, for, 

410. 
removal at Port Huron, Mich., 
for, 410. 
Political demands, Socialists', 95 ff. 
Political Socialism, 81 ff. 
Poole's Index on civil service re- 
form, 401. 
Popular election of senators, argu- 
ments for and against, 177 ff. 
bibliography, 187-189. 
movement for, 176 ff. 
Seventeenth Amendment, 181- 
182. 
"Popular review" of judicial de- 
cisions, 68, 499 ff. 
Populist party, 73. 

Platform (1892), 177. 
"Pork-barrel" legislation, 557, 572. 
Port Huron, Michigan, 410. 
Porto Rico, 192, 194. 
Post Roads, aid for, 37. 
Postal service, 23. 

Precinct captain, in Tammany or- 
ganization, 445-446. 
Pre-convention campaign for presi- 
dential nomination, 203-204. 
Preferential voting, 347 ff. 
arguments for, 349. 
effect of, 200—201. 
in primary, 158-159. 
spread of, 347. 
Preparedness, 28, 72, 91. 
Pre-primary conventions, 156 n. 
President, message of, 416-417. 
nomination of, 190 ff. 
power of, 94. 
veto of, 542. 
Presidential campaign (1908), 16; 
(1912), 16 n; (1916), 16 n, 48- 

50. 
party machinery in a, 231. 
publicity of contributions and 
expenditures in, 287 ff. 
Presidential candidate, factors de- 
termining availability of, 214-215. 
letter of acceptance, 53, 216. 
notification of, 216. 



speech of acceptance, 53, 216. 

views of, 19, 52-53. 
Presidential electors, 182-184. 
Presidential electors at large, 183. 
Presidential primary, 198 ff. 
Preston, M. R., S3. 
Primary, 112 ff. 

call for, 113-114. 

cost of, 150 n, 151 n. 

distinguished from direct pri- 
mary election, 113 n. 

evils of, 115 ff. 

participation in, 118-119. 

place of holding, 115. 

presidential, 198 ff. 

rules governing, 117. 
Principles of a party, 6, 8. 
Prison reform, 43 . 
Private property, Socialism and, 79, 

92. 
Probationary appointments, 404. 
"Progressive," 6, 67. 

party, 67-68, 71, 72-73. 
Prohibition party, 16, 73. 
Proportional representation, 579- 

580. m 
Protection of American rights, 42. 
Protection of citizens, 42. 
Protection of the country, 28. 
"Proxies," 129. 
Public health, 39. 

Publicity, as a remedy for gerry- 
manders, 578-579. 

for campaign contributions and 
expenditures, 20, 287 ff. 
Publicity laws, 287 ff, 468-469. 
Publicity pamphlets, in Oregon, 
262 ff, 587-588. 

in other States, 263. 
Public opinion, influence of, upon 
legislation, 555~556. 

Quay machine in Pennsylvania, 

434- 
Questions and Topics — 
ch. I, 12-13. 
ch. II, 55-57. 
ch. Ill, 101-102. 
ch. IV, 120-12 1. 
ch. V, 137-138. 
ch. VI, 159-160. 
ch. VII, 184-187. 
ch. VIII, 220-222. 
ch. IX, 252-253. 
ch. X, 265-266. 
ch. XI, 291-293. 
ch. XII, 314-316. 
ch. XIII, 359-361. 
ch. XIV, 388-389. 



Index 



673 



ch. XV, 421-424. 
ch. XVI, 472-474. 
ch. XVII, 504-505. 
ch. XVIII, 532-533. 
ch. XIX, 561-563. 
ch. XX, 600-602. 

"Rallies," 256. 

Recall, the advantages of, 490-491. 

applied to the judiciary, 493 ff. 

causes producing, 490. 

checks upon the use of, 489-490. 

defects of, 491-493. 

in Oregon, 491-493. 

petitions under, 486-487, 492. 

procedure under, 486-488. 

removal by, 486 ff. 
Recall of judges, 493 ff. 

arguments against, 498. 

arguments in favor of, 497. 

in Arizona, 496. 

in California, 496. 

in Oregon, 496. 

President Taft on, 496. 
"Recall of judicial decisions," 68, 
499 ff. 

in Colorado, 503. 
Referendum, the, 582. 

defeats good legislation, 592- 
593. 

denned, 582. 

educational value of, 587-588. 

emergency measures excepted 
from, 584. 

in Illinois, 597. 

lobbying checked by, 586-587. 

on nominations, 135. 

optional and obligatory, 584. 

procedure under, 584. 

weakens legislative responsibil- 
ity, 592. 
Reformers, methods of, 470. 
Reforms in legislative organization, 

570-571. 
Registration, in New Jersey, 302. 

in Pennsylvania, 302. 

officials in Southern States, 304, 
307- 

personal, 302-303. 
" Regular" faction, 6. 
Remedial legislation, affecting party 

finance, 281 ff. 
Removal (from office), 484 ff. 

acts of 1820, 1836, 371-372. 

after 1840, 374. 

different methods of, 484-486. 

governor's power of, 484. 

in New York, 485. 

in Oregon, 485. 



in South Carolina, 485. 
of incompetents, 383. 
President's power of, 370-371, 

Removals, effect of civil service re- 
form upon, 415-416. 
frequency of, 382. 
recent State laws, 483 n. 
"Reorganizes," in Pennsylvania, 

453 n. 
"Repeating," 301. 
Representatives in Congress, nom- 
ination of, 165 ff. 

publicity for expenditures by, 

200. 
restriction of expenditures by, 
287. 
Republican (party), campaign ex- 
penditures, 268-269. 
caucus rule, 551 n. 
machine in Philadelphia, 448 n. 
national convention, 19, 20, 72, 

191, 192, 193, 194. 
platform, 17, 21 ff, 308, 400. 
Republican College League, 258. 
Republican National League, 258. 
Responsibility of public officers, 

482 ff. 
Revenue (party), 268 ff. 
Rhode Island, independent voting 

in, 335. 
"Riders," 543. 

"Ripper" legislation, 527-528, 545. 
River and harbor legislation, 418. 
Roosevelt, Theodore, 67, 270, 285, 
456, 500, 501 n. 

civil service reform under, 407, 

411, 414, 417. 
recall of judicial decisions, 
499 ff. 
"Rotation in office," 373. 
Rules and order of business in na- 
tional convention, 208-209. 
Rules committee, 539-540. 
Rural credits, 35. 
Rural free delivery, 23, 415 n. 
Russell, Charles E., 75. 
Russian treaty, 1832, 42-43. 

"'Saddle-bags" district, 548. 
Sample ballots, 345. 
San Francisco, civil service reform 
in, 401. 

Socialist vote in, 75. 
Schurz, Carl, 407. 
Scientific farming, 36. 
Scott, General Winneld, 214. 
Searchlight on Congress, 578. 



674 



Index 



Secretary of national committee, 

238. 
Senate, " courtesy" of, 378-379. 
Senate rules, 39. 
Senatorial vacancies, 1 81-182. 
Senators (United States), arguments 
for popular election of, 177 ff. 
bibliography on popular elec- 
tion, 187-189. 
constitutional amendment for 
popular election of, 176-177, 
181-182. 
nomination by direct primary, 

174. 

nomination in legislatures, 
167 ff. 

objections to legislative elec- 
tion of, 170 ff. 

objections to popular election, 

179 ff. 
popular election of, 20, 177 ff. 
publicity for expenditures by, 

290. 
restriction of expenditures by, 
287. 
Separate elections, 337-338. 
Seventeenth Amendment, 181-182. 
Seventh ward women's organiza- 
tion, 247 ff. 
"Shoe-string" district, 547. 
Short ballot movement, 343 ff, 466. 
Signatures to petitions, 140, 487, 

492-493, 584-585. 
"Snap" caucus or primary, 116. 
Social Democratic party. (See So- 
cialist party.) 
Socialism, and competition, 78. 

and government ownership, 

79-80, 97. 
and private property, 79, 92. 
bibliography, 102-108. 
future of, 99-101. 
in trade-unions, 86-87. 
negative economic creed, 77-78. 
political programme of, 81-82, 

95-96. 
positive economic creed, 79-81. 
principles of, 76 ff. 
unconscious trend toward, 100- 

101. 
United Mine Workers and, 87. 
Western Federation of Miners, 
87. 
Socialist Labor party, 16, 82-83. 
Socialist party, 16 
annual dues, 85. 
collective ownership, 97. 
committees, 85. 



delegates to national conven- 
tion, 88-89. 
"enrolled" members, 84-85. 
future of, 99-101. 
gains in 1910, 75-76. 
industrial demands, 98. 
"locals," 84. 

national convention, 88-89. 
national executive committee, 

85. 

national secretary, 85. 

organization, 84-85. 

origin, 84. 

peace measures, 94. 

periodicals, 86. 

platform, 89, 90 ff. 

political demands, 95-96. 

presidential vote, 74-75. 

propaganda, 85-86. 

referendum, 88, 89. 

resignation of officials, 89. 

working program, 95. 
Socialists, offices held by, 76. 

on direct legislation, 585-586. 
Social reforms, 69. 
Social service, Tammany, 443. 
South Carolina, impeachment in, 

485. 
Southern States in national conven- 
tion, 193-194. 
Speaker, the, character of, 519-520. 
choice of, 519. 
power of appointment, 537. 
power of recognition, 538-539. 
power of reference, 537. 
sources of power, 520. 
Speakers' bureau, 256-257. 
Special interests and political ma- 
chines, 463-464. 
Special legislation a source of cor- 
ruption, 527. 

constitutional provisions 

against, 527. 
excessive amount of, 527. 
"ripper" legislation, 527-528. 
Special sessions, power to call, 543 n, 

544- 
"Speech of acceptance, 53, 216. 
"Spellbinders," 256-257. 
"Split," in party, 5. 

in Democratic and Republican 

parties, 1896, 20. 
in Democratic party, i860, 20. 
Spoils of office. (See Spoils system.) 
Spoils system, 367 ff, 

acts of 1820 and 1836, 37i~372. 
attitude of public toward, 380- 

381. 
bibliography, 389-392. 



Index 



675 



defense of, 380. 

determines motives of politi- 
cians, 367-368. 

effect on senators and repre- 
sentatives, 377-378. 

essential features of, 375. 

evils of, 381 ff. 

Federal constitution and, 360^- 
37o. 

frequency of removals, 382. 

in State and municipal govern- 
ments, 375-376, 379. 

machine rule and, 468. 

origin of, 369. 

political evils of, 383 ff. 

power of removal and, 370-371. 

President Jackson and, 371. 

relation to political machines, 

44 ? ff '. « 
rotation in office and, 373 _ 374- 

Whig party and, 374~375- 
Standing committees, Tammany, 

441. 
"Stand-patters," 6. 
State central committees, 195, 240 ff. 
composition of, 241-242. 
letter of New York, 547 n. 
officers of, 242. 

powers and duties of, 241-242. 
State constitutions, on negro suf- 
frage, 304 ff. 

limitations on legislatures, 527, 
530, 53i, 57o. 
State conventions and senatorial 
aspirants, 173. 

nomination of congressmen by, 

166. 
nomination of presidential elec- 
tors by, 183. 
size of, 125. 
State legislatures, and senatorial 
elections, 170 ff. 

constitutional restrictions upon, 

527, 530, S3i, 570. 
nomination of candidates for, 

124-125. 

popular distrust of, 412 ff. 

spoils system in, 376. 

"Statement No. 1," in Oregon, 176. 

"Statement No. 2," in Oregon, 176. 

State nominations, bibliography, 

138-139. 
State offices, nominations for, 124 ff. 

spoils system and, 379. 
"State-wide" direct primary, 143. 
Statutes, affecting caucus or pri- 
mary, 121. 

recognizing political parties, n. 
Stay-at-home voters, 299, 595 n. 



Stephenson, Senator Isaac, 151 n. 
"Still hunt" campaigns, 260. 
"Straddling" planks, 18, 52. 
"Strike" legislation, 559. 
"Stump-speakers," 256-257. 
Suffrage, two conceptions of the, 

298. 
Suffrage qualifications, age and resi- 
dence, 300 ff. 

bibliography, 316-321. 

citizenship and, 298. 

educational tests, 303 ff. 

Fifteenth Amendment, 300. 

Fourteenth Amendment, 307- 
308. 

"grandfather clauses," 304 ff. 

in Connecticut, 303. 

in Maine, 304. 

in Massachusetts, 304. 

in Southern States, 304 ff. 

in Wyoming, 304. 

preliminary registration, 301. 

property, 301. 

regulated by State law, 300. 

tax payment, 301. 
Sugar trust, 288. 
Sullivan, "Little Tim," 469, 472. 
Sullivan, Timothy D., Association, 

442. 
Susan B. Anthony amendment, 
311 n. 

Taft, President, 52, 204, 414, 415 n, 

496, 501. 
Tammany Hall. (See Tammany 

organization.) 
Tammany organization, 435 ff. 
annual dues, 441-442. 
auxiliary committee, 437. 
charitable work of, 443 n. 
county leader, 440-441. 
district general committee, 

435 ff- 
district leaders, 438 ff. 
executive committee, 444 ff. 
general committee, 443. 
precinct captain, 445-446. 
social service, 443. 
Tariff, Democratic and Republican 
parties on, 23-24, 49. 

downward revision, 22, 53. 
Republican plank in 1908, 52. 
Tariff commission, 25. 
Temporary chairman of national 

convention, 207. 
Tennessee, law against contribu- 
tions by corporations, 283. 
Territories, 45. 



676 



Index 



"Third" parties, 65 ff. 

importance of, 66—67. 
"Ticket-splitting," 335- 
Topics, Questions and — 

ch. I, 12-13. 

ch. II, 55-57- 

ch. Ill, 101-102. 

ch. IV, 1 20-1 2 1. 

ch. V, 137-138. 

ch. VI, 159-160. 

ch. VII, 184-187. 

ch. VIII, 220-222. 

ch. IX, 252-253. 

ch. X, 265-266. 

ch. XI, 291-293. 

ch. XII, 314-316. 

ch. XIII, 359-361. 

ch. XIV, 388-389. 

ch. XV, 421-424. 

ch. XVI, 472-474- 

ch. XVII, 504-505. 

ch. XVIII, 532-533. 

ch. XIX, 561-563. 

ch. XX, 600-602. 
Trade commission, 22. 
Trade-unions, Socialism in, 86-88. 
Transportation, 46. 
Treaty with Russia, 42. 
Tweed Ring, 435. 
Two-party system, 65. 
Two-thirds rule, 212-213. 

Underwood tariff, 49. 
Unemployment, 98. 
United Mine Workers, 87. 
United States, Socialism in, 82 ff . _ 
United States civil service commis- 
sion, creation of, 403. 

functions of, 403-404, 410, 412. 
Unit rule, 212-213, 214. 

Vacancies in Senate, 181-182. 
Venal voters, in Adams County, 
Ohio, 280. 

in Connecticut, 280. 

in Indiana, 280. 

in New York City, 280. 

in Vermilion County, Illinois, 
280. 
Vermilion County, Illinois, 280. 
Vermont, absent-voters law, 352. 
Veterans, 403. 



Veto, 541-542, 572, 585 n. 

Vice-chairman, National Commit- 
tee, 238. 

Vice-President, 215. 

Violence in primaries, 116. 

Voters, indifference of, n8-ii9» 
45i, 595-596. 

Voting population, 298. 

Ward boss, social service of, 469 ff. 
"Watchers," 322. 
Waterways and flood control, 44. 
Western Federation of Miners, 87. 
West Point, 558. 
Wheatland, Pennsylvania., 341. 
"Who's Who" ballot, 345~346. 
Wilson, President, 19, 45, 48, 50, 
72, 73, 202, 204. 

on nomination of President, 
202. 

on woman's suffrage, 313. 
Winthrop, Massachusetts, 341. 
Wisconsin, anti-lobbying law, 581. 

civil service reform in, 419. 

direct primary in, 141-142. 

independent voting in, 335. 

law prohibiting campaign con- 
tributions, 284. 

legislative reference library, 

574-575- 

marking ballots m, 331. 

open primary in, 141-142. 
Wisconsin State Federation of La- 
bor, 87. 
Woman's suffrage, 41, 49, 310 ff. 

amendments defeated, 311. 

attitude of Republicans and 
Progressives, 313. 

bibliography, 316-321. 

in Congress, 312 ff. 

in Illinois, 310. 

in national platforms, 41, 311 ff. 

progress of, 310 ff. 

questions and topics on, 314- 
316. 

States, 310. 
Women voters' organizations, 246 ff. 
Wyoming, educational test, 304. 

independent voting in, 335. 

Young Men's National Republican 
convention, 1832, 54. 



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